COSATU's 6th CONGRESS:

Defend, consolidate, advance!

BUILDING ORGANISATION

It was resolved to strengthen COSATU locals and regionals, to develop shop stewards, and to establish regular mini-conferences (Central Committee (CC)) between Congresses. Congress also resolved to develop women workers' leadership.

There was some centralisation- COSATU affiliates will merge into 6 super-unions. All six national Office Bearers are now full-time officials. The federation has increased power to discipline affiliates. COSATU will approach FEDUSA and NACTU to promote union unity.

THE ALLIANCE

COSATU reaffirmed its commitment to the Triple Alliance of ANC-COSATU-SACP. It will support ANC in the 1999 elections. COSATU resolved to help build and fund the SACP. COSATU has restated its commitment to socialism.

Concretely, COSATU wants to use the Alliance as a tool for transformation: to increase its "working class bias" in the "national democratic revolution".

In particular, COSATU hopes that it can win support for its own economic policies: "decisive" State intervention in economic growth, training, and basic social services. COSATU also believes that workplace "democratisation" will promote growth. COSATU will still use NEDLAC, the body in which business, unions and government discuss labour law and development issues.

COSATU rejected the ANC government's GEAR policy, which centres on privatisation, subsidy cuts, and "downsizing" the public service.

INTERNATIONAL UNITY

COSATU resolved to build "international workers unity" and fight attacks on workers. It has now joined the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, and is committed to building solidarity with unions in Southern Africa and elsewhere. COSATU will also campaign for democracy and worker rights in Nigeria, Swaziland, Western Australia and Indonesia.

WHICH WAY AHEAD? SOME QUESTIONS

The Congress was a real milestone. It shows the unions continued defence of socialism and workers unity across race, sex, and national divisions.

But questions remain.

Firstly, it is well known that the ANC in government has repeatedly adopted anti-worker policies. These include GEAR, electricity cut-offs and arrests of strikers. The Alliance structures have proved unable to make the ANC change its course. More worker influence will not change this- ANC is driven to the positions it takes by the fact that it includes capitalist groups, and by the fact that it is involved in the capitalist government. COSATU would be in a better position to fight for workers' rights if its was not tied to ANC.

Secondly, what do we mean by "socialism"? Is socialism simply a strong government? Clearly not- the apartheid regime intervened in the economy. Socialism does not mean a "nicer" capitalism- while reforms are important, it is true that as long as there are bosses and rulers, workers will never be free. In the end, socialism will require a revolution by mobilised workers-not reforms from above.

Thirdly, we need to start drawing the lessons of NEDLAC. Throughout the world involvement in such structures has never brought gains to workers. Instead, it has eroded workers control of the unions. NEDLAC has failed to stop the GEAR policy, or win workers demands in Labour Relations Act or Basic Conditions of Employment Act. Most workers have never even heard of NEDLAC- a clear danger signal. We must leave NEDLAC before it damages our unions. We must rely on mass action - not "policy work" - to win real gains.

Next, Congress failed to take a clear position on union investment arms. These bodies- set up to invest union money- pose incredible dangers to the unions. Few unions have any clear mandate for their operation, or clear structures to keep them under workers control. In NUM, officials such as Marcel Golding have used these bodies to make millions of rands for themselves. We face a massive crisis if union activists start to see the unions as a route to big money.

Also, many investment arms have been involved in business consortiums that bought up privatised firms and other companies.

The result has been crisis for unions such as SARHWU, as union investment arms have sat across the table from shop-floor delegates in negotiations over retrenchments and wages. The result is a divided union. How can we fight effectively if sections of our union have joined the bosses? Unions should not be actively involved in business deals. This is corrupting. Union money should be left in the bank, and used to fund organising drives, support strikes and a daily workers newspaper.

Lastly, the increase in the number of paid officials could pose real dangers. The growth of a centralised, full-time leadership undermines worker control of unions, leading to conflicts between ordinary members and a bureaucratic leadership removed from the shop floor. We should avoid setting up full-time posts, and keep power in the grassroots and shop-steward structures.

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