[Section 2-1]

THE BIRTH MEMORIES HYPOTHESIS

PART I: A TESTABLE THEORY

 

I. BACKGROUND

Beginning with our first UFO abductee regression in 1975, Dr. W.C. McCall and I carried out a successful decade-long program of hypnotic research into CE3 reports, which led us to the following conclusions and thence to the Birth Memories Hypothesis:

A CE3 abduction is an archetypal fantasy involving belief or deception in which an individual's perinatal or birth memories play a central role. During the abduction fantasy, revivified birth events may become one or more symbolic abduction images or events. Because of an abduction's peak-experience intensity, seemingly sequential structure, and surreal qualities, the witness may interpret the CE3 fantasy literally -- that is, as an actual Close Encounter with unusual extraterrestrial creatures. But like analogous mental phenomena such as shamans' trances, near-death experiences, and hallucinations, a CE3 abduction is demonstrably a rare but not abnormal delusion.

The Birth Memories Hypothesis is of special significance because it is one of the very few scientifically testable theories ever proposed about abduction cases. The testability of the BMH will be discussed later. Here I will present background information and some of the overwhelming evidence for this complex and novel theory.

Our birth/abduction theories seem incredible only because most people remain unaware of the vast amount of perinatal imagery and symbolism in culture and tradition, and of recent exciting progress in fetal research and related disciplines such as perinatology (the study of birth), and neonatology (the study of newborns). David Chamberlain's annotated bibliography, Consciousness At Birth: A Review of the Empirical Evidence (1983) and his Babies Remember Birth (New York, 1988, updated 1998) forcefully present the scientific evidence for an embryo/fetus that though developing is alert and responsive to its constantly changing uterine environment.

Womb conditions for the fetus range from comfortable to life-threatening, and Chamberlain cites research in hypnosis, birth memories, and other areas showing that some children later consciously recall many key perinatal events, from late-stage gestation and through birth to the end of the bonding period (about one year of age). Data supporting the continuing influence of remembered birth experiences in human affairs are mostly anecdotal and indirect, but in many contexts they are persuasive.

A WORLD OF PERINATAL ECHOES Perinatal echoes surround us. Sacred holidays annually observe the Christ child's annunciation, conception, and nativity. Easter -- a Christian celebration of spiritual rebirth --has been partly secularized worldwide into a pagan hunt for eggs. Meantime, every country annually celebrates its own date of "birth." The birthdays of famous persons are proclaimed daily in the media; and ordinary celebrants are saluted in restaurants almost everywhere by waitresses singing variations on arguably the best known tune on Earth, "Happy Birthday to You." There are neonatal beings from traditional culture everywhere: childlike angels, the cherubim, and Cupid; "Little People," which occur in folklore worldwide; and a long tradition of baby-faced heroes in newspaper comics -- from the 1890s Yellow Kid (the first regular comic-strip fantasy ever) to Henry, Elmer Fudd, Charlie Brown, Calvin and Hobbes, and many others.

Baby dolls and other perinatally oriented toys are an important economic fact of American life, providing billions of dollars annually to U.S. toy manufacturers. In the late 1980’s, the Cabbage Patch Kids alone brought in $100 million -- with individual dolls, which differ slightly, priced up to $200. Though they have now been superceded by the equally popular "Beanie Babies," the Cabbage Patch dolls' phenomenal appeal was in part based on their orphaned (i.e., abandoned or unloved) status: one ingenious sales gimmick was that each came with "adoption" papers. The Cabbage Patch home factory in Georgia offers a tour through a doll hospital, with a birthing room where children can watch a midwife/nurse help neonatal Cabbage babies get "born" among a bed of cabbage heads. There is also a nursery for newborns, complete with a display window, and even incubators and emergency equipment for premature Cabbage Patch infants!

Like all the world's languages, American English is loaded with thousands of perinatal metaphors such as "native son," "reborn Christian," "new birth of freedom," and "birth pangs of a new democracy." Economists, responding to the explosive symbolism of a "baby boom," warn alternately of the financial implications of disastrous overpopulation; then, as the boom threatens to fizzle, they decry a fancied "birth dearth" or precipitous drop in the birthrate. Everyday terms make our concern with birth processes explicit: we "give birth to an idea," grow homesick for our "motherland," compliment strong females who are "Earth mothers," pledge our concern for ecology and "mother Earth," trust our (umbilical) "gut feelings," or assume the "fetal position" when depressed. There are scores of figures of speech involving the concept "mother," "baby," and maternal-infant ties. Some phrases recall specific prenatal situations: "mother's apron-strings" is not only applied to "mama's boys" but, like the astronauts' terms "mother ship" and "umbilical," it recalls the connection between the fetus and the placenta, or maternal body. And "mother tongue" surely connotes a familiarity with the sound of the comforting prenatal maternal voice from the most immediate perspective imaginable.

Prenatal sounds are especially relevant here. Recall how background scores and mood music for fantasy films nearly always employ a stereotypically spooky mode, which I think is an attempt to mimic the sounds of the prenatal womb -- rushing, pulsing, deep yet tremulous sounds, alternatively soothing and threatening (e.g., "Twilight Zone" and "The X-Files"). Fetal hearing is accurate; researchers have found that the fetus commonly learns early on to recognize the voices of both parents. Sounds perceived in the womb through the amniotic fluid would be distinctive, and no doubt memorably so. Such recollections persist in composers and filmmakers along with the rest of us.

The perinatal references in our language and culture are not always serene. Our nervousness over sex and procreation emerges masked by hundreds of awkward euphemisms for pregnancy and birth: "expecting," "blessed event," "date with the stork," and so on. Vulgar expressions are equally evasive: "she swallowed a watermelon," "ready to split open at the seams," "knocked up," and worse. Even TV cartoon hero Bart Simpson advises his exasperated father, "Don't have a cow, Dad!"

Widespread perinatal awareness has been stimulated in the last twenty years or so in part by highly publicized advances in fertility studies. The entire Western world often follows media accounts about supposedly impossible pregnancies, artificial inseminations, embryo implants, miscarriages, multiple deliveries, premature infants, surrogate mothers, cloning controversies, and related clinical and legal aftermaths. Similar activities involving rare zoo animals and California condors often get equal media attention.

Continuing public controversies in the U.S. about birth control, sex education, AIDS, and especially abortion have brought visually graphic imagery about perinatal processes into the daily media. Anti-abortionists, who describe themselves as "baby rescuers" and their opponents as "baby killers," have helped focus the public debate on horrific examples of perinatal violence, including fetal dismemberment, abortion carnage, apocalyptic suffering, and death. The hysterical tone and bloody details of this highly politicized issue may testify to the unconscious "negative womb" memories (about which see below) of leaders on both sides of the argument.

Skeptics consistently reject birth-related theories because, they say, perinatal imagery is everywhere. But that argument is hollow, for perinatal imagery is not omnipresent. It is largely unknown to most realistic fiction, nonfiction, poetry, painting, and expository prose such as encyclopedias, chronicles, how-to books, and journalistic and other records that make up the bulk of any library. Birth-related imagery flourishes mostly in the narrower areas of fantasy and analogous non-realistic fiction, and in other imaginative genres such as cinema, folklore, and religious or mythic belief systems.

TV soap operas are a perhaps unsuspected source of contemporary perinatal imagery, particularly in the U.S. These daily dramas provide a litany of birth-related events, including coupling, pregnancy, birth, infertility, impotence, sterility, motherhood, miscarriage, abortion, and other perinatal processes. Wherever such motifs flourish, they are rich in unmistakable symbolic and literal references to prenatal, natal, and post-natal experiences and memories. One can only wonder that such a large and self-evident mass of birth-related material has piqued the curiosity of so very few scholars and scientists.

 

II. THE REALITY OF BIRTH MEMORIES

The Birth Memories Hypothesis of CE3 abductions is so novel an idea that no amount of evidence from abduction narratives alone will convince skeptics. I therefore turn to key insights from the work of specialists. Psychohistorian Lloyd deMause's unprecedented syntheses of sociological and perinatal research strongly support the reality and long-term effects of birth memories. DeMause's conclusions were formulated after extensive work in obstetrical literature, anthropology, psychology, sociology, and history. For instance, he has carefully linked the perinatal/fantasy content of decades of American editorial cartoons with cycles of socio-political events. Representative samples of deMause's discussions (see his Foundations of Psychohistory and his articles in The Journal of Psychohistory) tell us much about the nature, reality, and significance of perinatal experiences.

BIRTH MEMORIES AND GROUP FANTASIES DeMause believes that certain American socio-political group fantasies (i.e., dominant but ephemeral national moods) have historically followed a four-part cycle that parallels major stages of the birth process: 1) Strong (development); 2) Cracking (late-stage discomfort); 3) Collapse (onset of birth contractions); and 4) Upheaval (delivery and separation). He is fully aware that hypotheses about the long-term aftereffects of perinatal experiences always seem ludicrous to the uninformed, for he once had to overcome his own deep skepticism:

Although [my] discovery of birth as the key to group-fantasy appears at first to be a rather astonishing and even bizarre finding, it is the outcome of several years of analytic effort, and was in fact produced 'by the material' rather than being imposed upon it for any theoretical reasons. (Indeed, I was so thoroughly disbelieving for some time of the nature of the results that I retested [my technique of fantasy analysis] with people unfamiliar with my earlier work to be certain that I wasn't reading into the material something that wasn't there.) The [quoted illustrative material] above...depicts a moment prior to the onset of actual birth, when the fetus is just beginning to feel the pull 'down the river' and 'into the corridor,' when the 'squeeze' of the mother's contractions is just beginning to produce 'terror' of what lies ahead -- the seemingly endless hours of enormous persecutory pressure of the birth itself....

…[T]he results of my Fantasy Analysis of hundreds of public documents from recent American history show a regular...pattern of stages of group-fantasy, a pattern that repeats itself over and over again every three or four years, as follows:

In stage one, when the leader is strong -- often but not always at the beginning of a presidential term -- the nation seems safe and the 'enemy' is kept at bay....

In time, the ability of the leader to sustain a role of total magical nurturance to his people begins to deteriorate, and the 'Cracking' stage two begins. News articles proliferate on how the internal strains in our country are threatening our national strength, on how a sudden collapse of values is to be feared, and on how the enemy too (projectively ) seems to be 'cracking at the seams,' with crises of leadership that may make them unstable and therefore dangerous.

Stage three, 'Collapse,' often begins with a specific event that can be viewed as a 'collapse of values' that the fantasy-leader is helpless to prevent.... During this stage, the central focus of anxiety is: Can the helpless leader protect us against possible upheavals and catastrophes?...

Finally, with stage four, 'Upheaval,' birth itself begins, and the nation looks for some crisis, usually involving war or the threat of war, to get into. The nation feels trapped, choking, claustrophobic, and must engage in a 'struggle for freedom' in order to fight its way out of an intolerable situation.

After a crisis situation is located, the enemy is engaged, and the nation feels strong again -- and also greatly relieved, because at least it is now actively fighting something in the real world rather than passively suffering the fantasized intolerable pressures. (Political cartoons of the head hurting from painful pressures, and of the body being stretched and twisted, mark this stage.)

But if the leader cannot 'win' the war within a year or so, the nation fears it is not so tough after all and may actually die during its birth crisis, and the leader then is instructed by the fantasy language of all the media at once that somehow the birth pains must be ended. The leader then ends the war (at least in fantasy), the leader is once again strong, and the cycle repeats itself all over again.

Politically aware citizens will remember many times when the collective American mood has moved through "strong/weak" fantasies – the US media’s volatile responses to the personal problems of President Clinton provide an ongoing example. But people may be unwilling to credit perinatal processes for such cycles of behavior. That is understandable, for like all major new ideas deMause's theories are revolutionary and unsettling. But they will eventually be accepted, for they explain a vast number of otherwise enigmatic individual and group events in human affairs.

BIRTH MEMORIES AND WAR FANTASIES DeMause asserts that when groups of people act or think -- i.e., fantasize -- in concert, they reveal the fetal origins of the group fantasies they are unconsciously following. When the fantasy involved is about war, he says that perinatal matters are dramatically evident. DeMause recounts Japanese ambassador Kurusu's carefully worded phonecall to Tokyo in December, 1941, which was an improvised cue for the bombing of Pearl Harbor:

‘Does it seem as if a child might be born?’ ‘Yes,’ came the reply, ‘the birth of the child seems imminent.’ The only problem was that American intelligence, listening in, spontaneously recognized the meaning of the war-as-birth code....

Certainly no American war has seemed to lack birth imagery, beginning with the American Revolution, filled with images of birth and separation from the mother country and what Samuel Adams termed the fight for ‘the child Independence... now struggling for birth’--right down to the Vietnam war, which began as ‘a swampy hole you got sucked into,’ soon turned into a ‘bottomless pit’ and a ‘tar baby’ you couldn't let go of, and ended with a baby airlift....

[But] it hardly needs a psychoanalyst to interpret the message General Groves cabled to President Truman to report that the first A-bomb was successful (‘The baby was born’) or to see the imagery of the Hiroshima bomb being called ‘Little Boy’ and the plane from whose belly it dropped being named after the pilot’s mother.

Here the explosive and destructive upheaval of war is repeatedly associated with birth. The consistently perinatal frame of reference cannot be accidental or without meaning. As we will see below, birth processes have their own psychological equivalent of explosive events.

DeMause's theories are readily validated by newspaper and magazine editorial cartoons, which are often explicitly perinatal, particularly in times of real (or perceived, i.e., fantasized) national crisis. For example, two contrasting perinatal editorial drawings from a politically stressful period, the Persian Gulf War, present the war's preliminaries as rebirth fantasies, though they interpret the war itself very differently. One shows a battle-reborn hero with placental wings spread wide and an umbilical sword raised high. The other, showing a GI entering a dark cave, is an obviously vaginal locale, and it reverses the empty "light at the end of the tunnel" Vietnam refrain, promising darkness and trauma instead.

Events in the Gulf War were often accompanied by perinatal references. Organized volunteers nationwide enthusiastically handed out yellow ribbons – though perhaps few of them realized the ribbons were umbilical symbols for "connecting" people to the bloody cause of war. Recall, too, that Saddam Hussein had impulsively bragged that Iraq's war response would be the "mother" of all battles. And also that one of the few US citizens' protests during the firestorm bombing of Baghdad took place after Iraq claimed that a baby milk factory (that actually was sheltering many women and children) had been destroyed. A rumor (proved later to be completely false) that 300 Kuwaiti incubator babies had been torn from life-support machines and left to die, became official U.S. propaganda and was repeatedly mentioned by the media. A poignantly horrific but timeless editorial drawing dramatized the connections between increasing U.S. military expenditures and cuts in maternal health programs as a bomber dropping fetuses. At the war's end, the media focused on stories of GI's returning home to wives who were giving birth, including the report of one soldier who returned late but saw his child delivered anyway -- on videotape, thanks to camera work by hospital personnel!

THE PLACENTA AS FLAG Any nation’s flag has strong perinatal associations, and these are frequently found in editorial cartoons. In a bitter post-Gulf War response to the U.S. government's initial reluctance to help the Iraqi Kurds, a remarkable drawing showed the Stars and Stripes twisted into a placental/umbilical complex over a group of pleading people, including a mother and child. DeMause has shown that the first flag ever devised was the placenta of an Egyptian Pharaoh fixed atop a pole! (I am fully aware how perfectly incredible such an assertion may seem.) The Egyptian flag/placenta is depicted in a ritualistic hieroglyphic as a dried organ attached to an umbilical pole. It was used by authorities as explicit evidence of the royal bloodline. DeMause says that the flag's origin accounts for the historical and symbolic associations of concepts such as motherhood and country, "red-blooded" qualities and patriotism, and ultimately war and blood-sacrifice. It also helps explain why the most frequent color in flags of all nations is blood red, and why very few flags lack red color. Such realities can help us understand that the white-hot emotions provoked by flag-burning in the U.S. and elsewhere are not all nationalistic. They are a deeply perinatal mix of memories and perceptions about a fantasized or real threat to the "body politic" -- a phrase that can be taken literally in this context.

Sketches of former Soviet leader Gorbachev reveal US editorial cartoonists' absolute obsession with the birthmark on the balding statesman's head, which their drawings usually emphasized, seldom omitted, and often enlarged or distorted into the hammer and sickle or more ominous symbols. One sketch connects it with a peace dove, which breaks through the birthmark as from an eggshell, as if in celebration of the symbolic "rebirth" of Russian ethnic nationalism. The Cold War had ended, but many Americans still viewed Gorby from a darkly distrustful perinatal perspective: we fantasized that he was a fetus/enemy whose birthmark warned that a destructive war/rebirth awaited us.

The material selected as "news" by TV and other media journalists often reflects current perinatal group fantasies. This effect is pervasive in mass communications, and can readily be observed in certain types of sensationalized and melodramatic stories. For example, children who fall into wells or are stuck in underground tunnels (obvious birth situations) usually receive nationwide headlines and live TV coverage. But animals in similar predicaments are often the subject of media concern as well, and that fact needs elucidation.

WHALES AS FETAL SYMBOLS Several times in recent years the news has been dominated by stories of trapped whales freed as if from a birth canal by helpful midwife-like volunteers, who monitored the whales' heartbeat, blood, and respiration, and discussed its medical condition on TV. During the second or 1990 San Francisco Bay rescue of "Humphrey the humpbacked whale," while tugboats with nets tried to pull the huge mammal downstream, a crowd of onlookers rhythmically chanted, "Go! Go! Go!" as if exhorting a mother-to-be to "push!"

The media intensified its concern with Humphrey in the midst of two national deadlocks of that year -- the developing military quandary in the Persian Gulf and a prolonged and bitter budget stalemate between President Bush and congress at home. From deMause's perspective the "whale as trapped fetus" fantasy was not coincidental but instead reflected the entire nation's wish for deliverance from two protracted and unnerving sources of national socio-political tension -- either by resolving the US-Iraq crisis or by going to war.

More recently, two other whales have been in the news. The adventures of "J.J.," a female gray whale, were followed closely for a full year by US and European media. She had been rescued by California researchers "soon after birth," and then carefully fed (hundreds of pounds of food daily) and nurtured in a pool at Sea World before being freed – i.e., returned to the ocean -- as a nine-ton yearling. J.J. was the largest mammal ever under the care of humans.

Another whale, Willie the killer whale, the star of two "Free Willie" movies, has had much media attention. Recently he was flown to Iceland where plans have been made to keep him for years in an ocean pen until he learns to capture his own food and seems otherwise able to care for himself. After that he will actually be "freed" from the womb/pen in a kind of birthing gesture.

III. FETAL LIFE AND BIRTH MEMORIES

DeMause points out that there have been several long-standing obstacles to an enlightened view of the fetus. One was Freud's equation of birth memories with "separation anxiety," which implied that fetal life until delivery was peaceful and uneventful. Another was the medical profession's belief, based on a fallacious 1933 study, that incomplete myelinization or sheathing of fetal nerve fibers prevented it from experiencing sensory input, and that the fetus was deaf, blind, and insensitive to pain. This insentient view of the fetus led to decades of circumcisions and other infant surgery without anesthetics. (In a sad comment on the medical profession, these barbaric practices continued long after it was known that partial myelinization merely slows but does not halt nerve impulses!)

THE TRAUMATIC WOMB DeMause argues that the traditional view of the womb as a peaceful and quiescent "living tomb" is mistaken; nor does the fetus exactly resemble a mummy:

The womb is in fact a very noisy, very changing, very active place in which to live, full of events and emotions both pleasant and painful. The fetus during the second trimester, when the amniotic sac is still rather roomy, now floats peacefully, now kicks vigorously, turns somersaults, hiccoughs, sighs, urinates, swallows and breathes amniotic fluid and urine, sucks its thumb, fingers, and toes, grabs its umbilicus, gets excited at sudden noises, calms down when the mother talks quietly, and gets rocked back to sleep as she walks about. Fetal activity patterns are now well studied, particularly since the development of ultrasound techniques. The normal fetus rarely goes 10 minutes without some gross activity, either with fetal breathing spurts during REM-sleep periods or with other movements.... The fetus in fact has quite regular activity cycles averaging about 45 minutes, cycles that later in the third trimester can be felt quite accurately by the mother. These fetal patterns become coordinated to some extent with the activity cycles of the mother -- evidence that the fetus is quite sensitive to a wide range of the mother's activities and emotions.

By the third trimester the fetus becomes increasingly uncomfortable: the womb is crowded, and the placenta is less efficient in its functions of nourishment, respiration, and disposal of wastes. DeMause points out that during "normal" labor and delivery, fetuses suffer from extreme and perhaps prolonged hypoxia or inadequate oxygen levels -- sometimes as low as 12%, incredible as it may seem, although adults become comatose at less than 60%:

The effects on the fetus of this severe hypoxia are dramatic: normal fetal breathing stops, fetal heart rate accelerates, then decelerates, the fetus often thrashes about frantically in reaction to the pain of the contractions and the hypoxia, and soon the fetus enters into its life-and-death struggle to liberate itself from its terrifying condition.... Yet it is a liberation struggle for all that, and not at all a `separation anxiety' from a comfortable womb.

The many extensive narrative parallels between abductees and the fetus include accounts of late-stage ordeals, as we will see below. Abductees report sensations of choking, suffocation, and severe pressure on head and body, obvious perinatal parallels that CE3 investigators observe and even enter into their case reports, but choose not to comprehend. DeMause cites birth regression studies with subjects whose narratives, checked against medical records, support the accuracy of specific late-stage birth memories, and he says that those memories are vivid and mostly negative:

...every piece of evidence, both obstetrical and clinical, which is added to the growing literature of fetal life confirms the concrete reality of these memories of feelings of pain, fear, and rage as the fetus struggles for liberation from the asphyxiating womb.

THE FETAL DRAMA DeMause maintains that the ambivalent realities of prenatal life lead to the "fetal drama," which has extensive and potentially permanent psychological consequences. The earliest tangible reality in the fetus' world is the placental/umbilical complex, on which fetal survival depends. The cyclical inconsistencies of the maternal system stimulate perhaps the first crucial psychological response in the developing human being: fetal anxiety.

Slowly during the second and third trimesters the first structuring of fetal mental life takes place. When the blood coming from the placenta is bright red and full of nutrients and oxygen, it is felt to be coming from what I shall term a Nurturant Placenta and the fetus feels good, but when the blood becomes dark and polluted with carbon dioxide and wastes, it is imagined to be coming from a Poisonous Placenta, and the fetus feels bad and can be seen to kick out at the source of its pain. In the final months before birth, as the fetus outgrows the placenta, the womb gets more crowded and the blood more polluted, and the fetal drama steps up in intensity. I propose that just as the satisfying and grateful emotions associated with the Nurturant Placenta form a prototype for all later love relationships, so, too, the polluting-asphyxiating experiences produce an attitude of fear and rage toward the Poisonous Placenta, which is therefore the prototype for all later hate relationships--whether with the murderous mother, the castrating father, or ultimately, the punitive superego itself.

DeMause has unquestionably established the psychological as well as physical significance to the fetus of several fetal and maternal bodily parts and processes. These include the primary birth organs (placenta, umbilicus, amniotic sac and fluids); the mother's body and its ingestions, movements, and changing emotional contexts; and the fetus' own developmental processes (respiration, waste removal, nutrition, and growth). Later there is the nurturant/poisonous placenta, and the anxiety of the final weeks of gestation; and throughout there are the surrounding maternal tissues, the cervical opening, and the vaginal tunnel.

These are the germinal materials of perinatal memories. Fetuses have often been observed actively feeling their body and the organs and tissues surrounding the womb's darkened environment. That they must develop very early a tactile sense of the shape and nature of their own body is clear from a photo of an hours-old neonate sticking out its tongue in imitation of the obstetrician holding him! If as deMause asserts prenatal experiences are prototypes for adult relationships, it is no mystery that they can be recalled much later -- involuntarily or with the aid of hypnosis or drugs. DeMause's exposition of fetal life shows that perinatal memories are a verifiable phenomenon. His work supports the thesis that such memories play a major role in UFO abductions.

THE PERINATAL BRAIN: THE EMOTIONAL MEMORY As I pointed out above in this series, the basic assumptions of the Birth Memories Hypothesis are supported by results from recent brain research. The matter is vastly complex and for our purposes a brief outline from a few sources will have to suffice. Lloyd deMause makes the case succinctly:

Biologists used to think that because the fetus had incomplete myelination of neurons it couldn't have memories. This notion has been disproved, since impulses can be carried quite efficiently in the thinly myelinated nerves of fetuses, only at a somewhat slower velocity, which is offset by the shorter distances traveled. Indeed, far from being an unfeeling being, the fetus has been found to be exquisitely sensitive to its surroundings, and our earliest feelings have been found to be coded into our early emotional memory system centering in the amygdala, quite distinct from the declarative memory system centering in the hippocampus that becomes functional only in later childhood. ("Restaging Early Traumas in War and Violence," Journal of Psychohistory, Spring, 1996, 360-361)

Daniel Goleman writes of the central part played by the amygdala in the brain's emotional memory:

The brain uses a simple but cunning method to make emotional memories register with special potency... Under stress (or anxiety, or presumably even the intense excitement of joy) a nerve running from the brain to the adrenal glands atop the kidneys triggers a secretion of the hormones epinephrine and norepinephrine, which surge through the body priming it for an emergency. These hormones activate receptors on the vagus nerve; while the vagus nerve carries messages from the brain to regulate the heart, it also carries signals back into the brain, triggered by epinephrine and norepinephrine. The amygdala is the main site in the brain where these signals go; they activate neurons within the amygdala to signal other brain regions to strengthen memory for what is happening.

This amygdala arousal seems to imprint in memory most moments of emotional arousal with an added degree of strength -- that's why we are more likely, for example, to remember where we went on a first date, or what we were doing when we heard the news that the space shuttle Challenger had exploded. The more intense the amygdala arousal, the stronger the imprint; the experiences that scare or thrill us the most in life are among our most indelible memories. This means that, in effect, the brain has two memory systems, one for ordinary facts and one for emotionally charged ones. A special system for emotional memories makes excellent sense in evolution, of course, ensuring that animals would have particularly vivid memories of what threatens or pleases them. But emotional memories can be faulty guides to the present.

Goleman discusses the effect of early life experiences on the amygdala's emotional memory system:

The emotional brain's [periodic] imprecision ... is added to by the fact that many potent emotional memories date from the first few years of life, in the relationship between an infant and its caretakers. This is especially true for traumatic events, like beatings or outright neglect. During this early period of life other brain structures, particularly the hippocampus, which is crucial for narrative memories, and the neo-cortex, seat of rational thought, have yet to become fully developed. In memory, the amygdala and hippocampus work hand-in-hand; each stores and retrieves its special information independently. While the hippocampus retrieves information, the amygdala determines if that information has any emotional valence. But the amygdala, which matures very quickly in the infant's brain, is much closer to fully formed at birth.

Goleman thus implicitly concedes that the amygdala's emotional memory system is functional in prenatal life, though his discussion completely avoids relevant fetal behavior. But he discusses Joseph LeDoux's work and ideas (The Emotional Brain, 1996) about the significance of early childhood experiences:

LeDoux turns to the role of the amygdala in childhood to support what has long been a basic tenet of psychoanalytic thought: that the interactions of life's earliest years lay down a set of emotional lessons based on the attunement and upsets in the contacts between infant and caretakers. These emotional lessons are so potent and yet so difficult to understand from the vantage point of adult life because, believes LeDoux, they are stored in the amygdala as rough, wordless blueprints for emotional life. Since these earliest emotional memories are established at a time before infants have words for their experience, when these emotional memories are triggered in later life there is no matching set of articulated thoughts about the response that takes us over. One reason we can be so baffled by our emotional outbursts, then, is that they often date from a time early in our lives when things were bewildering and we did not yet have words for comprehending events. We may have the chaotic feelings, but not the words for the memories that formed them. (Emotional Intelligence, 1995, 20-22)

Goleman's emphasis on "wordless blueprints," the non-verbal nature of emotional memories, is consistent with the seemingly typical absurdity and banality of alleged alien-human verbal and other communication, including the infamous "messages" to abductees. But the sometimes chaotic and otherwise intense feelings during CE3s (they need not all be negative, and his discussion grants that) are also consistent with the perinatally purposeful bonding experience, which is unmistakably intense and can be either positive or negative in the extreme.

Joseph LeDoux has a relevant comment about the early period of life and what Freud termed "infantile amnesia" -- seemingly another way of referring to the "missing time" of the amygdala's perinatal emotional memory:

The idea of separate systems devoted to forming implicit emotional memories and explicit memories of emotions is relevant for understanding infantile amnesia, our inability to remember experiences from early childhood, roughly before age three. Infantile amnesia was first discussed by Freud, who noted that there had not been enough astonishment of the fact that by the time a child is two he can speak well and is at home with complicated mental situations, but if he is later told of some remark made during this time, he will have no memory of it.

Lynn Nadel, together with Jake Jacobs, proposed that the key to infantile amnesia was the relatively prolonged period of maturation that the hippocampus goes through.... It seems to take the hippocampus a bit longer than most other brain regions to get its act together.... Other brain systems, though, must be ready to do their learning and remembering sooner, since children learn lots of things during this amnesic time, even if they don't have conscious memories of the learning....Jacobs and Nadel were particularly interested in the way that early trauma, though not remembered, might have lasting, detrimental influences on mental life. They proposed that the system that forms unconscious memories of traumatic events might mature before the hippocampus. They did not identify what this unconscious system for traumatic learning and memory was, but we now know, of course, that this system crucially involves the amygdala and its connections. (Emotional Brain, 205 ff.)

Thus there seems to be an emotional memory in the brain that starts working from an early prenatal phase onward -- and comparatively long before the declarative memory of the hippocampus is operational, and longer still before other rational faculties are matured. Evidently the amygdala's emotional memory keeps a non-verbal record of events through delivery and bonding (the end of the first year), to some point around age 3 or 4, by which time the developing normal brain, mind, and memory have taken over.

These first few years of life (including the prenatal phase) comprise the temporal context of perinatal memories. They also contain the matrix for the beginnings of human nature -- a truly archetypal experience that is stored largely in our emotional memory, and which our wilder passions and fantasies may recall for us, whether as young children, as adults, or as grandparents. It is the great universal human matrix we all share -- so similar and yet unique for each person. Reduced to its essentials, it is a shamanistic journey from the comforts, stresses, and changes of prenatal life through the terrors of birth and to the emotional security of bonding love and developmental growth.

Exposure to trauma -- or, as I believe, wild fantasies -- can revivify parts of the emotional memory of the "missing time" we all have in our past, which helps explain why there is so much birth imagery in sci-fi (actually fantasy) films. Examples: the mother monster in the "Alien" series that lays acres of eggs; the allegorical infant at the end of "2001"; the house yards full of vaginal tunnels and umbilical tubes in the climactic scene of "ET".... Perinatal imagery occurs even in daily TV soap operas. And, of course, in CE3 abduction narratives.

 

IV. THE BIRTH-ABDUCTION CONNECTION: FANTASY

The interconnections between UFO abductions and perinatal memories are a result of the nature of fantasy. Perhaps the most undisciplined segment of traditional culture and belief, fantasy has visionary and dreamlike qualities that distinguish it from more realistic and restrained products of human imagination. One particularly important characteristic is that works of fantasy in literature, art, or film, and fantasized belief systems -- theological, philosophical, or socio-political -- nearly always display explicit or symbolic perinatal imagery and events. Fantasy's linkages with birth memories help account for its unusual character and appeal.

Most books and articles about UFOs, aliens, or space travel can be classified as fantasy, because such material deals with supernatural and fantastic rather than mundane subject matter. Like other works of fantasy, space epics tend to be loaded with perinatal imagery and references. Science-fiction, which is a hi-tech genre of fantasy literature, usually exhibits little or no perinatal imagery because its focus is ultimately on nuts-and-bolts realism rather than on wild imaginative flights. There is plenty of gray area between the two genres, however. Space-oriented fantasy fiction consistently displays literal or allegorical imagery involving perinatal memories -- often in great abundance. Since, as I believe, UFO abductees' narratives are also fantasies, they too are loaded with birth imagery.

A cartoon strip by Gary Larson captures the essence of fantasy/birth/abduction parallels with near perfection. The 6-panel drawing shows a young girl in predicaments suggesting various revivified perinatal memories -- vaginal (stuck inside a pipe, a hollow log, and a vacuum cleaner bag); placental (swallowed by a snakelike placental beast); and amniotic (stuffed first in a goldfish bowl and then into an alien's collection jar). In a single imaginative gesture, the cartoonist has linked fantasy, perinatal imagery, and an alien abduction into a strip complete with placental UFO and umbilical landing gear. Unless Larson has seen my articles, his cartoon seems a wildly synchronistic verification of my perinatal theories. There is more than a happy accident here, however. Larson is an experienced fantasy artist, and the perinatal-alien-contact linkages could have fallen into a natural relationship in his mind. There are few such blasts of confirmation of our ideas, but this good one is most welcome.

Filmed fantasies, from space epics to tasteless slasher gore, offer a particularly rich display of birth-related events. Special effects technology -- called "morphing" -- makes it possible for fantasy movies to dwell on graphic perinatal and related carnage: close-ups of demonic fetuses or other monstrosities exploding from abdomens or pushing through human flesh to be born like the creatures in the Alien series.

Whatever the plots of fantasy films, their litany of pregnancies, fetuses, problem births, birth struggles, anatomical trauma, delivery, rebirth, and similar events may seem incidental, but I believe the perinatal miscellany often affects an audience more than the story line does. Viewing such material, individuals may passively though perhaps unconsciously relive and so work out their perinatal anxieties in an entertaining, objective, and non-threatening context. Such responses help explain the continuing popularity of fantasy films, soaps, and occult-fantasy documentaries, as well as supermarket tabloids with screaming headlines about pregnant babies or women giving birth to chickens. Sensationalized fantasies may seem to supplant good sense, but they actually offer people a means of regenerating and healing their often disturbing perinatal memories.

A staple of almost all film fantasies is the stereotypically cataclysmic finale, in which the obligatory mad scientist, his magic formula, and monster -- along with his laboratory, castle, island, entire planet, or whatever -- are annihilated by a series of titanic (though purifying) explosions. Grof's finding that volcanic emotional states are a regular part of his Stage III birth revivifications, and deMause's similar birth cycle of "strong... cracking... collapse... upheaval..." support the view that the e xplosive endings of fantasy films are symbolic rebirth events that emotionally dispose of the old corrupt world and prepare us for a (hopefully) less corrupt new one.

CE3/BIRTH IMAGERY IN TRADITIONAL FANTASY The following brief survey lists diverse works of fantasy that contain abundant patterns of perinatal imagery and events. It includes examples of religious art, folklore, children's stories, films and TV, and science fiction and fantasy literature.

In a 12th century Christian illustration of prenatal life by Hildegarde of Bingen (Germany), an airborne flying placenta (in left panel) is actually described by the artist in an accompanying codex as an object from another world that brings the human soul to the fetus (Fig. 2 -1). The vehicular object and its "delivery tube" (attached to the maternal navel) obviously duplicate the placental/umbilical complex.

 

 

FIG. 2-1 -- (l. panel) Jesus Arrives via a Placental "Vehicle" (Hildegarde)

In a strikingly similar Indian relief (c. 800 AD, Fig. 2-2), a "lily" growing on a stalk from the god Vishnu's navel carries the infant Buddha to Earth, presumably from another world.

 

FIG. 2-2 -- Vishnu On a Placental "Vehicle"

Note that in both traditions there is a placental flying "craft" with a pendant umbilical tube. Thus artists from two cultures widely separated in time and place have made identical imaginative associations between perinatal processes and otherworldly vehicular travel. Support for perinatal/CE3/fantasy connections could hardly have come from more diverse sources.

Umbilical symbols are plentiful in religious art. Some of these take the form of beams from the sky that seem based on the umbilical tube and the movement of fluids within it. In Fra Angelico's painting of the Annunciation (Fig. 2-3), God impregnates the Virgin's womb with a beam from Heaven. This heavenly beam, rendered similarly in dozens of such works, is actually a hollow tube through which the Holy Spirit (usually given the symbolic form of a dove) according to tradition descended from God directly to Mary.

 

FIG. 2-3 -- The Annunciation's umbilical beam impregnates Mary (Fra Angelico)

 

Another divine sky beam can be seen in an anonymous medieval painting of a beam of the "breath of life" given by God to Adam (Fig. 2-4). The perinatal implications of umbilical respiration are clear here and elsewhere.

 

FIG. 2-4 -- Adam is given the "breath of life" by God

 

Analogous umbilical sky-beams occur in psychiatry: one of Jung's schizophrenic patients sketched the sun with a dangling tube that he associated with the wind (i.e., breath). Thus the patient's wind-tube is symbolically umbilical. In a seemingly far-fetched but common transformation, this sky umbilical becomes a sky-ladder in folk tales such as Jack and the Beanstalk. Ladders are not unknown in UFO sighting reports, and one of our Imaginary subjects even sketched a UFO with a "ladder" hanging down. Such descriptions shed perinatal light on the Biblical story of Jacob who supposedly observed angels descending a ladder. Other stories change the sky-tube image to a tunnel – a sky-tunnel such as the tornado that whooshes Dorothy away in The Wizard of Oz, or one deep in the ground as in such fantasies as Ali Baba, Alice in Wonderland, and The Pied Piper of Hamelin.

BIRTH DATA IN SPACE FANTASIES Symbolic and literal birth data thrive in fantasy and science-fiction story illustrations and in fantasy films, especially those involving space voyages or contact with other worlds. Any good collection of science-fiction illustrations teems with highly detailed placental, umbilical, amniotic, and fetal imagery and events. This situation is not, however, a contemporary innovation, for we can see the perinatal/space connection in early examples of science fiction and fantasy literature (by far the older of the two literary forms).

For example, the 1897 illustrations for H.G. Wells' periodical publication of War of the Worlds showed the Martians as octopoid (i.e., placental) entities with tentacles flying from discoid spacecraft with spidery umbilical legs (Fig. 2-5).

FIG. 2-5 -- Original placental aliens from "War of the Worlds"

 

The 1950 filmed version of Wells' story used a much different design for the Martian craft, but with perhaps unconscious ingenuity it preserved the original's perinatal form: the film's spaceship was an upside-down placenta with an umbilical neck and head (Fig.2-6).

  

FIG. 2-6 -- Placental/umbilical alien (from the film)

 

Wells' notebook sketch of a Martian, a huge fetal head with a body of tiny tentacles, was a product of his Darwinian assumption that mankind would evolve into a purely intellectual being. Wells' Martian has enormous eyes and its other facial features are undeveloped, consistent with abductees' fetal entities (Fig. 2-7).

FIG. 2-7 -- Wells' notebook sketch of his "Worlds" alien creature

 

TENTACLES IN CE3 ENTITY DESCRIPTIONS A brief digression here about tentacles in CE3 creature descriptions. Although tentacled aliens have been common in science fiction at least since Wells, Jules Verne, and maybe Poe, reports of UFO entities with tentacles are rare.

However, UFOs are sometimes described with tentacular "landing gear," ropes, or other apparati dangling, as in a 1977 New York report (Fig. 2-8).

 

 

FIG. 2-8 -- Tentacled UFO from a New York sighting

 

There are tentacles aplenty in science fiction. In a seemingly strange if not prescient ufological event, the November, 1929 cover of the then new periodical,  Science Wonder Stories, shows a classic placental flying saucer with interminable umbilical tentacles -- eighteen years before the first modern wave of UFO sightings (Fig. 2-9).

 

FIG. 2-9 -- Pre-1947 classic placental UFO

It is worth emphasizing that this particular saucer was unrelated to any story in the magazine, but instead was part of a story-writing contest -- i.e., it was the core of a deliberate plan to stimulate readers' fantasies. Yet how did it happen that a more or less typical perinatal flying saucer appeared on an obscure magazine cover nearly two decades before people all over the world were claiming to have seen similarly shaped craft zipping through the skies (maybe with something dangling)? The cover was the product of the editorial staff’s own perinatal fantasies. ETH-happy UFO proponents can not explain such elaborate, odd, and contradictory parallels because their alien genetics theories give them no clue.

One of deMause's many pioneering insights connects old world myths and legends of tentacled, multi-headed dragons and writhing serpents with the placental/umbilical complex. In the last weeks before birth the fetus is in constant, uncomfortable, full-body contact with the swollen placenta and the full-sized umbilical tube. DeMause believes that all the bug-eyed monsters in literature, fantasy, film, and tradition have a common origin in the fetus' physiological, tactile, and psychological experiences with the pulsing, serpentine umbilical cord and the sprawling mat of throbbing placental vessels.

The placental shape, essentially discoid, has long been associated with objects that float or fly. Another 1929 SF magazine illustration, this one of floating cities supported on umbilical sky-beam legs, adds an amniotic dome to the standard UFO conception (Fig. 2-10).

 

FIG. 2-10 -- Placental/umbilical illustration (1929)

 

A much earlier version of this floating vehicle/city idea is Jonathan Swift`s fantasized sky-island, Laputa, described in Part III of Gulliver's Travels (1726). Note that Swift's illustrator in this 19th-century etching cannot resist adding the faint suggestions of umbilical or tentacle matter hanging down below (Fig. 2-11). Most such sketches show them less ambiguously.

FIG 2-11 -- Gulliver's placental "floating island" (1726)

A half-century before Swift, Cyrano de Bergerac's moon-voyage fantasy, A Comical History of the States and Empires of the Moon (1687), made other perinatal associations. An etching shows the author rising toward the moon in a bubble of dew, pulled upward by the sun's rays (Fig. 2-12). An allegorical interpretation of the sketch shows it persuasively combines four perinatal/space voyage parallels: sun=placenta; rays=umbilicus; bubble=amnion or womb; and Cyrano=fetus.

 

FIG. 2-12 -- Cyrano's perinatal fantasy (1687)

Lloyd deMause's perinatal views not only explain the origin of tentacled monstrosities (for once and all, I believe), it also accounts for the enduring oral and literary traditions of blood-sucking vampires and similar creatures. In deMause's terms, vampire fantasies originate in the "poisonous placenta" of late-stage gestation, at which time the inefficient and aging placenta gradually deprives the fetus of needed oxygen and food, and is increasingly unable to cleanse the fetal blood supply of poisonous wastes. In effect, the placenta is sucking the healthy blood from the fetus as surely as if with the same horrific 2-inch fangs of all the bloodthirsty vampires in story and cinema.

Oddly, there are few blood-sucking aliens in CE3s, vampires being one creature with perinatal origins that abductees do not routinely include in their other-world fantasies. The only substantive and repeated vampiric echo I know of in CE3s is the "needle in the navel" motif during which body fluids are taken, as in the Betty Hill, Andreasson, and other narratives. The exsanguination of cattle and other livestock may fit the vampire motif, but I most firmly do not believe that animal mutilations have anything to do with abduction fantasies.

Treatises on extraterrestrial life and space journeys go back at least 2500 years in Western literature. Since fantasy has played a major role in all such material, its perinatal content is manifest, however long overlooked. Some of these sources are discussed, though from the perspective of an NDE (an abduction analog), in Carol Zaleski's Otherworld Journeys: Accounts of Near-Death Experience in Medieval and Modern Times (1987). Zaleski mentions NDE/birth parallels repeatedly but ultimately dismisses perinatal explanations as reductionist. Her quoted sources, however, contain an abundance of perinatal imagery and so provide strong evidence to the contrary.

BIRTH DATA IN UFO/SPACE FANTASIES Cinematic space operas -- from UFO films to TV cartoons -- are a peculiarly rich medium for perinatal fantasy imagery, as a review of a few of the hordes of such films over the past four decades will verify. In the 1951 film The Day the Earth Stood Still, audiences witnessed a dramatic birth parallel as the alien UFO/womb opened just a crack to "deliver" Klaatu, the alien/fetus who came bearing a moralistic warning message. The concluding scene of 2001: A Space Odyssey (1969), which shows a newborn infant in an amniotic space capsule, allegorizes mankind's technological rebirth and destiny in the stars. The central symbol in Close Encounters of the Third Kind (1977), the Devils Tower monument, is umbilical: in the key scene the massive placental UFO hovers directly over the Tower, and later the hero enters the craft through a low door and finds himself in a vast open hall, and thus is reborn. Several of the spacecraft in Star Wars (1977) and its sequels are shaped like actual human gonads -- uterine systems with fallopian tubes and ovaries, or testes with a truncated penis. The Mel Brooks lampoon of Star Wars reflects these anatomic parallels in several phallic spaceships as well as in its title, Spaceballs (1987).

Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1978), like its classic 1950s original, uses perinatal events to intensify an allegory of the dangers of Communism: giant womblike seed-pods give birth to zombie replicas when real people lose their political vigilance and "sleep." Alien (1979) and its sequels Aliens (1986), Alien3 (1992), and Alien Resurrection (1997) are steeped in birth imagery and events: the initial Alien's on-board corrupted computer is named "Mother"; and the title entity, a female placental dragon, lays "eggs" that gestate in human bodies and kill them at its birth. E.T.--The Extraterrestrial (1982), a perinatal allegory that is probably the greatest children's film ever made, presents a placental alien whom the boy hero first learns to tolerate, then love, then finally give up. The overtly perinatal resuscitation/rebirth/escape scene at the end of E.T. features a vast array of placental/umbilical/vaginal tubes and tunnels. The British alien fantasy, Xtro (1982), I thought once was unsurpassed for sheer obstetrical gore, although increasingly intense perinatal special effects in films since then may have eclipsed it.

It is worth noting that E.T. and the very different perinatal alien flick Independence Day (1996) (called ID4 by some) are two of the biggest money-earning movies ever, worldwide. (The Arrival, also a 1996 release, failed to register strongly with the public, despite being a much better film than Independence Day.) Perhaps the latter film’s 200-mile-long mother vessel, the fantastic miles-wide placental attack ships, and similarly huge birth-related artifacts throughout helped it achieve an incredible popularity, for ID4 continues the perinatal mythic tradition of E.T. with a special effects vengeance.

Many TV perinatal science-fiction and fantasy space programs have appeared over the years. Remarkably, since the very beginning of network programming, the U.S. television audience has never been without one or more adult or child-oriented space/alien fantasy series, and thoughtful analysis of any episodes will reveal their hefty perinatal content. A partial list with the beginning year includes the early Buck Rogers (1949), Flash Gordon (1950), and Space Patrol (1951); anthologies such as Science-Fiction Theater (1955), Twilight Zone (1959),  Outer Limits (1963), and Night Gallery (1971); sitcoms  My Favorite Martian (1963) and  Mork and Mindy (1978); alien dramas  The Invaders (1967) and the British imports  UFO (1970) and  Space: 1999 (1975); the  Star Wars copycat  Battlestar Galactica (1978); and of course  Star Trek (1966) and  Star Trek--The New Generation (1987). The syndicated weekly series  Alien Nation (1988-1990) went to unprecedented perinatal lengths during its first season and afterward in an interesting multi-episode exploration of the aliens' unique procreative processes.

A complete list of perinatally interesting movies would be extensive. There are many mediocre fantasy films with good birth-related segments, and there are many non-fantasy films with individual scenes that are perinatally impressive. For example, many recent horror films deal in highly explicit perinatal terms with the birth of a supposed demon-possessed or Anti-Christ child – such as  Rosemary's Baby  (1968), The Exorcist, (1973), and the Damien  series (1976 ff ). Most of these works, regrettably, are marred by cheap sensationalism and by their cynical exploitation of Christian Satanic mythology.

Any list of reasonably well-made recent birth-related film fantasies should include, besides E.T.: Starman (1984), Splash (1984),  The Last Starfighter (1984),  Cocoon (1985),  Nightflyers (1987),  Abyss (1989),  Look Who's Talking (1989), Millenium (1989),  The Handmaid's Tale (1990),  Total Recall (1990), The Unborn (1991), Beauty and the Beast (1991), the Alien series, some of David Lynch's films (including the cult classic Eraserhead (1974), Dune (1984), and Blue Velvet (1986)), of course Independence Day, and perhaps a score or two more. Judging from my experience with cable TV, the movie industry releases two or three birth-oriented fantasy flicks of varying quality for theaters or TV every month.

 

V. THE REVIVIFICATION OF BIRTH MEMORIES

It is possible to relive the physical and psychological ordeal of one's own birth with the aid of hallucinogenic drugs, as psychiatrist Stanislav Grof has shown, or even under hypnosis. Our hypnotized real and imaginary CE3 witnesses were giving us loads of perinatal imagery long before I recognized it, and before I found that Grof's drug-assisted birth narratives contain many parallels with abduction image constants.

Not incidentally, the connection works in reverse: some of Grof's subjects describe LSD hallucinations involving "flying saucers," aliens, and Star Trek-like adventures. Together with reports that terminal patients on certain drug therapies experience spontaneous CE3s, such accounts imply that UFO fantasies are recurrent if seldom acknowledged clinical events.

Grof classifies his subjects' descriptions into what he calls the four major perinatal stages in the birth process, which he views as matrices for later personality development and behavior.

 

GROF'S FOUR PERINATAL STAGES

STAGE & DESCRIPTION -- TYPICAL EVENTS

1--Primal union with the mother -- Good/bad womb experiences

II--Onset of birth process -- Contractions in a closed system

III--Synergism with the mother -- Propulsion through birth canal

IV--Separation from mother -- End of union; begins new relationship

 

Figure 2-13 contains a reasonably complete compilation of perinatal images and events from CE3 reports and Grof's sessions. I have indicated Grof's perinatal stages for clarity. The organization is roughly chronological, although abductees' narratives tend to jump back and forth randomly and thus violate Grof's presumed sequence. Not all of these 50-plus parallels are necessarily reported in every abduction or birth narrative. Page numbers refer to Grof's Realms of the Human Unconscious.]

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Fig. 2-13: CE3s & GROF's BIRTH PARALLELS

 CE3 IMAGES, CASES, STAGES, & BIRTH IMAGERY/EVENTS:

LOSS OF CONTROL -- [All Cases; Stage IV--'It was as if I were...losing control, and being quite unable to arrest the...plunge...' (p. 146 in Grof's 'Realms of the Human Unconscious')]

BRIGHT LIGHT -- [All Cases; Stage IV--Radiant light of blinding intensity may seem supernaturally bright (143)]

PARALYSIS -- [Many Cases; Stage II--Visions of entrapment, of being fixed, chained, or unable to escape an inevitable doom or threat (143)]

STRUCK BY LIGHTBEAM -- [Most Cases; Stage I--'...an incredible amount of light and energy was enveloping me and streaming in subtle vibrations through my whole being.' (113)]

TUBE OF LIGHT -- [Many Cases; IV--'We were rising toward the light, higher and higher, through majestic white marble pillars....We rose into whiteness...' (147)]

TUBE OR TUNNEL -- [Most Cases; II--Visions of cosmic engulfment or a gigantic whirlpool/maelstrom 'sucking the subject and his world relentlessly to its center.' (121)]

METALLIC SOUNDS -- [Many Cases; IV--Hum of machinery, sounds of surgical instruments, etc., as if from a hospital room. (139)]

SIZE CHANGE -- [Many Cases; IV--'We all became very small--as small as a cell, as small as an atom.']

BIG ROOM -- [Most Cases; IV--Separation from mother coincides with feelings of decompression and spatial , expansion; also visions of gigantic halls, open spaces, etc. (139)]

STARRY SKIES -- [Many Cases; I--Visions of cosmic vistas, galaxies, solar systems, star-filled skies, etc. (113)]

ETH ASSUMED -- [All Cases; III--War of the Worlds type invasions, chaos (125)]

ABSURD EVENTS -- [Most Cases; II--Agonized struggle of early birth results in feelings of the meaninglessness of life, death, struggle itself, etc.; world seems to be insane.

ENTITIES -- [All Cases; The 6 Types (from Folklore): 1) Human -- Stage IV-- 'persons' (146); 2) Humanoid -- Stage I-- Visions of fetuses and embryos (105); 3) Animal -- Stage IV-- 'animals' (146); 4) Robot -- Stage II-- '...automata, robots...' (116); 5) Exotic -- Stage IV-- '...animal-human combinations...' (146); 6) Apparitional -- Stage II-- 'spirits' (146)]

PHYSICAL 'EXAMINATION' -- [All Cases; II--Subject is concerned by apparent threats to bodily survival as recalled in past operations, interrogations, illnesses, etc. (121)]

RELIVING MEDICAL HISTORY -- [Many Cases; II -- Subjects recollect sensations and detailed circumstances from operations and other medical procedures. (121)]

BODILY DISMEMBERMENT -- [Many Cases; IV-Ego death/rebirth symbolism: a victim may feel that his body is cut open and his heart and other organs are removed; replacement brings a sense of rebirth and spiritual renewal. (142)]

UMBILICAL PAIN -- [Many Cases; IV-Subjects report several pain in the umbilical area, often spreading through the pelvic region (141)]

RELIEF AFTER PAIN -- [Many Cases; IV-Relief after pain of deep emotions or physical threats, resulting in physical tranquility (140)]

BREATHING PROBLEMS -- [Many Cases; IV-Sense of breathing difficulties, suffocation and related feelings of emergency (141)]

BAD TASTES AND ODORS -- [Many Cases; I-Unpleasant sensations such as biological and inorganic tastes (ammonia, metallic, iodine, etc., and revolting odors (sweat, feces, putrefaction) (108, 131)]

PRESSURE ON BODY -- [Many Cases; III-Great pressure and pain on the head and body, and related distress (134)]

CURRENT THROUGH BODY -- [Many Cases; III-Incidents of powerful currents of energy streaming through the body, causing intense pain and discomfort (124)]

ALTERNATING CHILLS AND FEVER -- [Many Cases; III-Hot flushes alternating with chills, and profuse sweating with shivering (134)]

LIFE REVIEW -- [Many Cases; IV-Subjects often visualize a rapid sequence of key events from past and present life, often on a "screen" (145)]

MESSAGE -- [Most Cases; I-'I suddenly understood the message of so many spiritual teachers that the only revolution that can work is the inner transformation of every human being.' (114)]

KNOWLEDGE GAINED -- [Most Cases; I-Intuitive insight into the meaning of the cosmos, seemingly more relevant than specific, concrete, or pragmatic knowledge (106)]

MESSIANIC COMPLEX -- [Many Cases; IV-Identification with suffering, death, and transcendence of Christ; A sense of unity with God, Christ, etc. (142)]

MISCELLANEOUS WOMB IMAGERY -- [All Cases; I-Many realistic details suggestive of the original embryonal/fetal situation, Including specifics of amniotic vessels, intrauterine development--the umbilical cord, umbilical tube, fluids, placenta, etc. Descriptions are identical with embryo/fetus in womb, with many details of sensate fetal life (105ff, 158)]

APOCALYPTIC EVENTS -- [Many Cases; III-Earth pictured as besieged by disastrous events of man and nature: atomic war, earthquakes, volcanoes, hurricanes, novas, etc.; visions of future devastation and mass death (124)]

RETURN -- [All Cases; I-'Only reluctantly was I giving up this experience and returning to my usual consciousness.' (114)]

AMNESIA -- [Most Cases; I-'This...experience lasted for what seemed an eternity...seemed to open into time instead of space...' (113)]

INEFFABILITY -- [Many Cases; I-'I reached a new feeling of harmony and self-acceptance, a global understanding of existence that is difficult to define.' (114)]

AFTERMATH -- [All Cases; I-'I felt...that something of the utmost relevance had happened to me...and that I would never be the same.' (114)]

 

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VI. PERINATAL ECHOES IN CE3 NARRATIVES

This section discusses several major groups of perinatal echoes in CE3 narratives, including fetus/entity parallels, tunnel/tube references, placental/umbilical imagery, cervical passageways, and womblike and amniotic (transparent) rooms or containers.

FETAL HUMANOIDS AND OTHER REPORTED ENTITIES Grof's birth revivification narratives contain the same six distinct classes of entities as CE3 reports. The fetal humanoid, the dominant entity type in CE3s, shows many parallels with abduction data as well as birth memories. The major similarities are specified below in lists of reported humanoid characteristics and comparable details from prenatal development, and in the illustrated comparison in Fig. 14. Several of these details are more characteristic of the embryo (i.e., through eight weeks) than to the fetus (nine weeks to term), implying that the psychological matrices for the fantasized physical appearance of some fetal UFO humanoids originate very early. It would be more accurate to describe every fetal humanoid, including the familiar "Gray" entity, as an embryonic/fetal humanoid.

 

FIG. 2-14: HUMANOID and FETAL CHARACTERISTICS

 

REPORTED HUMANOIDS vs EMBRYO/FETAL DEVELOPMENT:

Diminutive size (2 - 5.5 feet) -- Small throughout gestation

Frail physique -- Frail until late in gestation

Disproportionately large head -- Head size large from 4th week

Eyes comparatively large -- Eyes half adult size at birth

Hands, feet 'missing' or small -- Hand, foot plates in 5th or 6th wk

'Claws' or webbed fingers, toes -- Fingers, toes webbed til 8th wk

Undeveloped ears, nose, mouth -- Undeveloped facial features

Genitalia not evident -- Genitalia ambiguous until 12th wk

Arms longer than legs -- Arms longer until 4th month

Clumsy movement, walk -- Perceptible movements 5th month on

Skin color pallid gray or white -- Pallid skin until 6th month

Skin color reddish -- Skin color reddish in 7th month

Skin wrinkled -- Skin wrinkled in 7th month

Hairless bodies -- No hair until 8th month

No eyebrows -- Eyebrows evident in 8th month

Smooth skin -- Skin less wrinkled in 8-9th month

  

TUNNEL/TUBE IMAGERY IN CE3s DeMause has shown us that there are separate perinatal origins for tube (umbilical) and tunnel (vaginal) imagery, though ufologists usually use the terms interchangeably, and as a result the tunnel/tube imagery from cases is often confusing. Tunnel imagery is well established in CE3s, often masking itself figuratively as long hallways, elevators, transparent containers, or as cylindrical tubes that suck witnesses into a UFO or move them about when aboard. Tube imagery appears in a multitude of sizes and functions, from columns to delicate needles. Abductees sometimes say they were probed or "injected" in the navel with needles attached to tubes (Fig. 2-15).

 

 

FIG. 2-15 -- Tunnels and tube images in CE3 reports

 

PLACENTAL and UMBILICAL IMAGERY IN CE3s Placental and umbilical symbols abound in CE3s. Placental symbolism is manifest in the most pervasive perinatal symbol in ufology, the discoid shape of a classic flying saucer. Placental forms are also suggested in witness sketches of entities' "backpacks" or similar equipment, nearly always with dual or multiple (umbilical) tubes affixed. The tubes fit into bubbledome headgear, backpacks, or similar apparatus, as if for respiration, which is the precise function of the umbilical tube (see Fig. 2-16 below). Entities' supposed breathing tubes connecting headgear with backpacks, etc., have similarities to a late-term fetus with its placenta and umbilical tube in the amniotic sac. Also reported are various placental "black boxes" with projecting tubes that aliens wear or use during examinations of witnesses.

  

FIG. 2-16 -- Umbilical images in reported entities

The umbilical cord, a tube containing other tubes (i.e., a vein and two arteries), is present in the form of tubes of various sizes described or sketched in nearly every CE3 narrative. Anything dangling from the (placental) UFO's underside is an umbilical symbol. The umbilical cord also has analogies with the often reported and very strange retracting beam of light, which abductees describe as a lighted tube or tunnel with several bizarre qualities. It reportedly emerges and retracts slowly; it shows a flat "end"; and its unearthly bright light seemingly casts no shadows. The beam's back-and-forth probing and retreating movements may be unconsciously modeled on the umbilical cord's pulsing two-way blood flow. The improbable yet fascinating "end" of the beam may originate in the natural separation point of the umbilical near the navel, or perhaps in the delivery room umbilical clamp. (See Fig. 2-17.)

 

FIG. 2-17 -- Placental/umbilical images in CE3 reports

 

Real abductees report perinatal imagery abundantly, but two of our Imaginary witnesses also described clear placental/umbilical images. One reported a placental UFO with an umbilical rope ladder dangling below it. Another surprised us by describing and drawing an aptly named dumbbell UFO, which has actually been reported a few times. Its configuration is aeronautically absurd, but in perinatal terms its dumbbell form is richly symbolic: it suggests not one but two placentas joined by an umbilical, and so embodies deMause's insightful concept of the ambivalent nurturant/poisonous placenta. The dumbbell pattern has a second parallel in the two-headed "cosmic pillar" of folklore and mythology, which depicts the contrasting realms of heaven and hell.  

AMNIOTIC IMAGERY IN CE3s UFOs are obvious placental symbols, but they are also simultaneously symbolic of the womb, and many reports of them are blatantly amniotic. The amniotic sac, the transparent material that envelops the fetus, apparently has analogs in the bubbledome headgear, translucent enclosures, and windowed UFOs described by both real and imaginary witnesses (Fig. 2-18). Could the imaginary/real abductees have copied these designs from current space technology? Yes and no. Astronauts' spacesuits do have bubbledomes (and backpacks). But NASA has no large-windowed spacecraft with see-through cubicles, nor space-related equipment like the body-sized bubble that several abductees said they were placed in. A perinatal source for all these amniotic constructs is almost certain.

 

FIG. 2-18 -- Amniotic images in CE3 reports

 

CERVICAL DOORWAYS IN CE3s Images of UFO doors or passageways in abduction narratives are nearly as plentiful as tubes and tunnels. Witnesses may describe unusual doorways that appear suddenly in walls or on a UFO's exterior, many of which open from the center like a camera lens, then close again and disappear without a trace. The absence of simpler hinged, sliding, or familiar aircraft doors is significant, and it is surely more than coincidental that doors in TV and film space epics also open from the center. These unusual doorways suggest a perinatal event: the dilation of the cervix during birth. One of our imaginary abductees spontaneously confirmed this interpretation during birth regression by describing cervical dilation with the comment, "It's like a door opening!"

Some abductees seem to focus on doors and doorways, and unless otherwise discouraged will lead the hypnotist on a near-endless round of passages from womblike chambers through cervical doors leading into big rooms, then out other doors into still other womblike rooms. The psychological aftereffects of birth are surely a more credible interpretation of such narrative material than any plausible alien craft's interior architecture. These repeated trips through doorways and other openings stem -- it seems obvious to me -- from the subject's need to re-experience in fantasy the vaginal passage, i.e., to be reborn.

 

VII. THE ANDREASSON ABDUCTION CASE

In order to give context to the abduction/birth parallels, it will be helpful to show the nature and extent of perinatal imagery in a prominent abduction. One such case is that of Mrs. Betty Andreasson of South Ashburnham, Massachusetts. Unfortunately, I am unable to provide copies of the fascinating and unquestionably perinatal drawings that Ms. Andreasson has published in the various books about her case, and I must refer readers to those volumes. In the interests of clarity, I have based the following discussion and analysis of the Andreasson CE3 largely on Betty's earliest and most straightforward abduction account, which is in the first book on her case,  The Andreasson Affair (1979).

CREDIBILITY PROBLEMS The Andreasson CE3 is instructive, for its details are representative and extensive, there were supposedly two other witnesses (Betty's father and her 10-year-old daughter), and Betty was articulate and detailed, and also produced numerous illustrations of her adventures. In addition, the case was investigated at great length, and at least four books have been written about it (see Raymond E. Fowler, in addition to The Andreasson Affair, his The Andreasson Affair, Phase Two (1982), The Watchers (1990), and Watchers II (1995)). Along with the Garden Grove hoax and one or two others, the Andreasson case is one of the most intriguing of all abduction tales. Unfortunately for alien-contact proponents, no other CE3 has such an abundance and variety of birth-related imagery, and if any one report can validate our CE3/perinatal theories, the Andreasson case is it!

Betty Andreasson says (in the first and most succinct version of her CE3) that her abduction began about 7 p.m. January 25, 1967, when a bright light flashed outside her house, shortly after which a group of 3-foot tall beings floated  through her closed kitchen door. She claims that several family members who were home at the time suddenly fell asleep. The aliens communicated with Betty, then levitated her outside -- again through the door -- into a waiting craft where she was examined, immersed in a liquid, and then seemingly taken for a journey into alien realms. At the climax of her adventure she witnessed a huge bird that spoke to her then, phoenix-like, consumed itself in flames. By the time her captors returned her home safely, more than three hours had passed.

Betty's abduction claims suffer major credibility problems. First, her CE3 event was 10 years old at the time the investigation started (it allegedly occurred in 1967, three months after publication of the Look magazine articles on the Betty and Barney Hill abduction). Even worse, as the other Andreasson investigators freely admitted in their unpublished conclusions about the case, neither Ray Fowler nor any other researcher was ever able to interview one of the supposed co-witnesses, Betty's father, because according to Betty he was too ill. The only evidence that he witnessed any part of Betty’s CE3 was a scrawl on the bottom of a testimonial that Betty said she administered to him on his deathbed – mere weeks before he died. More disturbing was the fact that Betty’s daughter (by then an adult) was allowed to witness Betty's hypnosis sessions, thus compromising the corroborative value of all of the daughter's later hypnotic and other testimony. Incredibly, despite these facts and the cautionary assessments of the case by his fellow investigators, Fowler's books (and all other accounts of the Andreasson report) ignore such negative evidence and describe the Andreasson CE3 as an unqualified multiple-witness abduction. Such selective use of case details shows a high degree of bias on the part of Fowler and others involved. Ultimately, the Andreasson abduction cannot be considered as anything more than yet one more dubious single-witness claim.

Note: Fowler and his hypnotist, Fred Max, encouraged Betty's present husband, Bob Luca (himself an alleged abductee), to regress her at home -- which he did, repeatedly (detailed in both parts of The Watchers). This investigative switch from trained hypnotist to amateur, true-believer status helps invalidate any remaining credibility Andreasson's yarn might have. But Betty's repetitious and interminable CE3/birth fantasy was never persuasive. In Fowler's redundant and increasingly dubious volumes it remains the same alien soap opera it had been from the beginning.

BETTY'S PERINATAL CE3 ADVENTURES Betty Andreasson Luca is the most prolific perinatal fantasist in ufological history. Betty's abductors were typically fetal humanoids -- short and rather frail, with grayish skin, oversized heads, huge eyes, and underdeveloped facial features. One seemed to change to an even more fetal appearance in its final meeting with her. She describes womblike chambers on the UFO where she was immersed in fluid and given prenatal experiences. She was thrice enclosed in an amniotic liquid-filled "chair" while tubes in her mouth and nose gave her food and oxygen (as with a fetus). Betty passed in and out of many rooms -- all snug and comfortable but without evident purpose, and she crashed through cervix-like (center-expanding) doorways several times. Such events have no obvious relevance to supposed aliens or abductions, though they are clearly perinatal.

Betty spent much of her time on the UFO floating from room to room via tunnels, elevators, or other counterparts of the birth canal. Her tunnels varied in length but typically ended with openings into brightly lit amniotic chambers or large domes where she said she was undressed, examined, cleansed, and so on.

Some UFO interior doorways suggest an opening cervix, expanding from the center: a bare wall suddenly separates, Betty steps through, and the wall unites again leaving no trace. A circular membrane and some mirror-like doors recall similar disintegrating doors in other CE3s. There are dozens of cervical doors and tunnel-like passageways in the whole of Betty's adventure.

The richest event in terms of perinatal imagery occurred in what Betty described as the Cylindrical Room, where she was enclosed in a clear plastic "chair" (i.e., fetal position) and fitted cover that her captors filled with gray fluid. She breathed through clear tubes in her nostrils and mouth. A voice told her to close her eyes. Suddenly she felt pleasant vibrations, the fluid whirled, she was fed some sweet substance through her mouth tube, and she felt relaxed and happy. "Oh! This feels good!" she exclaimed. Floating, tranquilized, she became one with the undulating fluid. After a time her container was drained and she was taken out.

This part of Betty's experience is an obvious return to the womb -- and it occurred at least three times during this segment of her CE3 fantasy! The Cylindrical Room itself is only one of several vaginal or womb echoes in Betty's narrative. The transparent chair in which Betty floated in a fetal position suggests the amniotic sac; the gray fluid is the amniotic medium; the breathing and feed tubes are the umbilical cord. Swallowing of fluid is a common fetal event, and acute gustatory sensations are frequent among Grof's drug-assisted perinatal subjects.

PATTERNS OF UMBILICAL PAIN During Betty's examination in a big bright room, the aliens inserted needle-tipped tubes into her sinuses and navel, which caused her much pain. She was told (as was Betty Hill) that the navel probe was a test for "procreation," but afterwards the aliens said that there were "some parts missing." Betty had recently had a hysterectomy and some of her "parts" indeed were missing. Amazing, no?

Well, no.... There are non-exotic explanations for this and every other part of Betty's story. By reliving her hysterectomy Betty fulfilled at least three well-established CE3 image/event patterns: 1) she relived her own medical history; 2) she evoked the body dismemberment motif reported routinely by abductees, shamans, and Grof's Stage III narrators; and 3) she added still another obvious birth-related concept to her already perinatally overloaded experience.

But what about the extreme pain Betty suffers? The needle-tipped tubes that the aliens stuck in her abdomen seemed to probe her body deeply and agonizingly:

I can feel them moving that thing...he's going to put that in my navel! Oh-h-h-h. I don't like this...I can feel them moving that thing around in my stomach or my body...Oh! He's pushing that again...around, feeling things... Feels like he's going right around my stuff inside--feeling it or something with that needle.

Betty's words echo, with surprising consistency, Grof's description of umbilical pain in a Stage IV session:

...a specific complex of unpleasant symptoms...piercing and penetrating pains in the umbilical area, which usually radiate and are projected to the urinary bladder...or the uterus. They are accompanied by...feelings of agony and emergency, sensations of dramatic shifts within the body...

The aliens told Betty that their probing was "awakening" something, which is consistent with the purpose of shamans' dismemberment. Remember that in shamanic lore, ego death (dismemberment) precedes the rebirth of a new, reawakened self and sensibility. Betty's abduction fantasy follows the traditional spiritual rebirth model in more than one way.

THE PHOENIX: BETTY'S DESIRE FOR REBIRTH The death/rebirth theme in Betty's case was embodied most fully by the legendary phoenix. She saw the bird consumed by fire, and from its ashes emerged a gray "worm" (i.e., the fire-impervious salamander of myth, the phoenix reborn). Betty interpreted this part of her CE3 as a religious experience and felt that it had resulted in her spiritual renewal or rebirth. At one point she thought she heard God's voice saying, "I have chosen you to show the world," apparently because of her sincere Christian faith.

Betty's phoenix is apparently unique in abduction reports; I know of no other. But Grof says that the phoenix is common in Stage III rituals of purification by fire leading to moral and spiritual rebirth. So this part of Betty's yarn is more obviously perinatal than ufological.

Immediately after the phoenix vision, Betty experienced alternating chills and hot flashes, and then underwent what she said was "the worst thing I've ever experienced..." as something seemed to pierce every cell in her body. Grof reports that Stage III subjects describe similar agony.

The intensity of painful tension reaches a degree that appears to be far beyond what any human can bear...feelings of powerful currents of energy streaming through his whole body.

Betty's suffering was extreme but hardly unique; many abductees describe agonized torment far beyond Grof's usual "bad womb" events. Their reports thus support deMause's view of the later womb as a place where trauma is routine and from which birth is not a separation but a liberation.

CONCLUSIONS ON THE ANDREASSON CASE Skeptics have attacked the Andreasson CE3 in part because Betty knew more than a little about abduction reports and she had also read a book about the phoenix myth. But her CE3 report is incredible not because of what she knew about other abductions or the phoenix, but because there is absolutely no unambiguous physical evidence in support of her wild tale. Since the data Betty's narrative provides are perinatal rather than extraterrestrial, the most charitable interpretation of her abduction yarn is that it was a spontaneously revivified fantasy originating in her own birth memories. Thus the Andreasson case's seemingly endless profusion of birth images and events supports a non-exotic, perinatal interpretation of Betty's claims, and of the abduction phenomenon generally.

 

VIII. UFO ABDUCTIONS: INVOLUNTARY BIRTH FANTASIES

Our research with both imaginary and real abductees supports deMause's view that any fantasy activity by individuals or groups stimulates birth imagery. Thus a UFO abduction fantasy -- whether hoaxed, hallucinated, or extracted under hypnosis -- cannot avoid manifesting figurative or remembered perinatal images and events. Hoaxes aside, the best description is this: a supposed CE3 experience is an involuntary fantasy/hallucination involving belief or self-deception, in which the individual's perinatal history plays a central role.

As with Ishmael's linkage of the sea and meditation, so it is that fantasizing and birth memories seem wedded forever.