The Experiences of the Nationality Question and its Federal
Solution in South Asia, Particularly in Pakistan
And Question of
Baloch Nationalism in the Region
1.
The Question of Nationalities in South Asia:
2.
The Question of Nationalities in Pakistan:
3.
Baloch National Question in P.I.A (Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan):
4.
Baloch National Question in Pakistan:
5.
Baloch National Question in Iran:
6.
Baloch National Question in Afghanistan:
7.
Viability of Baloch National state:
8.
Conclusion:
The Question of Nationalities
in South Asia
Before 18th
and 19th centuries, states or territories under one administration
were not delineated by nationality. It was only at the end of 18th
century that, for the first time civilization was considered to be determined
by nationality. In the second half of the 19th century, nationalism
disintegrated supranational states of the Hapsburg and the Ottoman Empire, both
of which were based upon pre-national loyalties.
In twentieth century
Afro-Asia, “state-nations” have emerged on the political map of the world. In
the field of politics and history they are termed “non-western nations”. ‘They
have arisen in traditional societies and in colonial settings which lack a
cohesive basis of nationalism. The map of South and Southwest Asia consists of
“state-nations like India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Iran, and Afghanistan, where
there are differences among the diverse linguistic, ethnic, and cultural
groups. The majority of these newborn state-nations” lack cohesive bases of
nationalism and face the demand of the right of self-determination among their
nationalities.
Emergence of
territorial states has created manifolds problems. Many nationalities have been
divided by artificial boundaries, Tamils between Siri lanka and India, Kashmiries between India and
Pakistan, Pushtoons between Pakistan and Afghanistan, and the Baloch between
Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, Kurds between Iran, Iraq and Turkey.
We must remember that the colonialists, without account of geographical, cultural, or historical factors drew the boundaries of India, Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. The ‘international’ boundaries of these countries run through territories inhabited by individual peoples, dividing them into several parts. These divided nations are exerting pressure for territorial revision with the object of uniting the people of same racial, linguistic, and cultural background and creating new national states.
In the
sub- continent national aspirations were suppressed by merging together
different national entities with no racial or cultural harmony amongst them, to
create the state of Pakistan. The remaining sub-continent was put together to
form the Indian union in a similar fashion.
Oppressed
National minorities in Pakistan are aspiring for acceptance as national
entities.
The
state of Pakistan, claim to be a federation has yet to acknowledge these
peoples as geographic, racial and cultural identities. Their homelands have
been demarcated and maintained as administrative units not as an autonym’s
geographical and historical entities forming the federation of Pakistan. India
and Iran is pursuing the similar policies towards many nationalities with in
the union.
.
South Asia is generally facing many acute problems.
These could include: poverty, uneven development, widespread unemployment,
corruption, and sectarian violence, ethnic and national conflicts. These are
the problems to be exploited by political and religious leader ship in favor of
their movements, by hook or crook.
Much
have been written and discussed about the issue of nationalities in south Asia,
I have nothing to say more but hopefully some of the glimpses are enough o under
stand the behavior and psyche of South Asian dominated states.
India:
Instead of providing of wide range of constitutional arrangements, India is one
of the most vulnerable States in south Asia that is facing number of
secessionist movements on the basis of culture, history, ethnicity and
geography. The broken promises and loosing confidence on the federal structure,
the feeling of uncomfortable is now shifted towards struggle of national right
of self-determination and struggle for separate homeland.
Pakistan, presently, which is
not in its British design shape, is completely under control of military mafia.
The Punjabi ethnic group with its civil and military bureaucracy is holding the
command of state institutions. Rests of the nationalities are deprived not only
in power sharing but they have been excluded from the state affairs abruptly.
Presently what we are experiencing in the region and especially in Afghanistan
is all because of ruling Punjabi military mafia, for their vested interests
they have put bordering province of Balochistan and NWFP in the war flames,
political culture, economy and societies of these areas are completely
abandoned and they are compelled to follow the unjust rule of Islamabad for
their very survival. The ISI and state institutions introduced Talibanization
to curb and squeeze the national movements of Baloch and Pashtoon people.
Bangladesh, after
getting fresh breath of freedom from the centralized Punjabi state of Pakistan
is experiencing a question of minorities. The constitution of independent
Bangladesh does not recognize minorities as groups distinct from the Bengalis;
everyone is a "Bangladeshi". The question of right of
self-determination of Chittagongi people has badly effected the political
position of Bangladesh. That question of Chittagongi population needs to be
resolved through the mutual understanding and past agreements and experiences.
Siri lanka: In Sri
Lanka, constitutional denial of autonomy and political, cultural and physical
repression on the non-ruling nationalities, particularly the Tamils went
together and made the situation intolerable for the latter. They have no means
to change the constitution. There is need to accept the reality of
nationalities and their rights and must be safe guard constitutionally.
Nepal’s multi-ethnic,
multi-lingual, democratic, indivisible, Hindu religio-political Constitution
failed to resolve the question of minorities. The absence of true democratic
ideas or any arrangements of autonomy for the nationalities and regions in the
state constitution made the political culture intolerable for the oppressed
minorities.
Partition plan of June
3rd 1947, and disintegration of so-called Islamic state of Pakistan
and ongoing political crisis of India, Siri lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal, have
raised many notions and question regarding the over all security and stability
of the South Asia. The experiences of federalism and constitutionalism could
not achieve the broad base political results, the minorities and less populated
but economically well off
nationalities feeling uncomfortable in the present political practice in
south Asia.
The childish approaches
of ruling elites of these states have put the life of billions of people and
hundred of nationalities in worst situation. With out considering and
practicing the following ideas the fate of south Asia could be bleak and dark.
·
The economical and political
future of south Asia is very much linked with the question of Nationalities,
with out adopting and obtaining the principle of co-existence and introducing
the league or Union of South Asian Nations (broad base confederation of South
Asian Nations), it could be difficult to predict a long lasting peace and
prosperity in the region.
·
There is an urgent need of
confidence building among the ruling elites and subjugated nationalities. This
confidence building approach could get through the principle of compensation.
·
The principle of co-existence
should be accepted and adopted by the ruling and dominated elites of the
occupied countries.
·
There is need of extra
constitutional and international arrangements to secure and ensure the
political, economical, cultural and regional autonomy of these downtrodden
nationalities.
·
The principle of loose but
workable confederation should be introduced and adopted in the great interest
of the region. The Idea of USAN (Union of South Asian Nations) could be
consider.
·
All nationalities should be
allowed to govern by their own people with in their political, cultural,
historical and geographical identity.
The Question of
Nationalities in Pakistan and its Federal Solution:
The ruling elite in Pakistan soon after independence began to centralize power in their own hands to the complete exclusion of the smaller nationalities. They treated the national state as the focal point of identity, denying the rights of the subject nationalities.
The main issue in Pakistani politics was building and sustaining an integrated national consciousness.
When Pakistan was established, it apparently needed some theoretical base for its continued existence and to give people some cordial point to ponder over as the basis for their new political reality. Pakistan’s ideology and two-nation theory was the slogan, which they raised in order to consolidate their own position on the one hand and to create an atmosphere of hatred and mistrust between India and Pakistan on the other. The immigrant ruling elite of Pakistan from the day once started to legitimize his rule over the diverse and historically mature nationalities on the basis of theoretical notions.
A particular group of Pakistani leaders and intelligentsia are very quick in picking up ideas and islamising them in their attempt to hoodwink the people. Surprisingly, any thing, which appeals to the people, is immediately attached to Islam and Pakistan. Islamic socialism, Islamic democracy, Islamic martial law, Islamic referendum, Islamic nationalism and even Islamic bomb, are usually referred to with few if any qualms with the objective of making Islam more plausible as a political dogma to the recalcitrant masses.
Indeed,
in 1971, that is twenty-four years after the creation of Pakistan,’ the eastern
wing of the country, with 55 per cent of its population, seceded to become the
independent nation of Bangladesh. The specter of secession and fragmentation
has never ceased to haunt Pakistan’s rulers, its intelligentsia, and sections
of the masses. The state and its ideologues have steadfastly refused to
recognize the fact that these regions are not merely chunks of territory with
different names but areas which were historically inhabited by peoples who had
different languages and cultures, and even -states of their own. This
official and intellectual denial has, no doubt, contributed to the progressive
deterioration in inter-group relations, weakened society’s cohesiveness, and
undermined the state’s capacity to forge security and sustain development.
The country’s intelligentsia
has never played an appreciable role, but only magnified the growing confusion.
The ruling civil-military
aristocracy has been consistent in its refusal to recognize the multi-national
character of the country, but rather stress the unity and integrity of the
country on the basis of its Islamic character.
In 1978 the law minister of
Zia-ul-Haq military regime Mr. A.K.Brohi launched a blistering attack on
nationalist politicians. The mental and political approach of state and
Pakistani intelligentsia towards the question of nationalities could be
analyses through the article of Mr. Brohi contributed in DAWN in October 1978.
He
wrote, “Pakistan is a successor state to British India, which had a unitary,
rather than a federal form of Government First there was a Center, which
extended to peripheral parts (now forming Pakistan) and it was this Center,
which delegated powers to the provinces for the sake of administrative
convenience. Thus, when Pakistan was founded, it retained its unitary
character. Subsequent federalization was merely a result of Center’s
progressive decentralization rather than a product of voluntary surrendering of
partial sovereignty by the constituent parts of Pakistan. Furthermore, Pakistan
founded on the basis of ‘religion and religion alone. It can be kept together
only by the cementing force of Ikhwan There are no nationalities in
Pakistan or, for that matter, anywhere else; and the idea of nationalities is
subversive.”
Every
attempt by the Pakistani rulers towards a uniformity based on an Islamic state
was severely rejected by the nationalities, which wanted diversity of culture
within a federal framework.
The reason behind the denial and not accepting the question of nationalities and multi-nation structure of Pakistan is threat of disintegration or centrifugals on account of its multi-national character. Mr. Brohi goes on to amplify this point and asserts that if there is a multinational state, the ‘cultural nations’ within it would try to exercise their right to self-determination and become independent political states in order to make the fact conform to the ideal.
The acceptance of question of nationalities in a multi-national state dose not means to disintegrate the state structure, which is truly and purely formed and run by the number of nationalities. There are several pluralistic states in which nationalities and communities possessing nation-like characteristics but not having their separate states. The classic example of an adequately functioning multinational state is Switzerland where German, French and Italian nationalities enjoy the rights of nationalities within a single state and without the desire to form nation-states. Afghanistan also admits the existence of several nationalities within its state borders. Even country like Ethiopia in its constitution accepts the question of nationalities and their national right of self-determination. None of the states mentioned above is faced with a threat of disintegration or centrifugals on account of its multi-national character. That is the existence of the multinational states in which participating” nationalities are accorded autonomy and complete equality in economic, political and cultural affairs. Strange as it may seem, the use of the term nationality has come to denote the preclusion of the right to self-determination. Thus, when rights of a historical community or ethnic group are demanded on the basis of ‘nationality,’ it more or less means all the rights, except the right to self-determination. It may also be added here that even when the right to self-determination is demanded, it does not automatically mean the desire to secede. It may only mean the obtaining of guarantee against national oppression and exploitation.
Despite its cultural and linguistic heterogeneity and the
professed political aim to set up a federal structure in the country, all
powers are concentrated in the center with a unitary authoritarianism. Public
representation in the government was never allowed; the role of political
parties was minimized. The government controlled all the democratic institutions
and opinion-forming organizations such as press and mass-communications media.
The constitutions were manipulated and re-written at will. In such political
indecency and intellectual stagnation, the country steadily drifted towards
political instability
The Baloch, Pashtoon and the Sindhis - feel that they are
living under the oppression of an establishment dominated by the Punjabis. They
feel that the Punjabis, who dominate the Army and the Bureaucracy, has been
denying them their due rights.
The present style and ongoing policies of Islamabad
towards the oppressed and subjugated nationalities of Pakistan will lead to
another savior phase of instability with in the country. Baloch, Sindhi,
Pashtoon and Siraiki people are demanding for the re-writing of constitution on
the basis of equality and social justice.
Demand
for rewriting of Constitution:
The
centralized nature of government of India act of 1935 provided an opportunity
to the ruling elite of Pakistan to impose their unjust and unfair policies on
the smaller nationalities. Mohammed Ali Jinnah himself wanted to become the
powerful governor general (G.G) and not merely a nominal head of the state. So,
he became the G.G, the president of the Constitutional Assembly and the
president of Muslim League— all three in one. To acquire power and authority
for the G.G, the Act of 1935 was amended, and by virtue of it, he first
dissolved the assembly of NWFP and later dismissed the chief minister of Sindh.
The whole structure was changed again after his death to suit the new ruling
elite. Nazimuddin as a G.G became the nominal head of the state and Liaqat Ali
Khan, as prime minister assumed executive powers.
All the
three constitutions of Pakistan failed to safe guard the true autonomy and
political rights of nationalities, even these three constitutions failed to
check the military interventions in 1958,1969,1977, and 1998. As a result of
military coups, two constitutions were abrogated and the third one was
mutilated by Zia and put in abeyance by Musharraf. In all the cases of military
interventions, the judiciary, which is mainly controlled by the Punjabi ethnic
group humbly, justified the legality of the Punjabi dominated military
governments on the basis of Doctrine of Necessity. The Supreme Court in these words
legalized Zia’s coup: "Extra-constitutional step taken by the armed forces
of Pakistan was justified by requirements of state necessity and welfare of the
people."
Former
East Pakistan, presently Bangladesh took the geographical advantage and
succeeds to get rid of unjust rule of Punjabi civil and military bureaucracy.
Rest of
nationalities like Baloch, Sindhi, Pashtoon and Siraiki except Punjabis are
presently trying to convince the ruling civil and military mafia of Pakistan to
accept the right of nationalities and introduce a new social contract.
Pakistan
Oppressed Nation Movement (PONM), since 1998 started a broad base political and
democratic campaign to convince the civil and military mafia of Punjab to
rewrite the constitution of Pakistan on the wishes and will of all
nationalities to promote equality and social and political justice in the
country.
PONM,
its Allies and MQM demanded that a new liberal and democratic constitution
based on the equality of nations be formulated according to the spirit of the
1940 Lahore Resolution to safeguard the very basic rights of nationalities.
Demanded autonomy for all the provinces. "Under this constitution all
provinces shall have total autonomy. All present functions of the federation
with exception of defense, foreign affairs and currency shall be transferred to
the provinces. Federal interference in matters of provincial rights and
authorities shall end. This constitution shall also provide a foolproof
guarantee to safeguard rights and authorities of provinces. Composition of the
Pakistan Army should be recomposed, having equal representation of nations from
all provinces so that it can effectively and practically be presented as the
national army of Pakistan. Army should not be allowed to run the affairs of the
country. They are responsible only to defend the geographical boundaries of the
state,” The right to govern will be through a parliament composed of equality
of nations, and directly elected by the people and accountable to them. All
institutions will be free to act within their own sphere of influence. However,
the military, including all its related institutions, shall be subservient to
the elected parliament, so that Pakistan can become a true democratic and
federally accepted state for the oppressed nationalities.
With
out accepting and realizing the natural composition of Pakistan and taking in
to count to the following above mentioned points, it seems difficult to predict
the very survival and existence of Pakistan in near future. The future constitution
must and should be based on the following lines.
·
Pakistan is a multi-national,
multi-cultural, and multi-lingual state.
Baloch National Question in P.I.A (Pakistan, Iran,
Afghanistan):
Baloch nationalism, since
its birth, has faced the problem of international frontiers, which divide the
Baloch among three countries. The deep-seated Baloch nationalism based on tribal identity had international
as well as domestic aspects. Divided in the nineteenth century among Iran,
Afghanistan, and British India, the Baloch found their aspirations and
traditional nomadic life frustrated by the presence of national boundaries and
the extension of central administration over their lands. Since the birth of Baloch
nationalism Baloch masses resisted against the unjust decision and still they
are not ready to accept the colonial decision of British Empire.
As Afghanistan is not recognizing the Durand Line
as international frontier, and Pakistan is not accepting line-dividing Kashmir
as international boundary and regard it as control line, on the same line
Baloch nationalist forces are not ready to accept the unnatural division of
Baloch land and demarcation of these boundaries as international frontiers.
Balochistan, which is presently divided
politically between Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, is, physically a compact
unit.
This superimposed division, in turn, has
provoked the rise of Baloch nationalism and the Balochi sense of irredentism,
thus bringing them in to conflict with their respective states, which are
intent on preserving the status quo, inherited from the big powers.
Map of divide Balochistan
The total area of Greater
Balochistan is approximately 340,000. Sq. miles, Out of this total area about
two hundred eighty thousand (280,000) sq. km. is occupied by Iran, 350,000 sq.
km. (Including the Baloch populated districts of Sindh and Punjab) by Pakistan
and some sixty thousand sq. km. (6,0000) area was given by the British
imperialists to Afghanistan under the Anglo-Afghan boundary commission decision
in 1896.
Despite the size of its territory and
relatively large population (currently between 12 to 15 million), the Baloch do
not enjoy even limited political and cultural autonomy. They are sidelined and
marginalized in policy and practice by the occupant governments.
The governments of Iran and Pakistan have
always viewed the Baloch quest for self-rule as a threat to their territorial
integrity and, therefore have joined forces to deal with the issue. In 1957,
they assisted each other on a bilateral basis to suppress Dad Shah’s revolt in
Iran, and they intensified their relation to curb the Balochistan Liberation
Front in Iran in 1968. Till 1973-77 the government of Iran was fully backing
the aggression of Pakistan Army against the Baloch political movement. In April
1973 prime minister of Pakistan Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto met with the Shah of
Iran in Tehran and received $200 million in emergency military and financial
assistance, again in mid 1974, Iran dispatched thirty US-supplied Huey cobra
helicopters, manned mostly by Iranian pilots to help the military aggression of
Pakistan against the innocent Baloch people.
These governments have done their best to
ensure the Balochi culture and language does not develop. For example, in the
whole of Iran there is not a single academic institution where Balochi can be
studied. In Pakistan, Balochistan is geographically the largest province,
however it is the most deprived and the least developed province. The
illiteracy rate is catastrophically high and there is no infrastructure. The
continued repression of the cultural, social, economic and political rights of
the Baloch in each of these three countries will only contribute to the
instability of the region, as frustration over unemployment, corruption, drugs,
and the denial of basic rights creates tension and fuels conflict. The Baloch
in their struggle neglected by the rest of the world and not seeking something
extraordinary, they are simply seeking that which so many others have - the
right to determine their own destiny, to be able to speak their own language,
be educated in that language, develop their political and economical
institutions and freely promote there cultural activities, and above all, to
live peacefully with those with whom they share their land.
Baloch National Question in Pakistan:
The founder of Pakistan Mr. Mohammed Ali Jinnah who was a
legal advisor to the Khan of Kalat ruler of Balochistan, from 1936-1947,
supported an independent Balochistan.
On 11th august 1947 a bilateral agreement signed
between the government of Pakistan and Balochistan, in a meeting presided by
the Crown representative and attended by the Khan of Kalat and Mohammed Ali
Jinnah. By the communiqué the political status of Balochistan was recognized by
the Pakistan as an independent and sovereign sate in the following words.
1.
The government of Pakistan
recognizes kalat an independent sovereign state; in treaty relation with the
British government, with a status
different from that of Indian States.
On 29th June 1947, tribal areas of Balochistan
forcibly, unfairly and illegally merged with Pakistan through a fake
referendum. However, the Baloch chiefs of tribal areas made a written
representation to the British government about their decision to join the
Balochistan (Khanate).
In September 1947, Pakistan changed its policies and
demanded accession of Balochistan.
Baloch Parliament and Accession with Pakistan:
On December 12, 1947, a session of the “Lower House” (Darul
Awam) was summoned by the Khan to discuss the matter of accession. The leader
of the House, Mr. Ghaus Bux Bizenjo criticized the unfriendly attitude of the
Government of Pakistan and warned that the Baloch would not tolerate any insult
and humiliation and would scarify their lives for their national independence.
The House after long debate adopted the following resolution unanimously on
December 14, 1947: “Relations with Pakistan should be established as between
two sovereign states through a treaty based upon friendship and not by
accession.”
On January 4, 1948, the House of Lord (Darul Umera) met to
discuss the matter of accession. The upper house hailed the decision of lower
house.
Forced Accession of
Balochistan in to Pakistan:
On 12th and 13th of February 1948,
Jinnah met Khan of Kalat in Sibi, the ancient city of Baloch Confederacy, but
Khan of Kalat refused to sign the instrument of accession with Pakistan as per
decision of Baloch parliament. After the refusal of Khan of Kalat and decision
of Baloch Parliament, government of Pakistan co-opted the feudatory chiefs of
Kharran, Lasbela and Makuran to accede their sub-states with Pakistan.
On 18th march, the Pakistan Ministry of foreign affairs
issued a press statement, announcing that Pakistan had accepted the accession
of Makuran, Kharran, and Lasbela. It is intrusting to note that the Nawab Bai
Khan Chief of Makuran tabled the resolution, which was moved in House of Lord
against the accession with Pakistan.
On 27th March 1948 at Karachi, Khan of Kalat was
forced to sign the instrument of accession with Pakistan.
It is also intrusting to note and understand that all these
unwilling merger agreements were signed in the dark nights, and even not a
single ceremony was arranged and made to celebrate the merger of Balochistan in
to Pakistan. Because government of Pakistan and its officials were very much
clear that the, people of Balochistan will not allow Khan and the rulers of
Kharran, Mekran and Las Bella to accede with Pakistan at any cost.
The Khan also warned the Pakistan government and Jinnah
from betraying him and the Baloch nation.
He said if kalat is to be forced in to accession, this accession would
not be voluntary one.”
Pakistan’s assault on Baloch freedom and its commitment to
a monolithic Pakistani nationalism constitute a frontal challenge to Baloch
values. The result is a simmering guerilla struggle that has flared up with
progressively increasing intensity in 1948, 1958, 1962, 1973-77 and till today
Baloch masses are struggling against the forced and unwilling merger of
Balochistan in to Pakistan.
Baloch National Resistance
against Accession:
The forced incorporation of Balochistan in to Pakistan came
as a traumatic blow to nationalist leaders who had campaigned clandestinely for
an independent Balochistan during the British imperialism. The forced accession
of the Khanate (Balochistan) resulted in anti Pakistan rallies and meetings
through out Balochistan. After getting complete control over Balochistan on 15th
April 1948, Pakistan suddenly reversed all soci-economic and political reforms,
which were introduced and adopted by the Baloch parliament.
Prince Abdul Karim Khan, the younger brother of Khan and
Governor of Mekran State decided to lead the national liberation movement. He
moved to Afghanistan in order to get help and to organize the liberation
movement. He wrote a letter to Khan of kalat and justified his act in following
words; “the real cause of this high-handedness and unlawful actions of the
Pakistan. Both the Upper and Lower Houses gave their unanimous verdict against
accession, and were prepared to fight to the last for maintaining complete
freedom. Your Highness has also expressed similar sentiments at numerous
occasions through oral as well as written statements”…your Highness is still
under the delusion that the founder of Pakistan is still friend of yours, and
wishes to see the Baloch nation happy and flourishing in the world…’’ I
therefore request that there is no use in keeping false hopes, which will only
mean trying a person, who has already been tried and failed. From whatever
angle we look the present government of Pakistan; we will see nothing but
Punjabi Fascism. The people have no say in it. It is the army and arms that
rule. There is no morality and justice. Selfishness and repression prevail with
out exaggeration; it is an immoral military government, far worse then British
Raj. There is no place for any other community and nationality in this government,
be it the Baloch, the Sindhis, the Afghans or the Bengalis, unless they make
themselves equally powerful.
The prince Karim and his team tried their best to convince
the international community to understand the complexity and question of
Balochistan sovereignty, but they failed to get the support of Afghanistan,
Iran, USSR, and India.
Khan of Kalat was forced by Pakistan to convince Prince
Karim to back to Balochistan. Prince Abdul Karim made his return conditional:
The Baloch are a separate nation like Afghans, having their
own culture and language, a fact, which is supported by history and geography.
They shall have to right to live as a free and independent nation.
1.
Kalat is the ancient center
of the Baloch; if those territories, which have been demarcated from the
Khanate of Balochistan and are now under Pakistan rule, wish to rejoin it,
Pakistan must not object it.
2.
Kalat must maintain its
sovereignty when it enters in to a treaty relationship with Pakistan.
Government of Pakistan and prime minister of Kalat agreed
to the some of the prince’s demand and assured him that the Pakistan is ready
to continue negotiation on the above-mentioned agenda and points. However, the
agreement was dishonored when the Pakistan army ambushed the Prince and his 142
followers.
1958’s revolt:
Nationalist sentiments grew rapidly among the Baloch in
response to the aggressive centralizing policies pursued by Pakistani leaders.
The Punjabi ruling class, who controlled and still control the military and
bureaucratic power structure of the central government, feared that, the three
minority provinces or nationalities in the western wing would combine with the
Bengalis against them. They decided to consolidate the western wing in to a
single, unified province that would balance Bengali strength in a projected
national governmental structure based on the concept of parity between the tow
wings.
In 1955 the plan of “One Unit” forcibly imposed on the
nationalities of western wing. Baloch leaders immediately reacted against this
unjust and unnatural formation of One Unit. In 1955 Prince Abdul Karim, who had
completed his prison term, formed the “Ustomhan Gal” (Peoples Party), which
opposed the One Unit and demanded the formation of a unified Balochistan
Province. The Ruler of Kalat also
mobilized wide spread demonstrations against the One Unit.
Against a back ground of growing restless in Balochistan,
the Pakistan Army moved in to Kalat on October 6, 1958, one day before Martial
Law was declared through out Pakistan, setting the stage for the establishment
of Ayub Khan’s military regime.
The army arrested the Khan in his palace commandeered his
ancestral valuable, roughed up civilians who demonstrated in his favor, and
detained fifty of his retainers as well as 300 Baloch political leaders in
other towns. The Khan’s arrest, climaxing a decade of steadily accumulating
tensions, touched off a chain reaction of violence and counter-violence that
has continued in Balochistan to the present day.
Ninety-year-old Nawab Nauroz Khan emerged as a leader of
guerrilla force numbering more then 1,000 men. Nauroz Khan fought the Pakistan
army for nearly a year. The government responded by bombarding the villages and
sustaining a reign of terror in the entire area.
Once again, as in the case of Prince Abdul Karim in 1948,
the Army representative sanctified their safe conduct and amnesty pledge with
an oath on the Holy Book “Koran” and once again they dishonored the pledge.
Nauroz Khan and his followers were arrested, and his son and five other freedom
fighters were hanged on treason charges in July 1960.
1960’s Resistance:
The execution of Baloch freedom fighters proved a mile
stone for the Baloch nationalists and political activists. After 1960 the
guerrilla activities increased in the Balochistan. The fighters had established
a score of training camps. The fighting in Balochistan continued sporadically
until 1970. After that, Yahya Khan agrees to cease-fire by ordering the
withdrawal of the One Unit Plan and announced the formation of province of
Balochistan on July 1, 1971.
Defense of Balochistan
1973-77:
After the East Pakistan debacle, and gaining power in
remaining Pakistan Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto refused to accept the election
results of Balochistan and NWFP provinces, where PPP (Pakistan Peoples Party)
defeated abruptly by the National Awami Party, leading by the minority
provinces. Unwillingly Mr. Bhutto and Punjabi Military regime allowed NAP to
form government in Balochistan. In the result Sardar Attah ullah Khan Mengal elected
Chief Minister and Mir Ghaus Bux Bizenjo appointed as governor.
NAP was a symbolic party of oppressed nationalities; aims
and objectives of Party appeal most of the people in Balochistan and NWFP. The
party constitution visualized the break-up of One Unit and the constitution of
a zonal federation instead of federating units. Party also demanded creation of
new provinces on the basis of geography, linguistic and culture. Language
question also rose in the constitution and demanded that the language of each
province should be given the status of national language. The demand of
Uni-cameral legislature with one House and equal representation of each
province was also demanded. The
party’s constitutional framework conceded only three subjects to the center.
The NAP has been insisting on the existence of separate nationalities in
Pakistan, more often the Baloch leaders have advocated about the right of
self-determination of nationalities.
The military and so-called democratic Punjabi regime was
not ready to listen any thing against their so-called two-nation theory; they
regarded NAP as remnants of Indian Congress and anti Pakistan party.
Balochistan’s first representative provincial government
was brought to an early end in February 1973 just after nine months. Dismissal
of NAP government in Balochistan and resignation of JUI’s government in NWFP
precipitated a serious political crisis, which among other things brought
influential sections of Balochis to the conclusion that it was futile to seek
redress within the framework of Pakistan. An arm instruction took place in
Balochistan from 1973 to 1977, and military was used to brutally suppress it.
The events leading up to the 1973-1977 insurgency greatly
intensified the mutual distrust between the Baloch and Pakistan, which had been
deepening since 1947.
To the Baloch dismissal of their elected government and
arrest of their national leaders regarded as a deliberate insult of Baloch
nation. The “Rawaj” the traditional code of honor, requires the Baloch to fight,
to defend his country and national honor.
In early April 1973, less then six weeks after the ouster
of the provincial government, Baloch resistance forces decided to defend their
home land and keep Punjabi Army away from Baloch soil, they ambush army
convoys, cut of most of the main roads linking Balochistan with surrounding
provinces, disrupt rail links and blocked coal shipment to the Punjab.
Initially Pakistan responded with traditional helicopters fitting them with
guns for combat use. But after heavy loses both Pakistan and Iranian government
decided to coordinate with each other to crush the Baloch movement. Bhutto
moved to Teheran, where he announced after a meeting with the shah of Iran that
Iran would provide $200 million in emergency military and financial aid. In mid
1974,Iran sent thirty U.S-supplied Huey Cobra helicopters, manned by Iranian
pilots.
The turning point in the war came in a brutal six-day
battle at Chamalang valley, which is one of the richest grazing areas in
Balochistan, in the Marri region. In 1974 most of the Marri nomad families
streamed down from the mountains with their flocks. The Army decided to take
advantage of this concentration of Marri families as a mean of luring the
guerrillas down from the hills. The Pakistan Army launched operation Chamalang
on September 3, 1974, using a combined assault by ground and air force. In this
brutal expedition army killed more then 1,500 innocent Baloch women, children
and aged men’s, which were failed to get refuge in mountains. Pakistan air
force used its most sophisticated F-86 and Mirage fighter planes and Huey
Cobras in this operation. At least 50,000 sheep and 600 camels were looted by
the Punjabi Army and auctioned off at bargain prices to non-Baloch in Punjab.
During period of 1973 to 1975 more then 180 major
encounters recorded between Baloch guerillas and Pakistan Army. Baloch people
sacrifice more then 50,00 and Pakistan also lost 30,00 mercenaries in this
expedition which was purely imposed from federal government of Pakistan to show
off its muscles after naked retreat of Bangladesh. Till 1978 more then 6,000
Baloch politicians, activist, Human right activists and students were behind
the bar, where numerous instances of torture were occurred.
21st century,
Emergence of Balochistan Liberation Army:
With the dawn of new millennium, the underground and
scattered forces of Baloch cause took a fresh initiative and emerged with the
name of BLA. Balochistan Liberation Army, which claims responsibility for
blasts and recent Rocket raining on Quetta Cantonment and very sensitive
targets in Balochistan.
It is noteworthy that except the landmine incidents, almost
all the rocket attacks and bomb explosions occurred close to the vital
government buildings viz, the offices of the Balochistan Chief Secretary, Home
Secretary, Commissioner Quetta, the residence of IG Police, besides railway and
police stations. It is believed that the rockets were fired from Koh-e-Murdar
-- outskirts of Quetta in the east. Somme of the rockets landed at the roof of
the Command and Staff College in Quetta Cantt. This fresh and modern way of
resistance and form of agitation is continuously growing in Balochistan.
Chinese-Punjabi Collaboration and Baloch Resources:
China’s growing interest in Balochistan has raised many
eyebrows and created suspicions regarding political and economic motives in
developing Gwadar seaport and engaging itself in oil and gas exploration with
the collaboration of Punjab. Baloch people have serious and series of
grievances regarding the exploitative attitude of Islamabd. Certain section of
Baloch opinion is against exploring their wealth, which they claim, would be
used for the benefit of Punjab and others. They blame the government for
looting these resources mercilessly without giving any benefit to the people.
Just before Mr.Zhu's visit to Balochistan to sign the Gwadar deep sea port and
seven other so-called projects, one person was killed and three others,
including a Chinese engineer, were injured seriously when the survey team of a
Chinese company was attacked in the Sunny area of Sibi district, 160 km
northeast of Quetta in Balochistan, on May 7. Militants of the Balochistan
Peoples Liberation Front (BPLF) fired rockets at the vehicle of the survey
team, reportedly as a warning to the Chinese not to help the Musharraf regime
until the demands of the Balochis were met. BPLF cadres again struck after
Mr.Zhu’s departure when major parts of Balochistan, including Quetta, went
without natural gas for more than 24hours on May 19 following a blast in the
main Sui Southern Gas pipeline the previous night.
For more details; Please Visit:
http://www.balochvoice.com\Law_order_satution_in_Balochistan.htm
During these all activities, signing
MOU’s, agreements and inviting foreign companies to Balochistan, not a single
Baloch politician, intellectual and nationalist leader has been consulted.
Baloch inelegancies have serious reservations over the Islamabad’s unilateral
decision regarding the sale out and leasing the Baloch coast and Baloch
resources to the socialist Beijing.
Recently in Islamabd on May 30, the
trilateral agreement of gas pipeline has been signed, between Afghanistan,
Pakistan and Uzbekistan, with out involving the Baloch population of
Afghanistan and Pakistan it seems difficult for both countries to securely
manage this 1500 km oil and gas pipeline.
In future all socio-economical
activities will go through the Baloch region from Gwadar (Balochistan) to Heart
(Afghanistan) about 1000 km area is completely dominated by the Baloch tribes.
During these all economical
activities not a single Baloch from any side was invited and consulted, this
negligence and ignorance could increase the sense of oppression and deprivation
among the Baloch masses of the region, and could compel the Baloch nationalist
to reconsider their political relation with the regional countries.
Baloch National Question in Iran:
Highly centralized and Persian-dominated state of Iran
deliberately discounted the diverse ethno-linguistic and multi-national reality
of the country. The non-Persian national groups or nationalities were not
recognized and, as such, accorded no national rights such as political,
cultural and administrative autonomy.
In the absence of constitutional guarantees for, and
recognition of the national rights of the non-Persian nationalities, the
government attempted to translate its nation-building campaign in to set of
integrationist policies and practices aimed at their economic their economic
integration and socio-cultural assimilation in to the Persian dominated state
structure. In terms of non-Persian
languages and culture, the government’s policies went beyond integration and
took more or less an assimilationist or Persianization line. The use of those
languages was strictly prohibited for literary purpose as well as for official
use in their respective homeland.
Thus, government of Iran relations and policies towards the
Baloch were in no way distinct or different from those pursued towards other
oppressed non-Persian nationalities.
The policy of dividing and assigning large portions of
western Balochistan in to the adjoining Persian-speaking provinces
appears to have been intended to speed up the process of its consolidation
under the Iranian civil and military machinery. As a result of revision of the
provincial administration in 1958-59, western Balochistan was administratively
divided in to three major and separate parts. The northern part was included in
the neighboring Persian-speaking province of Kerman. The western part was
included in the coastal province which presently known as the province of
Hurmuzgan. The third and the largest part constitute the province of “Seistan
and Balochistan”. It covers 181, 578 sq
km., which is the second largest province after Khorasan. All three parts of
Balochistan combined cover around 280,000 sq km., which is the second largest
ethnic region after the Persian-speaking area.
Before 1809 western Balochistan was under control of Khan
of Kalat, but several Baloch tribes revolted against the confederation and
formed their own semi-independent state. In 1871, with the help of Britain,
Iran managed to divide Balochistan. According to M.G. Pikulin a Russian scholar
who studied case of western Balochistan, the Baloch tribes revolted against the
unnatural division and occupation by Iran. In 1897, the Baloch rose against
Iranian rule in Sarhad, Sara wan, and Bampur under the leader ship of the chief
of the Naroi tribe, Hussain Khan. The Baloch like the Arabs of Khuzistan, were
independent at the time of the constitutional revolution of 1906, and they did
not play any role in that event. During the First World War, the British
occupied Western Balochistan. In 1915 the leaders of the resistance movement
were arrested by the British and sent to India. In 1916, mass anti-British
demonstrations took place among the Baloch tribes. In spite of defeats, the
resistance lasted until 1924, when joint British-Iranian forces put it down. In
1925, Raza Khan became Raza Shah of Iran. He adopted a policy to crush the
sub-nationalism in Iran. The Baloch Chieftains and especially Mir Dost Mohammed
Khan, who declared him “Shah-I-Balochistan”, were informed that they would no
longer be treated as independent ruler and that they were to surrender to
Iran’s rile. The natural result was a Perso-Baloch war, led by Dost Mohammed
Khan Baranzai. In 1928 when Iran
succeeded to suppress the Azri Turks and Kurds, rush to Balochistan with
artillery and aero planes. Dost Mohammed was defeated and executed by the
Iranian Government. The disarming of the Baloch began. Until 1935, there was
some continued resistance in Sarhad and Seistan.
Tehran had to depend primarily on the use of overt military
forces to keep the Baloch territory under control. In addition to using
military power, however Teheran enforced its authority by buying off some of
the tribal chieftains and using them as middlemen.
The emergence of Baloch national movement in Eastern
Balochistan during the partition, fearful the Iranian regime that the Baloch in
Iran would be infected by the movement of “Great Balochistan”.
The Iranian regime under the Shah rule pursued a ruthless,
hard line policy towards the Baloch designed to stifle any expression of Baloch
identity. Sharply limiting education in the Baloch area, there was a complete
ban on the use of Balochi language. Government compelled Baloch students to use
history textbooks in which the Baloch were described as Persian in ethnic origin
and prohibited the use of Balochi in government offices.
They made it a criminal offence to publish, distribute or
even possess Balochi language magazine, and newspapers. One of the most
bitterly resented aspects of the Teheran repressive approach to the Baloch was,
ban on the wearing of traditional Baloch attire in schools and other public
places.
The policy of political smothering and dividing the Baloch
in to the Persian-speaking provinces compelled more then 150,000 Baloch to
leave their ancestral land where they were treated as virtual aliens to migrate
to the Arab Sheikdoms across the Persian Gulf.
The Iranian regime was not only suppressing the western
Baloch population, but also forcing and helping the Pakistani authorities to
curb the issue of Baloch autonomy. in a public declaration during Bhutto’s
visit to Tehran in id 1974, when Baloch
people were defending themselves against the Pakistan Army aggression, Shah
declared that, …..What happens in Pakistan, “is vitally important to us…we will
not close our eyes to any secessionist movement –God forbid-in your country.”
Baloch National Resistance
in Iran:
The chief of a branch of Mubaraki tribe, Mir Dad Shah
became the first resistance leader of Iranian Baloch movement. He was one of
the more daring opponents of Persian rule in the inaccessible Southeastern
corner of Iranian Balochistan. Dad Shah started his exploits as early as 1944,
harassing Iranian police and army.
On March 24, 1957, Dad Shah and a band of some twenty-four
men waylaid and killed an American military aid official and his wife, Kevin
and Anita Carroll, and an American contractor Brewster Wilson, who were driving
by jeep with tow Iranians to the port city of ChahBahar. Suggesting that, Carroll and Wilson wanted
to size up ChahBahar as a potential military base.
In an effort to quiet the uproar, Prime Minister Hussain
Allah resigned. The Shah put a price of $ 10,000 on the head of each member of
the Dad Shah gang, dead or alive, and the Pakistan army and police joined the manhunt.
Dad Shah and his men actively attempted to engage the
Shah’s forces in combat by staging frequent ambush and that they fought at
least three pitched gun battles with Iranian contingents. When they were
finally cornered, Dad Shah died in battle, refusing to surrender.
In 1957, Pakistan army and police forces captured Dad
shah’s brother, Ahmed Shah and extradited him to Iran, even though no such
treaty existed between the two countries. Dad Shah and his brother case marked
the first time that a Baloch leader had attempted to rally nationalist
sentiment in both Pakistan and Iran around an issue of common concern under the
banner of Greater Balochistan. In 1964 exiled Iranian Baloch leaders launched
an organization known as the “Balochistan Liberation Front”. Initially the only
open Arab support that BLF received was from Iraq and Yasser Arafat’s wing of
PLO. Which made a BLF leader Mr. Jummah Khan a member of its central advisory
committee. The BLF leader Jummah Khan declared his policy towards Baloch autonomy,
stated that, the only way of librating Balochistan is through the armed
struggle of the masses” and rejecting the idea of compromise and political
solutions, he said, we do not believe in the so-called stage-by-stage pursuit
of independence, i.e. first to struggle for linguistic, cultural and political
rights as a part of Iran, and then afterward, to struggle for independence.
Syria and Egypt gave quasi-diplomatic status during 1965 and 1966 as the
representative of provisional Balochistan government in exile to the BLF
leaders. Unlike the other Arab States, Iraq had compelling reasons to give
priority to its support for the Baloch cause. Iraqi leaders saw the Baloch, as
natural allies in their conflict with Tehran.
The Iraqi Baathist regime subsidized Jummah Khan, Mir Abdi
Khan, and other leaders linked with the Front for the five years, and Baghdad
became the headquarters for intensified radio broadcastings and insurgent
activity in Iranian Balochistan.
In March 1975, Baghdad and Tehran signed a peace agreement
in which Iran promised to stop its support of the Kurds in exchange for Iraq’s
termination of its help to the Baloch and the Khuzistan Arabs. The BLF had a
lasting impact on Iranian Baloch attitude.
In December 1978, the prospect of a Tehran regime dominated
by Shiite Clerics galvanized the Baloch Sunni Clerics in to unprecedented
political activity. Many Baloch who belong to the orthodox Sunni sect of Islam,
had turned to their Sunni faith to reinforce their sense of Baloch identity.
The religious revolution of Iran proved to turn the secular and political
Baloch movement on the religious lines. In the early draft of proposed
constitution, Shiite made the state religion under Article 13. In Article 15
the study of Persian as the official language and its exclusive use as a medium
of instruction made compulsory. This Article prohibited both the teaching of
Balochi as a second language and its use in textbooks.
When a national referendum on the controversial
constitution was held in early December 200 Baloch protesters belonging to BPDO
(Balochistan People’s Democratic Organization), set fire to the ballot boxes in
Iranshahr, stormed Governor-General Palace and abducted and held him prisoner
for three days. During the Taliban regime in Afghanistan some of Islamic Baloch
militants were busy in training and preparing to start guerrilla warfare
against Shiite regime of Tehran and establishing Sunni State of
Balochistan.
Baloch National Question in Afghanistan:
Like Iran and Pakistan,
Afghanistan is a multinational state comprised of Pashtoon, Tajiks, Hazaras,
Turkmen, Uzbek, Baloch and several other nationalities or ethnic groups. The
Baloch population in Afghanistan is mainly concentrated in the southwestern
part of the country adjoining to Iranian and Pakistani Balochistan.
In contrast to Iran and
Pakistan, Afghanistan has maintained close links with its Balochi population
through lending varying degree of political and moral support to the Baloch
nationalists, particularly in Pakistan. During the reign of Mohammed Zhair
Shah, Afghanistan actively supported the Baloch and Pashtoon opposition to the
imposition of the one Unit plan in West Pakistan. During the Baloch insurgency
against the Bhutto regime in 1973-77 periods, president Mohammed Daud categorically
supported the Baloch resistance movement.
the 1978 overthrow of the
Daud regime by the pro--soviet Marxist regime did not effect the Kabul's basic
policy towards the Baloch nationalists.
Daud gave high priority to the issue of Balochistan and Pushtoonistan in
Afghanistan's foreign policy as reflected in the numerous efforts to raise the
question at international forums. In 1973, the afghan ambassador to the UN in a
speech before the general assembly, referred to Balochistan and Pushtoonistan as
"usurped land". Daud himself also raise ed the issue at the 1973
Algiers meeting of Non-Aligned Nation and the Islamic Summit conference held in
Lahore, Pakistan, in February 1974. After Raza Shah's effort to ease the
tension between Pakistan and Afghanistan, Bhutto agreed to visit Kabul, Bhutto
paid his first visit to Kabul in early June 1976 and, in turn received Daud in
Islamabad in August. During Daud’s visit with Bhutto in Islamabd, both sides
reportedly reached a far-reaching agreement, where by Pakistan agreed to grant
provincial autonomy to the Balochistan and NWFP in exchange recognition of
Durand line as a permanent border by Afghanistan. Till the Pakistani backed
Taliban, Baloch nationalist forces were enjoying political moral and
traditional support of Afghanistan. But the Pakistani backed Taliban regime
withdrew all political and regional subsidies. Taliban regime shut down the
Balochi radio service from Kabul radio and closed all Baloch refugee camps of
Helmand and Khandar.
Afghan government never
pursues the Iranian and Pakistani policy to assimilate Baloch population in to
the Pushtoon or Persian nationalities nor declare the Baloch as
"Afghan", she always referred to them as Baloch, thus recognized
their separate national identity.
Viability of Baloch National state
The strategic importance of Balochistan has had, and still
has, a positive and negative effect on Baloch movement for national right of
self-determination. Because of its strategic location in the Perso-Oman Gulf,
with a 700 miles long seacoast, the area has been important to the trade of the
West since the rise of imperialism. Its strategic importance provides an
opportunity to the Baloch to deal with the big or superpowers in order to
liberate the country.
In 1944, general Money wrote in a secret memorandum that
Balochistan could be a viable state its natural and agricultural bourses were
developed. After the force accession of Balochistan in to Pakistan, the
Pakistan government planned to develop and exploit its recourses and settle the
Indian Muslim refugees.
In 1952 Maneck B. Pathawalla, Honorary Technical Advisor of
the Pakistan Ministry of economic Affairs, published a monograph based on the
materials secured from the government agencies discussing the potentialities of
Balochistan.
1.
Of all the provinces of
Pakistan, Balochistan have the highest potential of mineral deposits, including
chromites, coal, and petroleum. Water is secured together with suitable means
of ore - dressing, etc. It can play its part extremely well also in the
industrial development of Pakistan.
2.
Its long coastline
affords very rich fishing grounds and would repay the coast of its development,
if again fresh water can be made available to the native population of Las Bela
and Makuran, who are direct decedents of the ancient class of fishermen, called
Ikhthyopagoi, by the Greek historians.
3.
Balochistan is the only
province in Pakistan that can claim a certain number of potential hill-stations
and health-resorts. An enormous tourists trade is likely to follow an extension
of its lines of communication and particularly its airfields.
4.
Its population is very
thin and its area is very extensive, thereby giving an immense scope for re
settlement and stabilization of the population, particularly the refugees, in
this lowest-density zone of Pakistan.
Conclusion:
In Pakistan the leaders
of oppressed nationalities and provinces are once again demanding a share in
political power in the form of provincial and regional autonomy. They
maintained that the interest of the country should be kept in the mind and all
the nationalities given the right to practice their own culture, language and
traditions in their provinces. Presently the ruling Punjabi elite of Pakistan
is not only morally or diplomatically but physically and financially supporting
the right of self-determination movement of Kashmir’s, and trying to convince
the world on the said issue. But its shame full that with in the state
structure of Pakistan the ruling Punjabi mafia is not ready to listen the
question of nationalities and their demand for provincial and regional
autonomy. Meanwhile, more and more ethnic and religious minorities in Pakistan
have begun to ask themselves whether a united Pakistan with the Punjabis at the
helm of affairs is viable today. This is perhaps the biggest political
challenge Pakistan's elite have come up against in recent times. How they react
to it will determine the course of history in the Subcontinent.
In South Asia territorial conflicts, ethnical
prejudices, religious extremism and growing enmities urges that South Asia must
be divided in to several nation states. By doing so then it would be possible
that world may see a reliable peace and stability in the region. The solution
to bringing peace in the region, getting rid of unreliable nuclear state of
Pakistan, and bringing the rouge Iran to its knees the international community
and civilized societies of the world must help the Baloch nation to establish
and form independent Balochistan in the middle of South and Central Asia and
Gulf.