A Need for Revenge and Security:

France as the Architect of the Triple Entente



In the span of four short days during the summer of 1914, the entire world held its collective breath while everything that Europe knew about itself came crashing down. The Great War was beginning. It was a war that no one really wanted, and yet no one could stop from happening. Over the next four years, millions of men would give the ultimate sacrifice for ideas that many never really understood. In the end, the horrors of a new type of warfare, that of the trench system, unthinkable only a generation earlier, would permanently ingrain themselves on a collective consciousness. Ironically, the war never had to happen, at least not on the scope that it came to be. While the role of Germany in causing the war was written into the Versailles treaty, France must shoulder some of the blame as well. Reactionary and hell -- bent on revenge, the French were the architects of the Triple Entente. In allying herself with Russia and Great Britain, France solidified Europe into an uneasy truce between two camps. In the end, only one could survive.

For over a half century after the fall of Napoleon in 1815, Europe had been largely peaceful, held together by the concert of Europe and the idea of a power balance on the continent. There were a few local exceptions, such as the revolutions of 1830 and 1848, the Crimean War and the systematic dismantling of the outer reaches of the Ottoman Empire, but, on the whole, it was a period of relative serenity. Behind this complacency, however, the winds of change were blowing. They came from a new source. Central Europe was growing up. In 1871, after over one thousand years of political bickering and jostling, the Germanic states finally unified behind one flag. Prussia's "Iron Chancellor", Otto Von Bismarck, had united the German Reich in the Franco - Prussian War. France's defeat in the war was complete. German troops had reached the city of Paris and caused the fall of Napoleon III's empire. The French army was humiliated and beaten. As part of the treaty, France agreed to pay reparations and relinquish control of the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. It was a national disgrace, and one which would haunt French thinking over the next forty years.

According to Dr. Henry Kissinger, the unification of Germany created a dilemma.

… the powers at the edge of Europe - Great Britain, France, and Russia - had been exerting pressure on the center. Now for the first time, the center of Europe was becoming sufficiently powerful to press on the periphery.

Bismarck realized this shift, and its consequences. Almost immediately, he set about creating a system of alliances. They were designed primarily to prevent war and maintain the status quo. In the process, they would also isolate France. With the policy of revanche always looming in French thinking, Bismarck felt that he needed to prevent France from allying with another power against Germany. In order to ensure that any balance would be in Germany's favor, Bismarck had to ally with at least two of the four other great powers of Europe. Obviously, France was out of the question. Great Britain and Russia held promise, perhaps to be courted at a later time. Austria - Hungary was the most logical choice. In 1879, Germany and Austria signed a treaty which produced the "Dual Alliance". Its principal provision obligated either country to come to the aid of the other if attacked. Since the Russians were France's most likely ally on the continent, Bismarck orchestrated a pact providing for Russian neutrality in the event of a war with France. It was, however, a match destined to fail. The French simply waited to pick up the pieces.

Tensions in the Balkans between Austria and Russia threatened to flare up at any time. Alexander III, who assumed the throne in Russia in 1881, distrusted Bismarck. He felt that Germany's ties were too strong to Austria. In any conflict between her and Russia, Alexander was convinced that Germany would stand by the Austrians. A crisis in Bulgaria brought the tensions to the breaking point. A new kingdom was created under a German prince, who Bismarck immediately supported. It looked as if Germany was moving in on what had been, at least in her eyes, Russian dominated territory. Although Bismarck had been able to diffuse the situation, it was to be one of his last major achievements. William II came to the throne of Germany in 1890. He was determined that he, not Bismarck, would call the shots. On March 18, he dismissed the "Iron Chancellor". Bismarck's fears of a Franco - Russian alliance were about to become reality.

France had long stood by and watched in horror as her former partner in the Holy Alliance was wooed by Bismarck into agreements and treaties. Once Germany committed to Austria, however, she saw her opportunity. Russia realized that Germany would now stand in her way of domination in the Balkans, and she needed France to help her combat any German threat. France realized, rather painfully after the debacle of 1870 -- 71, that she was no match for Germany alone. The main obstacle in any agreement was political ideology. While Russia was under the control of an autocratic Tsar, France had a republican tradition dating back to the French Revolution. A way was found through economics. While the French franc was sound and stable, Russia's economy relied on loans from outside sources. Although Germany had traditionally been Russia's banker, German gold was increasingly being used for internal improvements and a naval arms race with Great Britain. French bankers jumped at the investment opportunity. For his part, the Tsar's ideological problem with republicanism began to waver when faced with the prospect of republican gold. In 1888, after seventeen years of being held in a political straight jacket, France took her first steps back into the outside world with the first of many contacts between the Russian government and her bankers.

At first, relations between the two countries were strictly business. After all, Tsar Alexander III wasn't exactly thrilled with the prospect of dealing with a government that was responsive to its citizens. Nonetheless, Germany's hard-line position concerning Austrian aggression, coupled with the continued need for outside sources of credit, forced his hand. Over the next two years, more and more francs were pumped into the Russian economy. The ground was fertile for the planting of a deeper cooperation.

In August of 1890, the Russian army held its annual public maneuvers in Narva. One of the Tsar's guests was the Deputy Chief of the French General Staff. At that encounter, it was suggested that the path might be open for more substantial negotiations. In March of the following year, coinciding with the decision by the Germans not to renew a reassurance treaty with Russia, Alexander III conferred the Grand Cordon of Saint Alexander, Russia's highest decoration, on French president Freycinet. It was a move that sent shock waves across Europe. By the end of the summer, the two nations had pledged to work "… on all questions likely to upset the general peace." In July of 1892, formal discussions were opened between the two general staffs. An agreement was reached on August 17th. Although strictly defensive in nature, it pledged Russia and France to mutual support if one or the other was attacked by Germany (or Austria with Germany's help). With this new -- found security, France now looked to reestablish her place in world politics. In doing so, she looked away from the European continent and to her colonial empire. Another power, however, would stand in her way.

The Franco - Russian alliance and the Triple Alliance had taken care of four of the five great European powers. Only Great Britain stood alone. Under Bismarck's theories, she would carry the difference. The English, of course, knew this as well. After nearly a century of isolation, however, England was not ready quite yet to choose a side.

British concerns stretched around the globe, from the European continent to the Middle East to India and China. She had the largest empire, and the largest navy to back it up. As the dominant independent power, she crossed paths with everyone. France's new ally, Russia, was England's nemesis. The Russians had been expansionists for many years, and now were on the verge of challenging the English in the Middle East and the Orient. Although the French had little interests in these areas, the "dark continent" was a different story. In Africa, she battled England, sometimes to the very brink of war, as in the case of Egypt. In 1898, the two old enemies faced off at Fashoda. Badly outnumbered and outgunned, the French expeditionary force had to withdraw. Relations between the two governments were icy, and for a while it looked like the "Fashoda Incident" would drive Britain into the arms of Germany. Paul Cambon, the French ambassador in London, was able to avert war and get the British to sign a line of demarcation. This line later became the western border of Sudan. The United Kingdom, however, was still leery of any alliance with a continental power. As long as the alliance system was at a standstill, and she remained out of it, England was assured that her navy could keep the other powers in check.

Germany offered Britain the most hope for friendship, but the most danger as well. The rapid growth of the German economy and its expansion into overseas markets adversely affected British economic interests. This directly led to a German naval buildup, as it was needed to protect her interests in shipping. The Germans developed a policy which built her navy up to be the second largest, behind Britain. Many in the empire saw the policy of isolation as the only way for Britain to maintain her independence while at the same time showing the rest of the world that she still held the key to peace.

A year after Fashoda, however, a war broke out which would show the British the need for ending their "splendid isolationism". What was supposed to be a local colonial dispute turned into a full scale bloodbath in the Boer War. Although the British won, the war showed the world that the empire was vulnerable. Instead of France, however, the British found another partner with which to break the isolation, one which had no cause to ruffle the feathers of the other great powers of Europe. The sun was rising in the east. In 1902, Britain forged an alliance with Japan.

The French were stunned. In retrospect, however, it made perfect sense. The treaty called for mutual intervention only in the case of an attack on either one of the two nations by two advisaries. Britain thus assured itself of a way to contain Russia without having to attack it herself. Japan stepped onto the world stage in a big way. Three years later she proved that the Russians were no match for her new westernized fighting force. The Anglo - Japanese Alliance also ensured that Japan could fight Russia without interference from France, which feared a potential war with England if she acted. The British knew, however, that their differences with France would have to be settled. In the process, they would have to deal with the Russians as well.

The key, once again, was to be Egypt. Although the French had been beaten at Fashoda, their desire to extend their African holdings was still in the back of many minds. In the meantime, France was in the process of trying to consolidate her hold in Morocco, which the Germans also coveted.

In 1903, France and England began a series of systematic discussions of their colonial issues. Both Cambon and British Foreign Affairs Secretary Lansdowne were determined to put the issue of colonial rule to rest. The focal point of the conferences was an agreement by Britain to recognize and support French holdings in Morocco. In return for this show of goodwill, France agreed to abandon her claims to Egypt. When war broke out between Russia and Japan on February 8, 1904, the pace of the negotiations quickened. Britain and France were allied to opposing sides, but neither desired war at the time. By April, the agreement had been signed. Known as the "Entente Cordiale", it was to set the tone for continued cooperation. German expansion, continentally against France and colonially against Britain had been a focal point in the continued negotiations. France needed England to see that a strong Germany represented a threat not only to the balance of power on the continent, but around the world as well. It worked. The potential threat of Germany, Lansdowne wrote was,

… the most serious menace to the peace of Europe … that a good understanding between France and England was the only means of holding German designs in check, and that if such an understanding could be arrived at, England would find that France would be able to exercise a salutary influence over Russia, thereby relieving many of our troubles with that country.

With the door open, the French now had the daunting task of bringing together their two allies. Only peace between Britain and Russia would make the agreements work.

The Japanese victory in 1905 put an end to Russian ambitions in the Far East. Japan's easy victory over the Russian army also showed Russia that she could not compete against a high - powered military without help. By helping to mediate a peace settlement, the French looked like heroes to their beleaguered Russian allies. England was simply grateful for a Japanese victory. Not only had their ally shown her strength to the world, but at the same time, Japan had checked Russian ambitions in the Orient. The English and Russians slowly worked on putting their colonial differences behind them. The French played the role of mediator between the two heavyweights. Germany was used as the impetus for the talks. In 1906, British Foreign Minister Grey stated, "An entente between Russia, France and ourselves would be absolutely secure. If it is necessary to check Germany it could be done." By 1907, relations were finally serene. It took give and take on each side. The Triple Entente came into being. With each new German challenge, its bonds grew tighter. The two camps had solidified. Everyone waited for an incident to touch off a crisis. Naturally, it came from the Balkans.

In 1908, during the "Young Turk" revolution in the Ottoman Empire, Austria - Hungary saw an opportunity to force the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the empire. This move brought about a series of vigorous protests from Russia and Serbia. Russia demanded an international conference to settle the issue, while Serbia appeared ready to go to war. Both sides eventually backed down, but the legacy of mistrust lingered. Four years later, the first of two Balkan wars was started. In their aftermath, Turkey had to be saved from destruction by the European powers, who couldn't decide how to split her up amongst themselves. The new Balkan states were caught in the middle of it all. Although supported by different sides in the contests, they were really out for only themselves. Serbia wanted to play with the big boys. She knew that any move she made would be backed up by Russia and opposed by Austria. They in turn would be supported by their allies. It was a precarious position to be in. The fuse on the powderkeg had been lit.

On June 28, 1914, it exploded. A young Bosnian revolutionary shot and killed Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to the throne of Austria - Hungary, and his wife as they visited Sarajevo, capital of the Austrian province. Austria suspected Serbia of being behind the assassination, and decided that they had had enough. Needing to know Germany's support could be counted on, the Austrian ambassador to Berlin visited the Kaiser on July 5. The next day, William issued the following statement.

Austria must judge what is to be done to clear up her relations with Serbia; but whatever Austria's decision, she could count with certainty upon it, that Germany would stand behind her as an ally.

This fateful statement, known as the "blank check", was just what Austria wanted to hear. On July 23, an ultimatum was delivered to Serbia demanding they allow Austrian intervention, on the pretext that the Austrians needed to investigate the assassination from inside Serbian borders. They replied in a conciliatory tone, but refused to give up their independence. The British, sensing that this was the final showdown, proposed an international conference to settle the dispute. Austria would have none of it, and on July 28, declared war on Serbia.

By the end of the week, as required by the terms of their separate alliances, all the great powers were involved (with the exception of Italy, which decided that it really wanted out of the Triple Alliance when it came down to it). France declared war on Germany on August 1st, hours after the Reich had declared war on Russia. Two days later, with the decision of Germany to declare war on France, the British joined the fray. The Triple Entente was working. On the twelfth, France and Britain declared war on Austria - Hungary. Before the end of August, Japan had declared war on Germany and Austria. In November, Turkey joined the Central Powers (Germany and Austria). The alliance system, which had kept Europe out of war for so long, had forced it into one.

Millions of graves would be dug before it was over. Trench warfare and technological improvements such as mustard gas, the machine gun, airplanes and tanks would give new meaning to the horrors of war. Four and one half years later, Britain and France would once again be tied together, trying to bring order. Russia, which was in the throws of civil war following the Bolshevik revolution of 1917, had been replaced by Italy and the United States. The treaty which was hammered out at Versailles called for German reparations and the dismantling of the Austro - Hungarian empire. Above all, it called for Germany to accept total blame and guilt for the war. It was a peace dictated by the victors, and its successes and failures have been well documented. Versailles finally erased the stipulations of the Franco - Prussian War. Alsace and Lorraine were returned to the republic, but the cost had been millions of French young men. What the treaty failed to point out, however, was that Germany was not the only nation at fault. They all were. As architects of the Triple Entente, the French helped to solidify Europe into two armed camps. They must share part of the blame - and the shame.









Works Cited

Bethmann - Hollweg, German Chancellor under William II. Statement issued July 16, 1914. Reprinted in Diplomacy by Henry Kissinger. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994, p. 209.

Eubank, Keith. Paul Cambon: Master Diplomatist. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1960.

Keiger, John. France and the Origins of the First World War. New York: Saint Martins Press, 1983.

Kennan, George. The Fateful Alliance: France, Russia and the coming of the First World War. New York: Pantheon Books, 1984.

Kissinger, Henry. Diplomacy. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994.

Lansdowne, Marquis of. Letter to Sir E. Mason of July 2, 1903. Reprinted in Diplomacy by Henry Kissinger. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994, p. 189.

Setson - Weston, R.W. "A Trois in a World Governed by Five". Reprinted in Otto Von Bismarck - A Historical Perspective. Edited by Theodore S. Hammerow. Lexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath and Company, 1972, pgs. 92 - 96.

Works Referenced

Carroll, E. Malcolm. French Public Opinion and Foreign Affairs, 1870 - 1914. Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Books, 1964.

Langhorne, Richard. The Collapse of the Concert of Europe: International Politics, 1890 - 1914. New York: Saint Martins Press, 1981.

Michon, Georges. The Franco - Russian Alliance, 1871 - 1917. Translated by Norman Thomas. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1929.

Weber, Eugen. The Nationalist Revival in France, 1905 - 1914. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968.