Swaziland: phambili basebenzi!
IT HAS been a volatile year for Swaziland, the tiny "Mountain
Kingdom". Progressives have fought to replace the antique monarchy
with a modern parliamentary democracy. Support for the pro-democracy
movement has been consistently growing since the liberation of
neighbouring South Africa in 1994.
The movement has lead to open street battles between
demonstrators and the Royal Swazi Police, to detention and beating of
unionists and human rights activists, to a media blackout, to brave
acts of sabotage (despite a threatened life sentence for those
caught), to international workers' solidarity and to two successful
general strikes this year!
IRON FIST IN THE VELVET GLOVE
The tourist brochures sing the praises of this "idyllic"
kingdom.
But the reality is harsher. Unemployment runs at perhaps 40%
and a stagnating economy. State corruption, illiteracy and AIDS are
rampant. Under the traditional system, women have few economic or
reproductive rights.
In the streets of Manzini, riot police arrest members of the
People's United Democratic Movement (Pudemo) for the "crime" of
singing gospel songs in small groups on the pavement. This is a
country where human rights activists are detained for no reason.
Because the country is so small, virtually everyone is
connected in some way, so family ties make it difficult for a social
revolution to develop. But develop it has!
The Swazi people have finally had enough of being exploited. A
constitutional review commission appointed by the king to examine
political liberalisation after a powerful 1996 strike is seen as a
council of the rich and has very little grassroots support. But
people can be jailed for "belittling" the commission.
Few, if any workers, are brave enough to blame the fat-cat
king. He has been smart enough to remove himself from the daily
affairs of the country. Besides, it is a secretive cabal of senators,
tribal leaders and multinational capitalists who really run the show,
not him. And it was their exploitative interests that the strikers
targeted this year.
THE STRIKES
In January, the Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions called a
two-day strike to protest the state's inaction on its 27 labour and
social demands that were lodged in 1994. The key demand was the
repeal of the 1973 royal decree that outlawed free assembly and free
political activity (and thus democracy) in the country. It was meant
to be a two-day industrial strike, but the government foolishly
overplayed its hand and arrested four leading unionists.
Popular disapproval at the arrests widened the strike out from
its initial centre in the key sugar, timber and mining sectors into
manufacturing, communications, and education. Junior journalists in
the government-owned newspapers also backed the strikers - despite a
government ban on reporting the strike - and support spread like
wildfire among civil servants.
The general strike that resulted lasted four weeks - despite
heavy police and army activity - and shut down the Swazi capitalists'
economy. 100 000 workers downed tools.
COSATU spoke out in support of the strike, ordering a go-slow
from its affiliates handling goods to and from Swaziland, and COSATU
members blockaded several border posts, preventing trucks from
entering or leaving. The strike was poorly covered in the South
African bosses' newspapers, but it really shook the Swazi elite up.
The capitalists miserably estimated the strike cost them R100 million
in lost exploitation!
RED OCTOBER
In October 1997, another, shorter general strike was held, with
at least 40 000 timber, sugar, rail and transport workers downing
tools for two days, while teachers embarked on a separate 30-day pay
strike. Again, COSATU supported the workers and the Swazi government
was worried enough to ban all SABC broadcasts.
THE BESIEGED ELITE SHIFTS TACTICS
Faced with such widespread opposition by the umbrella Swaziland
Democratic Alliance (SFTU, Pudemo, the Swaziland Youth Congress and
others), the country's capitalist elite has started pressurising the
government for democratic reform. Foreign exploiters (the so-called
"investors") have also voiced their concerns that they may lose their
grip on the levers of power.
President Mandela of South Africa, under intense pressure from
COSATU, finally tackled King Mswati publicly at a South African
Development Community meeting recently; saying the country needed to
democratise. The king responded indignantly, but the writing is on
the wall. Within a few years, Swaziland will become a parliamentary
democracy with a constitutional monarchy.
But if the workers and the poor seize the opportunity presented
to them and do not buy any sell-out two-stage revolutionary theory
which asks them to delay their freedom until the capitalists have
regrouped, it is possible to begin to work towards the establishment
of a genuine libertarian socialist (anarcho-syndicalist) society from
the ground up in Swaziland!
SWAZILAND'S EXPLOITATIVE ELITE
Swaziland was saved from threats of being incorporated into
racist South Africa only by becoming a British protectorate in the
colonial era. But though the Swazi monarchy continues to rule, the
country is carved up into huge capitalist estates and is propped up
by so much foreign aid and capital that it can hardly be considered
an autonomous country.
The outcome has yet to be written, but what is certain is that
rumblings of popular discontent are shaking the exploitative economic
pyramid over which King Makhosetive Mswati III presides. Those who
support the king and the economic order say that democracy is
unnecessary under Swaziland's Western/ African hybrid system called
"Tinkhundla".
The people disagree. Having seen South Africa's transition,
they want more freedom for themselves. Instead, what they have is
Mswati's one-party Imbokodvo National Movement, its 280 tribal
leaderships and those who live off its patronage sucking up the
worker's life-blood!
SWAZILAND SUPPORTED OUR FIGHT
Ordinary people in Swaziland provided a base for uMkhonto we
Sizwe operations during apartheid, acting as a haven for those
oppressed by racist capitalism in South Africa.
And, because of the smallness and relative powerlessness of
Swaziland, the country was also the target of murderous SADF raids
and Security Branch activities. Swaziland backed the South African
workers' fight for freedom - now it is our turn to support them.
SUPPORT THE SWAZIS
Indeed, COSATU, with its membership of almost two million, has
already attempted an economic blockade of the Swazi elite and has
adopted policies supporting its Swazi comrades in the Swaziland
Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU). The Swaziland government complains
about COSATU interfering in its domestic policies - but remember:
this is the same government which agreed in 1982 to co-operate with
the racist South African "security" forces in kidnapping and killing
activists fighting for democracy in SA!
COSATU has an ethical, historical right to intervene!
SOUTH AFRICAN WORKERS SUPPORT YOUR SWAZI COMRADES!
Workers' Solidarity Federation backs COSATU in supporting the
fight of the Swazi workers for democracy and freedom of association
and of political activity. The situation our brothers and sisters are
facing right next door, where they have suffered under a 23-year
State of Emergency, should remind us of our darkest days and the
international support which was crucial in forcing the racist
capitalists here to compromise with the democratic forces of the
people. Put pressure on your shop stewards and unions to take
decisive action to support Swazi workers and defend the Swaziland
Democratic Alliance! We have a class duty to assist their liberation.
SOUTHERN AFRICAN WORKERS UNITE TO
FIGHT FOR A LIBERTARIAN SOCIALIST SWAZILAND! ALL POWER TO THE SWAZI
WORKERS AND POOR!
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