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Globalization and Religion: An Examination of Buddhism on the Internet |
NOTE: This page DOES contain information on Japan, but it is really an athropological paper that incorporates examples from Japanese society and religion. This is a research project I assembled for a class I took senior year in college. 'Anthropology 350: Classroom Across the Pacific' was an integrated virtual classroom where William&Mary students worked hand-in-hand with Keio University students in Japan. There were weekly video-conferences, numerous chats, and lectures to cover our research material as well as cover some of the fundamental background in globalization and information technology. Our assignment was to work with a Keio University student partner and develop a research project examining globalization and an issue of our choice. This is the project I designed. The full website that accompanied this information unfortunately died this past summer (no need to keep the work of graduates in the college system! hahaha!). I have all of the information on disk, and may someday get my site up and running again. But until then, please enjoy the basic material of my project, and let me know what you think.
Introduction:
Religion is as old as culture. From
prehistoric times to the present, religion holds firm the beliefs
of people all over the world. Whether tribal shamans or
Catholic cardinals, religious practitioners bear witness to
multiple changes and innovations the world over. These
range from wars and political upheavals to new ideologies and
emerging technologies. In many cases religion comes into
direct contact with such changes, and many have shaken religious
groups at their foundations. Some crumble and others
persevere. Such a scenario is currently underway.
This time religion is not facing invading barbarians or new
cultural ideologies. Instead, religion now confronts the
current innovation of instantaneous global communication, or the
Internet.
Computers, and the fiber optic networks that
support them, are creating new problems and potentialities for
world religions. With the Internet comes limitless access
to information in multiple languages. Catholics the world
over can watch Papal services from the Vatican just by logging in
to a website. Buddhist scholars and temples can allow their
followers free access to sutras by posting them online.
Hindus can teach enthusiasts about their pantheon of gods
interactively. Different religious groups can communicate
and spread their ideas like never before. Groups can
archive their histories, provide religious services for those
housebound or far from their temples or churches, and evangelize.
While most people applaud the positive aspects
of religion on the Internet, critics continue to describe the
negative ramifications such religious freedom could create.
With very few rules and regulations, anyone can post their ideas
and opinions on the Internet. Individuals or groups can
display very one-sided or inaccurate information.
Non-specialists or even fanatics can place their speeches,
sermons, and tirades on the Internet for anybody to access,
download, or print. Individuals can "flame" or
slander various religious leaders and groups. In all the
arenas that the Internet may benefit world religion, it may also
bring about harm and negativity.
Old clashes with new. In such a modern,
technology-driven society, can old beliefs and old practices in
many world religions truly coexist with emerging information
technology? The Internet might be changing people's ideas
of religion: what they want from it, who they turn to for help or
worship, and how they practice various services. The
Internet is making religions evolve and modernize. They
embrace technology by establishing websites, online services, and
virtual temples. The Vatican has its online entity, as do
Soka Gakkai, the United Methodist Church, and numerous other
religious groups. New internet-based, high-tech cults are
also emerging, as evidenced by the Heaven's Gate cult, whose
members committed mass suicide in San Diego a few years ago.
Religion and information technology are two
institutions, one old and the other new, that are meeting head-on
at the end of the Twentieth century. They give and take
from each other. Just as it coped with the innovations of
previous historical periods, religion is dealing with the changes
of our day and age. And this is where my project enters the
scene.
Research Proposal:
My project has been specifically linked to
the globalization of religion through information
technology. I wanted to investigate the issues involved in
how religious groups are utilizing the Internet and information
technology. Since almost anybody can make a website, I was
interested in knowing if sites are wholly beneficial and
authoritative, or if they lack credibility. Finally, I
wanted to know what services these websites are providing and
find out just who is visiting them.
Since a thorough search of religious sites on
the Internet is a vast undertaking, I examined one group in
particular -- Japanese Shin Buddhism. This term covers many
Japanese religious groups that believe in the existence of a
western Pure Land, but particularly applies to the Jodo Shinshu,
or "Perfect Truth" sect. This sect has spread the
world over, and I decided it would be a good group on which to
focus.
I gathered information from three sources:
books topical to my subject, Buddhist and Jodo Shinshu websites,
and people who visited Buddhist websites and discussion
rooms. I examined official and non-official Jodo Shinshu
websites, in both English and Japanese. I was primarily an
observer, noting layout, design, and content of websites. I
used texts, both from the library and online, to help solidify
some of my ideas. While my chats and survey attempts were
not very successful, I did get draw a great deal of information
from “lurking”, a topic which I will discuss later in
my findings section. I used the information I collected to draw
some conclusions about the religion-internet relationship as a
whole.
Once I had determined what methods I would use
to investigate Shin Buddhism on the Internet, I solidified my
goals and posed questions. I was interested in examining
this topic from two main areas: 1) how is Jodo Shinshu utilizing
information technology; and, 2) how has this technology changed
the traditional aspects of the religion (if at all)?
Looking at Shin Buddhism as a continuously
adapting and modernizing religious ideology, I was very
interested in seeing what ramifications the use of information
technology might be having on this religion. Had it created
strains? How have Shin Buddhists adapted to the changes in
society without sacrificing part of their religion?
After an initial search of Jodo Shinshu
websites, I was interested in seeing how this relatively new form
of an ancient theology has adapted to life with information
technology. I wanted to know how Jodo Shinshu is
utilizing the web, and I wanted to discover its motives.
Was Jodo Shinshu using the Internet to advertise their religion,
to amass information, or to provide virtual services to their
followers? Was it meeting the demands of its ever
broadening group of followers, or was it using its sites as
propaganda to win over and influence casual net surfers?
I also sought to understand what services Jodo
Shinshu websites offer. Websites have so much potential for
Shin Buddhist groups. Followers could access standard and
rare religious texts with the click of a mouse button. They
could copy sutras and send them via e-mail to their
temples. They could communicate with other members of their
Buddhist community. Jodo Shinshu could reach out to so many
more people. In this new information age, the only
limitation would be access.
I also wanted to know more about the people
who access Jodo Shinshu websites. Since it is the most
popular religious movement in Japan, and has a growing following
throughout the world, many of the people accessing the websites
probably would be followers. How many of the website hits
came from America, or from teenagers? The demographics
fascinated me, and I wanted to learn more: about the people the
services they sought.
Most importantly, I wanted to know if a temple
or religious group could exist solely online. I would do
this by examining existing websites and accessing virtual
temples. I planned to note the good and bad
attributes of these various sites, using them to draw conclusions
about the layout of Jodo Shinshu websites and the design of the
virtual temples. If time permitted, I planned to make my
own virtual temple and see if it could serve people in every way
a real, physical temple could.
My Japanese research partner at Keio
University aided in all of my research. We each gathered
necessary information: reference books, links to pertinent
websites, and participant interviews. Through weekly
International Video Conferences (IVCs) and periodic e-mails and
chats outside of the classroom, we were able to compare data,
discuss the issues, and draw our own conclusions about religious
groups and the Internet.
Research Partner:
The research project in "Classroom
Across the Pacific" was to be collaboration between a
William and Mary student and a Keio student. The exact role
of each student could vary from project to project, but the idea
was to have each student take on equal shares of a project
dealing with globalization and an issue of choice. William
and Mary's section of the course began almost one full month
before its counterpart at Keio. Therefore, when the Keio
students entered the picture, their William and Mary counterparts
had already chosen their own topics and had begun researching and
designing their web pages. While there was room for topic
alteration in the near future, Keio students had to pick a topic
that seemed most interesting to them. Obviously, the
pairings did not always work out perfectly.
My research partner was Shoko Mikawa.
From the start, she came across as strong-minded, hard-working,
and very friendly. Throughout the semester, Shoko has been
a very valuable asset. Our partnership worked out very
well, but things did not start out that way.
While other Keio and William and Mary students
had no trouble reaching a compatible topic, Shoko and I had very
different ideas about what we wanted to do. I had proposed
my Globalization and Religion project, but Shoko seemed
thoroughly disinterested. She had her own ideas, and did
not want to latch onto my research proposal too easily.
As of the evening of October 15, Shoko and I
had not chatted about our topic. Shoko and I exchanged no
e-mails before the initial IVC. I sent her several e-mails,
but received no responses. Shoko was unable to attend the
first IVC, so I was unable to further develop my research ideas
with my partner. I spent the time conversing with Professor
Schoel about my topic. She provided excellent criticism and
added some very poignant information, particularly about
evangelism. The discussion was very beneficial and enabled
me to narrow the scope of my research.
After the IVC, Shoko and I began exchanging
e-mails. I was trying to get my research ideas across to
her, and establish a time for a chat session. Shoko seemed
pleased to help me, but not very enthusiastic about my
topic. Shoko kept saying she thought my ideas were
interesting, but did not add much in the form of criticism.
When Shoko and I finally did have our first
chat on October 16, 1998, she told me she needed more
information. As Professor Schoel had informed me, the
Internet and its educational uses fascinated Shoko, not by
religion. She was involved in a group hoping to develop the
first truly online university, where courses, research, and
lectures would all take place in a virtual setting. She
wanted to do further research on virtual classrooms, such as the
one in which we were participating.
After several more chats, Shoko and I finally
reached an agreement. I explained that I was interested in
the services that online religious sites would provide.
Shoko liked the idea of researching online service industries,
and particularly in examining religion. We agreed to use
our projects as case studies in an investigation of Religion and
Information Technology. I would continue examining Buddhist
groups on the Internet, and Shoko would tackle the United
Methodist community on the Internet. We would work to
design a virtual temple and church service to supplement our
findings. Here
is a link to her website.
Once we reached this consensus, Shoko and I
began using our chats for more worthwhile discussions.
While we did have topical conversations during the IVCs, we
seemed to use this medium mostly for catch up, and for planning
future chats. Our chats outside the virtual classroom
tended to fail. One or the other of us would miss it for
some reason or another. Still, the content of our IVC chats
changed very little. From the beginning, we researched our
topics very independently, and this was reflected in the content
of our chats. We discussed some overlying issues, and
occasionally mentioned more particular cases, but rarely had
serious, analytical conversations about Buddhism, Methodists, or
religious content on the Internet. We kept such thinking on
an individual basis.
Shoko provided me valuable information.
Most of this took the form of links to Buddhist websites.
Shoko scanned Japanese web browsers and located pertinent
websites, containing discussion groups, virtual temples, or
topical information. She forwarded me the lists of links,
and posted them all on her project website.
Shoko also plays a role in my conclusion and
my final presentation. Our IVC chats have helped me draw
together some of my ideas. We discussed the various roles
and overlying themes of the Buddhist websites. Shoko also
gave me advice about the virtual temple that I was still planning
on constructing at the time of our last chat. Along these
lines, Shoko planned to take a few minutes of my presentation to
explain her virtual Methodist church service. We hoped that
this would provide an interesting parallel to my virtual temple
and compliment my findings.
Although this does not directly relate to my
research topic, I think it would be interesting to include some
information about Shoko's and my methods of communication.
We both speak the other's language. Shoko's English is far
superior to my Japanese, but our language skills really came into
play during our IVCs. We would switch back and forth
between English and Japanese. Shoko used English to discuss
major points, but I used Japanese for small talk or acknowledging
my consent or agreement. The language switched back and
forth, even in the middle of sentences. Our IVCs tended to
start vocally, but quickly shift to chat mode. Typing in
another language is easier than speaking, and, due to certain
technological constraints, talking was sometimes an
impossibility. We had to take time to define terms for each
other, and work around misunderstandings. Language stayed
informal. Shoko and I used a highly technological medium to
communicate regularly. Even though we were an ocean apart,
Shoko and I saw each other's picture on a video screen, and
typing and speaking instantaneously removed cultural inhibitions
and allowed us to quickly become acquainted.
Shoko's and my partnership has proven to be
very fulfilling. She and I have become well acquainted and
each of us has been able to expand our cultural understanding and
language capabilities. We shared ideas about religion,
aided each other in information gathering, and, by using e-mail
and IVCs, broke through the boundaries of inter-cultural
communication.
Limitations:
During the course of this research project,
I encountered three primary problems. These limited the
accuracy and depth of my research. The problems pertained
to the research topic, time, and technology.
Shoko and I spent a great deal of time
discussing our topic. While we were using our chats to
determine precisely what we wanted to research, other groups were
having topical discussions and using the IVCs to further develop
their topics and continue their research. Because Shoko and
I spent so much time making our research topic concrete, we
wasted time that could have been spent doing research or
discussing more beneficial issues. The entire debate on our
research topic was frustrating, and our conclusion was not a
complete consensus -- we decided to pursue more or less
independent topics.
Time also had a profound effect on the
project. William and Mary students got an early start, but
could not commit fully to their research designs until they had
conversed with their partners at Keio. They did not occur
until one month into William and Mary's fall semester. The
first month was put to good use because of the theoretical
lectures Dr. Hamada delivered and the Internet workshops designed
by Charles Green and Lisa Dickson. Despite this solid
foundation, the brevity of the semester resulted in research and
conclusions below my initial expectations.
The time zone difference also had an obvious
effect on the project. With a fourteen hour time
difference, scheduling times for chats outside of the IVC proved
extremely difficult. When it was late evening for one of
us, it was early morning for the other. Even though Shoko
and I were able to decide on times to log on and chat, one or
both of us tended to miss these appointments.
I encountered a great deal of technological
limitations. On more than one occasion, I was not able to
begin my IVC with Shoko until 30 minutes after the first student
in our class had started chatting. In those instances,
valuable time was lost. During the IVCs, the background
noise in the room and at Keio made talking impossible.
Instead, Shoko and I used the chat function of Microsoft Net
Meeting. Also, my personal computer lagged behind many of
the lab computers. With little free memory, and a small
hard drive to begin with, it prevented me from undertaking larger
portions of my project from my room. That meant that I was
subject to the availability of lab computers.
The biggest technological problem I faced was
using Japanese websites. While I could access the sites
easily, the Japanese fonts were unintelligible on the computers I
used. I attempted downloading Japanese language programs
and fonts, but had a great deal of difficulty getting them to
work in the labs. My own computer could not support such
software. Therefore, the Japanese language websites that I
could actually access were very limited, and my conclusions are
based largely on the information contained in American or English
language websites.
Globalization -- a definition:
I realize that before I enter into my
thoughts and findings, I should clearly define the term
"globalization" and describe how it applies to my
project. For this answer, I consulted the definitions and
theories of scholars.
Globalization is a difficult term to define.
Robertson (1992:8) defines globalization as a "compression
of the world and the intensification of consciousness of the
world as a whole". Although it is a rather old concept, it
has not been put to use and fully discussed until it was applied
to the academic discussion of modernity. Whether spawned by the
Ayatollah Khomeini's denunciation of Salman Rushdie's The Satanic
Verses (Beyer 1994: 1) or Marshall McLuhan's concept of 'the
global village (Robertson 1992: 8),' the discussion on
globalization is a rather recent phenomenon. It is an awareness
of events and cultures the world over. Globalization is not only
a spread of ideas, but interactions -- a realization that one can
communicate around the world, break old boundaries, and go
anywhere. The local community is no longer the entire universe.
Beyer states that "we live in a globalizing social
reality...in which previously effective boundaries no longer
exist (1994: 1)".
In the 1990s, social theory and analysis
cannot ignore the concept of globalization. It is a trend
that has ramifications throughout society, whether it be through
heightened awareness of cultural or international issues,
unlimited access to information, or instantaneous global
communication. "Increasingly, there is a common social
environment shared by all people on earth and...this globality
conditions a great deal of what happens here, including how we
form theories (Beyer 1994: 7)." Academia has not
ignored the concept, and globalization is apparent in multiple
disciplines from the social sciences and humanities to natural
sciences. At the forefront of globalization research and
experimentation is information technology, and when average
people or non-technical organizations begin utilizing this
medium, new trends emerge.
This concept relates to my own interpretation
of the term 'globalization'. My definition relates to
Robertson's. I see globalization as a heightened awareness that
one is merely a part of a bigger, worldwide system. It is seeing
that yours is not the only country or ideology in the world. It
is open-mindedness and acceptance of other cultures.
Globalization is an awareness of the peoples, cultures, and
ideologies of the world, and it is all achieved through the
absorption of media-based information.
The process of globalization started centuries
ago. Humans have been walking farther and gathering
information for all of recorded history. As technology
evolved, the means for communicating and spreading information
simply got faster. When the telegraph first appeared at the
beginning of the 20th century, people used it to send greetings
to friends, utilizing the novel technology. When e-mail
first appeared, it had much the same reaction.
Media-based information is becoming
increasingly limitless. Television changed the way we
communicate and absorb information, broadcasting live events
across the world to millions of viewers. Now the Internet
has expanded the flow of information, utilizing vast computer
mainframes and even home computer hard drives for the storage and
transfer of information around the world. All these media
have helped humans gather more information than ever
before. Levy stated that “vision is the emerging and
global aspect of listening (1997: 76).” Through
observing and listening to these media, mankind is achieving
global awareness, a global vision, through technology.
Religion has obvious connections to
globalization -- it is a global idea. Throughout history,
religious mindsets and ideologies have transcended borders and
nationality. Religion structured entire societies, regardless of
ethnic background. It influenced politics, economics, and
culture. And it has held sway over world events. With this kind
of power and presence, religion is truly a global issue.
A particular religion, however, draws its
power from the number of followers it is able to attract and
keep. To attract more members, a religion must publicize
itself. Information technology is an enticing advertising
medium. With few restrictions in affect for the Internet,
religious groups are free to post and publish as they
please. Buddhist groups are no exception to this movement.
Buddhism has been globalizing for
centuries. At first it was in the form of missions and
emissaries traveling between India and China. The Indian
monks were spreading their interpretations of the teachings of
the Buddha, and their Chinese students were coming to India to
collect scripture, artwork, and information. As Buddhism
spread, so did the missions. These grew to include Koreans,
Japanese, Thai, and Sri Lankans, among others. Foot traffic
spread Buddhist ideas and information across borders, and
throughout world cultures. Similar ideologies and
lifestyles were transcending nationalities and thriving all over
the Asian continent.
The next stage in Buddhist globalization
occurred in the 1800s. The connections throughout Asia had
grown old and faded, and, by the 19th century, Buddhist groups
were becoming increasingly diversified and specialized. By
the 1850s public debates between Buddhist and Christian groups
were occurring in Sri Lanka and England. In 1880 two
prominent Western theosophists visited Sri Lanka, then Ceylon, to
preserve Buddhist heritage and spread Buddhist education (Bechert
1984: 274). This marked the beginning of the great Buddhist
resurgence of the 1800s. The movement continued as Western
scholars and religious figures paid more attention to Buddhist
doctrines and groups. Various Buddhist studies groups were
formed by the theosophists, including the Young Men's Buddhist
Association, modeled on the Young Men's Christian
Association. More and more Western scholars were studying
Buddhist history and thought, and several Westerners even studied
to become monks and nuns. This time imperialism was the
force that further set Buddhist globalization in motion. As
Western powers spread across the globe, expanding shipping lanes
and international commerce, various ideas, including Buddhism,
accompanied the physical goods back to home ports around the
world.
Buddhism's next step is on the Internet.
Information technology is the next threshold. As mentioned
above, on the Internet, information is instantaneously sent
across the globe. Naturally religious ideas hold a place
amongst the enormity of information surging through buried fiber
optic cables and bouncing off of satellites orbiting the
Earth. The Internet will allow Buddhism to spread like
never before. Information will be easier to gather than
ever before. Like the foot-traveling monks of ancient China
and India, and like the sea-faring merchants and educated elite
of Western Imperialist nations, computer technology will provide
the means for Buddhism to transcend borders, regardless of
language, culture, and time zone.
Shin Buddhism and my research:
Japan has a tradition of adopting ideas and
technology and molding them into something uniquely Japanese.
Unlike other East Asian cultures, Japan was only temporarily
overwhelmed by Chinese culture. It imported what it wanted, and
chose what it wanted to adopt into its own culture. Buddhism was
one of those ideas. It had come all the way from India, had
further developed in China, and started another evolution in
Japan. Buddhist ideology blossomed under the patronage of various
princes, lords, and monks. With these ideas and developments came
new schools of thought, one of which was Shin Buddhism.
Shinran (1173-1262) founded Jodo Shinshu and
started the entire Shin Buddhist movement. He trained as a monk
at the Tendai sect's sacred Mt. Hiei just north of Kyoto. After
faithfully studying the Tendai sect's monastic practices for
twenty years, Shinran felt he was going nowhere. He felt
incapable of reaching enlightenment through the hours of study
and strict meditation associated with self power, or jiriki,
which the Tendai sect strictly enforced.
Shinran left the mountain monasteries to study
under Honen Shonin (1133-1212). Honen had started a movement
within Buddhism that focused entirely on reciting the nembutsu,
or 'Namu Amida Butsu'. This invocation voiced one's utter faith
in the almighty power and compassion of the Bodhisattva Amitabha,
or Amida as the Japanese call him. This idea was revolutionary
because it abandoned the idea of attaining enlightenment through
individual study and meditation. Honen and Shinran believed that
in the current Age of Mappo, humanity was tainted and too far
removed from the Buddha's teaching to truly attain enlightenment.
They believed that only in Amida's Pure Land would humans be able
to focus, realize the truth in the dharma, and reach nirvana.
Honen's Jodo Shu sect followed tariki, or other power.
All tariki comes from Amida. Before he
attained nirvana, Bodhisattva Dharmahara made 42 vows. These are
called the Original Vow. In his 18th Vow, Dharmahara
postponed nirvana and declared he would help all humankind, thus
becoming the Bodhisattva Amida:
When I have attained Buddhahood, if those beings in the ten
quarters, who, believing in Me, heart and soul,
should wish to be born in My Country (Pure Land), and should
repeat My name ten times, if they should not
be born in My Country, may I not attain Perfect Enlightenment
(Kyosho).
Shinran believed wholly in the message in Amida's 18th Vow. In
Amida's Western Paradise, humans can be reborn and concentrate on
enlightenment, away from the suffering of the world. Through
tariki, Amida provides a place were humans can escape suffering
and concentrate on jiriki and attaining enlightenment.
In his 19th Vow, Amida mentions
“performing virtuous deeds (Dobbins 1989: 28).”
Shinran interpreted this to mean that anyone could be reborn in
the Pure Land by committing various good deeds and acts of
kindness. Amida mentioned “cultivating the basis of
all virtue” in his 20th Vow. Shinran took this as a
reference to the recitation of the nembutsu, for the nembutsu
represented all that was virtuous and good (Dobbins 1989: 28).
Shinran and his teachings became very popular
among the common people. Few Japanese could afford to undertake a
monastic lifestyle. Amida and tariki afforded a chance of a
better rebirth for the Japanese person who was too busy to
meditate and copy sutras all day. Shinran founded the Jodo
Shinshu, or Perfect Truth sect. Shinran based his teachings on
the 18th, 19th, and 20th Vows. He also incorporated the
Three Pure Land Sutras: the Larger Sutra on the Buddha of the
Infinite life (Daikyo), the Sutra of Meditation on the Buddha of
Infinite life (Kangyo), and the Smaller Sutra on the Buddha of
Infinite Life (Shokyo)(Dobbins1989: 3).
Honen and Shinran had many enemies.
Monks from other sects, particularly the Tendai, denied the
Honen's exclusive nembutsu teachings. Shin Buddhism was
growing increasingly popular, winning over more converts and
followers, particularly in the country. During his training
under Honen, Shinran married a nun and had five children.
Shinran called himself “neither priest nor layman (Dobbins
1989:26). His faith in the nembutsu convinced him that he
would be forgiven for breaking priestly code to marry and have a
family. He was continuing his bloodline and his teachings,
and marriage simply strengthened his faith in the gracious power
of Amida. Shinran's marriage had only helped to prove what
many monks believed to be the effects of Honen's heinous
teachings. Eventually the government and grand temples won
out, and Honen and Shinran were sent into exile. Shinran
was sent to Echigo province and never saw his master again.
During exile, Shinran began to build his power
base. Among the rural farmers and peasantry, exclusive
nembutsu gained strength because of its simplicity. He
moved to the Kanto region in 1212, and there built the bulk of
his followers. Much of his group's success stemmed from its
organization into dojos, or meeting places. In such small
groups, followers would meet to discuss the teachings of Shinran
and the power of Amida.
While living in the Kanto, Shinran wrote his
most revered work, the 'Kyogyoshinsho'. It focused on four
principles: Teaching (kyo), Practice (gyo), Faith (shin), and
Enlightenment (sho). The first three terms were strongly
evident in Buddhist teaching during Shinran's lifetime,
describing the facets mandatory for reaching
salvation. Shinran added the fourth, faith, in
reference to Jodo Shinshu's unwavering faith in the nembutsu and
Amida's vow. This was the most important facet in Shinran's
eyes, for it led to rebirth in the Pure Land directly (Dobbins
1989: 30).
After many years, Shinran returned to Kyoto,
where he lived until his death in 1262. The majority of his
support came from the Kanto region and Echigo, but Shinran
remained in the imperial capital and published many works,
written both in Chinese and in Japanese. After Shinran's death,
his successor's continued his teachings. Among them, two
stand out: Kakunyo and Rennyo. Kakunyo raised Shinran to founding
father status, transformed Shinran's tomb and the Otani memorial
into an official temple, the Honganji, and established a
hereditary lineage for the Honganji (Dobbins 1989: 81).
During the following centuries Jodo Shinshu
experienced competition from other Buddhist sects, particularly
other new schools like Nichiren and Zen. New sects were
formed, each with new