History-induced Stigma: The Role of Tattoos in Japanese Society

Despite the negative connotations typically associated with it, tattooing is slowly gaining more credibility as an art form in the West. As this occurs, Westerners look to Japanese tattoos as the pinnacle of the art. Westerners may be amazed with the detail and complexity of this centuries-old specialty, but in Japan, the tattoo possesses a startlingly different position. The majority of Japanese people are strongly against tattooing. Tattoos hold a highly tabooed position in Japan. Due to this stigmatization, tattoos have strong effects on social standing and appearance. While current values and ways of thinking continue to influence the roles of tattoos in Japanese society, the strongest factor is the history of tattoos in Japan. History shapes modern opinions and fixes tattoos in their societal niche.

I first became aware of the unique position of tattoos in Japan after encountering several articles concerning their increasing popularity among some of Japan’s younger generation. After talking to several Japanese friends, I found the situation even more intriguing. They were opposed to tattoos. I wondered what parts of a culture that valued conformity and "cleanliness" so highly would consider tattooing popular? I wanted to know what influenced young Japanese to get tattooed. I immediately blamed Western influences, but I had not investigated the background of tattooing. As I started researching, I realized tattoos were not all the rage. I learned about heavy social stigmas against tattooing, beginning early in Japanese history.

THE HISTORY:

Tattooing has a long history in Japan. From its earliest days, tattooing had a strong impact on society, whether organizational or religious. History seemed to have created many of the present-day attitudes towards tattoos, and I realized how impossible it was to ignore this facet of my topic. In order to understand current views of tattoos in Japan, it was mandatory to understand their history.

Jomon, Yayoi, and Kofun Periods:

Tattoos can be traced back to the Jomon period in Paleolithic Japan (10,000 B.C.-300 B.C.). Clay figurines from this period, called dogu, feature facial markings that could be face paint, scarification, or tattoos (McCallum 111). The markings focus around the eyes, foreheads, cheeks, and lips. No clear evidence points to these markings as tattoos, but based on evidence from similar Paleolithic cultures, there is a good possibility that these markings are tattoos. Like other Paleolithic people in East Asia, namely Taiwan and the Ryuukyuus, tattooing was a regular, ritual practice. The people of the Jomon period were not ethnically Japanese. They were a race of people who initially inhabited the islands. "A culture--and an ethnic stock--which can be reasonably characterized as Japanese does not appear until the…Yayoi period (McCallum 110)." The Jomon culture could be linked to the Ainu, the indigenous people of Hokkaido. Ainu women have been documented with facial tattoos, especially around their lips. Domu could be representations of similar tattooing practices in Paleolithic Japan. Following the Jomon was the Yayoi period (300 B.C.-A.D. 300). The Yayoi were rice agriculturalists, and unlike their somewhat sedentary, hunter-gatherer predecessors, the Yayoi began to settle in towns. Social stratification and irrigation networks arose. The Yayoi grouped themselves into tribes, with chieftains. Tattoos had their place in this society as well--to help ward off evil spirits and to delineate status. Most of what is known about Yayoi tattoos comes from Chinese records. The Chinese recorded information about their surrounding peoples. The dynastic History of Wei records accounts of the Wa, the name the Chinese gave the inhabitants of Japan.

The Wa, who are fond of diving into water to get fish and shells, also decorate their bodies in order to keep away large fish and waterfowl. Later however, the designs became merely ornamental. Designs on the body differ in various countries…their position and size vary according to the rank of the individual (McCallum 114).

According to this and other accounts in Chinese records, tattoos held an important position in society. Not only did the tattoos have a ritual purpose, but also a hierarchical position. In order for the tattoos to assume ornamental or cosmetic roles, they had to remain an acceptable part of society. The Chinese were largely concerned with making such records to differentiate themselves from their outlandish neighbors. Tattoos helped further this distinction. The Chinese believed that tattoos were marks of barbarism. Civilized Chinese would not submit their bodies to such desecration. This Chinese mind set took hold in Japan during the Kofun Period (A.D. 300-600). This period, marked by large key-shaped tombs, exhibited strong influences from the continent. Federations formed on the Japanese archipelago, the strongest of which was the Yamato Clan in the Kansai region. With these federations and increased population came an insurgence of Chinese Confucian values. This period also marked a change in the opinion of Japanese tattoos. The primary sources for the Kofun period are actually from the early eighth century. The Nihon Shoki and the Kojiki are both histories of Japan and refer back to the Kofun period. Steeped in Japanese mythology, they are "governed by a dominant imperial ideology formulated in the early eighth century (on the basis of Chinese prototypes) (McCallum 116)." Both contain several references to tattoos, and McCallum focuses on these in his study. The Nihon Shoki refers to tattooed people in Eastern Japan called emishi (McCallum 116). This is important because it shows that Chinese values were already present in the Kofun federations. The elite of central Japan, like the Chinese before them, were marking the easterners as barbarians because of their tattoos. Tattoos were beginning to assume a negative connotation in Japan, largely due to the influence of Chinese ideologies. Two other references in the Nihon Shoki that McCallum examines also reveal increasingly negative attitudes towards tattoos. In the first, a man plotting rebellion is spared death, but tattooed near the eye. In the second, a man whose dog killed one of the emperor’s birds is tattooed and forced to become a bird-keeper. In both, tattoos are a mark of punishment. The men did something wrong, and were branded as wrong-doers. The tattoo no longer had a religious meaning, but continued as a mark of social rank. "Criminals were tattooed with symbols indicating the nature and geographic location of their crime (Sanders 1989: 12)." Tattooed criminals were easily identified at city gates, and branded to let everyone know that they committed crimes. People used tattoos not as marks of status and ornamentation, but as marks of retribution and punishment. References McCallum uses from the Kojiki mirror those in the Nihon Shoki. In one, a tattooed man steels provisions and is executed. In another a princess is surprised by the tattoos on one of the emperor’s attendants. Both display negative attitudes like the excerpts from the Nihon Shoki. The princess is startled because an attendant is tattooed. She questions his character. Also, the tattooed man has been branded a thief, and meets a timely end because of his actions.

The Edo Period :

Tattoos continued to receive negative implications up into the Edo period (1600-1868). During this period the life of the floating world, or pleasure quarters, was the focus of popular culture. The aristocracy and high society was separated from this clearly designated section of the city. It was during this period that tattoos really developed as an art form, largely due to the influence of wood-block print, or ukiyo-e, artists (Herskovitz). "Japanese from all walks of life were patronizing ukiyo-e artists, who now specialized in tattooing… (Sanders 1989: 12)." These print makers brought a great deal of complexity to tattooing. McCallum associates the further development of tattooing with the multiple series of wood-block prints inspired by the classic Chinese tale Suikoden (121). This tale involves 108 rebels in the chaotic times near the end of the Northern Sung Dynasty. It was a popular theme for ukiyo-e artists. They featured tattooed warriors. McCallum speculates that the prints and tattoos developed simultaneously. The artists based their prints on tattoos they had seen. They elaborated the tattoos in the paintings to make the images more complex and uniquely their own creations. This made tattoo artists further develop their own images, and so on. Tattoos came to take up all visible space on the body, particularly the back. This type of tattoo, called irezumi, took from two to five years to complete, and cost the equivalent of $20,000-50,000 (Herskovitz). Images ranged from traditional themes and heroic characters to stylized and symbolic images such as carp, dragons, floral designs, and religious icons (Sanders 1988: 400). The tattoo artists would tattoo laborers, prostitutes, actors, and occasionally high-class patrons. Laborers and prostitutes used tattoos to enhance their appearance and attract customers. Palanquin pullers with tattooed backs were more likely to snag fares (McCallum 124). Firefighters, generally a collection of rowdy street youth, were also frequent customers. They used tattoos as images of masculinity and association. Tattoos were widely used in the pleasure districts, but there was opposition. The Tokugawa bakufu, the governing body at the time, strictly sanctioned tattooing (McCallum 119). Because of the heavy influence of Chinese Confucianism, the bakufu saw tattooing as punishment and did not like it practiced freely in the general populace. Tattooing continued as a distinct art form of the pleasure districts until the Meiji Restoration in 1868. The Japanese government was very sensitive to the way they were perceived by the West. Therefore they banned tattooing, fearing that the West would associate tattooing with barbarism (McCallum 124). Nevertheless, fascinated Westerners had themselves tattooed by hori, or engravers, ignoring the prohibition (Sanders 1989: 12). Although it was patronized by Westerners, tattooing remained in disfavor as an underground activity. In 1948, under the United States Occupation forces, tattooing was legalized in Japan (Herskovitz). This was largely due to the demand from U.S. military personnel. Many wanted souvenirs of the far East. Tattooing was legalized to cater to their needs. There was a problem though. Due to its prohibition under the Meiji government, tattooing was suffering from a lack of artists. Few masters had acquired apprentices, and the traditional art form was slowly dying out. The Japanese government refused to designate tattoo masters as "National Living Treasures" (McCallum 124). Tattooing, because of its negative associations, was left to die. Only because of the dedication of its masters and the enthusiasm of patrons and apprentices, did the art form continue to exist. The Japanese government wanted nothing to do with the taboo subject of tattooing. Its negative connotations caused most Japanese to ignore it. Tattooing continued to exist quietly as an underground institution.

CURRENT ATTITUDES:

With a firm understanding of where tattoos stand in a historical sense, it is now easier to examine current attitudes towards tattoos in present-day Japan. History is the overriding source effecting opinions towards tattoos in Japan, however, there are other influences--namely religion and popular culture.

Religion:

Religion in Japan has strongly opposed tattooing. Whether the Confucianism of Kofun or Tokugawa Japan, Buddhism, or the intrinsic folk belief system, religion considers tattooing wrong. Tattooing is seen as contaminating the body and destroying the pure symbol of good citizenship and filial youth. As mentioned above, Chinese Confucianism places certain restrictions on tattooing. Insiders further differentiate outsiders by associating them with tattoos. Only uncivil persons would mutilate their bodies. Tattooing also breaches the Confucian ideas of the good citizen and good child. The body is a gift from one’s parents, and desecrating it would be dishonorable. Tattoos are marks of barbarism and punishment in Confucian society, and are used to distinguish bad citizens and criminals from the good. Tattoos not only branded one a criminal in Japan, but they also broke codes in the traditional folk belief system. Tattoos, associated with crimes and outsiders, were strictly taboo. Namihira notes that "violation of taboos, crimes, and natural disasters are…considered impure (S65)." Tattooing was impure, or fujo, and caused the tattooed person to become polluted. In a state of pollution, or kegare, the tattooed "anger [the Shinto gods] and…invite danger, adversity, or misfortune (S65)." Those who violated the folk belief system endangered themselves and those around them. Along with Confucianism, the folk belief system further thickened the stigma surrounding tattoos. Buddhism contributes towards this negative stigma as well. Tattoos are self-adornment, attaching one to the physical world. It also shows attachment to material goods by indulging in self-decoration. But Buddhism contains some practices similar to tattooing. For example, some monks, to complement their meditation, paint their bodies with the texts of sutras. Some Buddhists even underwent the tattoo needle to have ikebukuro, or tattooed writing, inscribed on their bodies as promises to the Buddha. Enduring the pain of the tattoo needles might also be seen by some as a way of overcoming suffering. Religion casts a strong shadow over tattooing. It stabilizes various stigmas and attitudes towards tattooing. While religion associates tattooing with impurity, barbarism, pollution, infidelity, and self-indulgence, some aspects of religion might support a more positive outlook, namely Buddhism.

Popular Culture:

In the arena of popular culture, there are two areas that have had a tremendous impact on the role of tattoos in Japanese society--entertainment and organized crime. Both have led to further distinctions within the social definition of tattoos. Entertainment has popularized the current attitudes towards tattoos while organized crime has helped pull tattoos further into the recesses of Japanese society. Tattoos have been present in literature and film for decades. Kenji Mizoguchi’s film "Utamaro and His Five Women" includes a high-ranked prostitute who is tattooed to make herself more desirable. Junichiro Tanizaki’s "The Tattooer" focuses on a tattooists dream of designing the perfect tattoo for the perfect woman. Increasingly, Western films are saturating the Japanese market. In the West, attitudes towards tattoos are slightly different, and this, too, could effect Japanese society. Views of tattooed characters and Hollywood icons might have a strong sway over Japanese popular culture. Organized crime is just as powerful as entertainment in molding popular feelings towards tattoos. The yakuza, or Japanese organized crime syndicates, are symbolized by their full body tattoos and missing fingers. Because yakuza represent an underground, marginal, and dangerous sub-class, the majority of Japanese people have come to readily associate tattoos with crime. The yakuza have been immortalized in film, literature, and the media, and this has helped keep tattoos in the fringes of acceptable society. Japanese popular opinion links rogues and non-conformists with tattoos, for tattoos certainly lead to a life of crime.

PRESENT-DAY SITUATION:

History, religion, and popular culture have all helped form the image of tattoos for many Japanese. With such background information explained, it will now be easier to explain the current status of tattoos in Japanese society. Contrary to my initial understanding, tattoos continue to possess a very powerful social stigma in Japan. Magazine articles lead me to believe that tattooing is experiencing a powerful resurgence in Japan. They are wrong for the most part. Tattooing is still very much an underground activity. Tattooed people in Japan hide their decorations, and attempt to avoid the heavy burden society places on them. Tattooing is the activity of marginal people, and not the general populace. Tattooing is occurring more frequently among young Japanese nowadays. The types of tattoos that young Japanese choose to get, however, are quite different from the irezumi of traditional Japan. Irezumi still possess extremely negative connotations. The tattoos popular among young Japanese (and a very small percentage of young Japanese at that) resemble American-style tattoos. The two types are referred to as "one-point" (Herskovitz) and eccentric (Eccentric Tattoo Shop) tattoos. One-point tattoos are small, single-sitting applications. The demand for such tattoos is clearly evidenced by the more than 100 one-point tattoo parlors in Tokyo alone. Typical one-point designs include samples from rock culture, animals such as butterflies and dragons, cartoon characters, roses, and various tribal patterns. Hideo, a popular one-point artist in Shibuya, says that his clients range from ages 18 to 30. Of his customers 70 percent are male and 30 percent are female (Herskovitz). Eccentric tattoos are for the more dedicated tattoo enthusiast. They are larger, highly detailed, and tend to reflect consumer input. They are a creative collaboration between artist and consumer. The images vary in size and design--ranging from swirling tribal patterns to screaming demons and skulls. Despite the demand and diversity in options for tattoo consumers, social attitudes towards tattoos still have a strong influence. Most of the tattoos pictured at the Eccentric Tattoo Shop web page are located on the upper arm. Sanders relates that the arm is the most popular location for tattoos for men due to technical and economic factors (Marks of Mischief 412). Tattoos are easier to inscribe on an extremity, and rates are effected by difficulty and hours of labor. But the upper arm is also easy to conceal. Herskovitz noted that the young Japanese he interviewed for his article still felt they could not display their tattoos in public. Tattoos on the upper arm can be easily concealed under shirts.

FEEDBACK:

A group of Japanese students was given a questionnaire as part of this research project. Because all of the students came from the same region of Japan and came from similar socioeconomic backgrounds, the results of this questionnaire may be biased. In any case, the respondents overwhelmingly opposed tattooing. They felt uncomfortable about having friends get tattoos. They doubted the idea that any of their friends would get tattoos, but felt that if that happened, the tattoo would definitely effect their friendship. The Japanese respondents relayed societal attitudes towards tattoos. One respondent said, "Size is not the problem, but existence itself is a problem." The Japanese respondents said their parents would be against their getting tattoos. If any of the respondents would get a tattoo, they preferred American-style, one-point designs. They associated the Japanese designs with violence, danger, contamination, and yakuza. Interestingly, one of the respondents said she knew someone with large tattoos.

One of my neighbors has a big tattoo on his back [and] arm…To tell the truth, I didn’t know he has such a big tattoo until my mother told me so. He is not yakuza, moreover he is very friendly and kind to my family and dog. I think his family and friends don’t care about his tattoo usually. But, come to think of it, he always wears long sleeves even in summer, maybe to hide his [tattoo].

This anecdote helps to summarize the current situation of Japanese tattoos. While people still practice the century-old art form, Japanese society places a large taboo on tattooing. Contrary to popular opinion, this respondent’s neighbor is not violent or involved with the yakuza. The neighbor has no problem sharing his tattoo with his in-group, but cannot go against the rules of society and show his tattoo in public. Harsh negative images would be assigned to him if he did so--images of contamination, danger, and crime. Increasingly, young Japanese are seizing control of their bodies--they are not letting society control them. Tanning salons, body piercing, and tattoos are becoming more common at alarming rates. Much of this action is due to change of attitudes caused by increased Westernization. As traditional stigmas are slowly forgotten, tattooing and other forms of individualization are becoming more accepted. But while this phenomenon is occurring, Japanese society still places a heavy burden on those who choose to partake in such individualism. Religion and images from popular culture and recent history contribute to the powerful taboo against tattoos in Japanese society. Above all, the slow assimilation of Chinese values into the distinctive culture of Japan has helped force tattoos into their lowly position. Once a valued form of ritual and stratification, the tattoo has fallen to a symbol of crime, drugs, danger, and pollution. The events surrounding its own history have caused tattooing in Japan to receive powerful negative images. While this is slowly changing, tattoos have assumed a history-induced stigma in Japanese society.

References and Further Reading:

Fellman, Sandi. 1986. The Japanese Tattoo. New York: Abbeville Press.

Herskovitz, Jon. 1997. Tattoos Making Inroads with Japanese Youth. The Japan Times Weekly International Edition, January 20-26.

McCallum, Donald. 1988. Historical and Cultural Dimensions of the Tattoo in Japan. Marks of Civilization. Los Angeles:Museum of Cultural History, University of California.

Macscia-Lees, Frances E. and Patricia Sharpe, Ed. 1992. Tattoo, Torture, Mutilation, and Adornment: The Denaturalization of the Body in Culture and Text. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Namihira, Emiko. 1987. Pollution in the Folk Belief System. Current Anthropology 28, 4, August-October: S65-S74.

Sanders, Clinton R. 1989. Customizing the Body: The Art and Culture of Tattooing. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Sanders, Clinton R. 1988. Marks of Mischief: Becoming and Being Tattooed. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 16, 4, January: 395-432.

Steward, Samuel M., PhD. 1990. Bad Boys and Tough Tattoos: A Social History of the Tattoo with Gangs, Sailors, and Street-Corner Punks, 1950-65. New York: Harrington Park Press.

LINKS:

Tattoo Artist Horikoi http://kodama.amitaj.or.jp/~satsuki/welcome_e.html

BME:Tattooing http://BME.freeq.com/tattoo/bme-tatt.html

The Japan Tattoo Institute http://keibunsha.com/

Tattoo Artist Horijin http://j-entertain.co.jp/tattoo/horijin.html

The Tattoo photo at the top of the page is courtesy of the Japan Tatto Institute.

Click here for a printer-friendly version of this page.

back to 'Glimpses'.