Australian Governments and Child Migration 
Rare Resources for the Research/Study of Child and Youth Migration 
The following material is available at moderate cost of photocopying + postage to assist students or whoever with research into child and youth migration. It is not possible to give the material gratis; only a handful of people will want the material at all and its ready availability would be a godsend to the few who might be interested. 
1 'The child migration controversy in the media, 1987 2000'. There are around 450 A-4 sheets photocopied from various print media over the 10-15 years of the controversy. There is no way of knowing if these 500 sheets are fully comprehensive; probably not, but the coverage is considerable. 
2 Morrison, D, 'The Doctor's Children', The Independent on Sunday, 11 June 1995, pp 610. (4 sheets) 
3 Dunae, P, 'Waifs: The Fairbridge Society in British Columbia, 1931?51', Histoire sociale?Social History (Canada), Vol. XXI, No. 42. November 1988, pp. 224?250. (14 sheets) 
4 Taylor, B, 'No ! The World must be peopled': The Cossar Society and child migration to the Maritimes', Paper given by the (late) Professor Taylor to a Conference on Child Welfare at the University of Liverpool, 1998 (14 sheets) 
5 Williams, L, 'British child migration to Tasmania after 1945', Tasmanian Historical Studies, Vol. 5 No 1, 1995?6, pp. 154?177 (13 sheets) 
6 Borrell, H, 'The Fairbridge Farm School', British Columbia Historical News, Winter 1995?96, pp. 17?23 (7 sheets) 
7 Cumming, J, 'The child emigrant from Great Britain: the experience of Middlemore homes', The Archivist (Canada), No 115, 1997, pp. 6?8 (3 sheets) 
Johnson, R C, 'The Transportation of Vagrant Children from London to Virginia, 1618?1622', in Reinmuth, H S, Early Stuart Studies, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1972, pp. 137?151 (9 sheets) 
Department of Health, The Welfare of Former British Child Migrants, Government Response to the Third Report from the Health Committee Session, 1997?98, HMSO, December 1998. (13 sheets) 
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The material will cost 10 cents (Aust) per photocopied sheet and $10 postage per hundred sheets within Australia, $A 20 postage per hundred sheets (AIRMAIL) outside Australia. 
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'Lost Children of the Empire', 'Frontline Scotland', BBC Scotland, 19 November 1998. (8 sheets) 
Kohli, M P, 'The Coombe in Hespeler', Waterloo Historical Society (Canada), Vol. 80, 1992, pp. 91?10 (9 sheets) 
Kohli, M, 'Young Immigrants to Canada: The Children's Friend Society', Families (Canada), Vol. 37, No 3, 1998, pp 175?180 (6 sheets) 
'British Child Migrants', House of Commons Debate, 19 May 1999, pp. 979?1000. (11 sheets) 
Fox, M, 'British Child Migrants in New South Wales Catholic orphanages', Journal of Australian and New Zealand History of Education Society, 1998 (12 sheets) 
Coldrey, B M, 'The Child Migration controversy. A Survey and analysis of the public debate over child migration and residential care in Australia, 1987?2000', Unpublished paper, April 2000' (20 folios) 
Coldrey, B M, 'The most physically undernourished and mentally-deprived children ever seen on a ship' The British children sent to Australia during the last phase of child migration, 1947?1967. Unpublished paper, July 1999, (20 folios) 
Dunmow, H, 'Juvenile emigration to Canada: A survey of 1870 case books from the Annie Macpherson homes', Unpublished M A (Archive Administration), University of Liverpool, February 1996 
Parker, R A, 'The migration of unaccompanied British children to Canada, 1867?1917', Paper, Social Science Research Council, 1982 (17sheets) 
Rooke, P T, and Schnell, R L, 'Imperial philanthropy and colonial response: British juvenile emigration of Canada, 1896?1930', The Historian (Canada), Vol. 46 1983, pp. 56?77 (11 sheets) 
Urey, G, 'Child migration: National Children's Home, 1950?55, Unpublished paper, NCH, 1994. (18 sheets) 
Harris, D F, 'A Salopian Standard of Decency': Emigration to Canada sponsored by Shrewsbury School's Liverpool Mission, 1907?14. British Journal of Canadian Studies, Vol 9 No 2, 1994, pp. 401?414 (9 sheets) 
Harper, M, 'The Juvenile Immigrant: Halfway to Heaven or Hell on Earth', in Kerrigan, C (ed.) The Immigrant Experience, Guelph, 1992, pp. 165?185 (10 sheets) 
McClelland, V A, 'The making of young imperialists': Rev Thomas Seddon, Lord Archibald Douglas and the Resettling of British Catholic orphans in Canada', Recusant History, Vol 19 No 4, May 1992, pp. 509?529 (11 sheets) 
McClelland, V A, 'Child emigration to Canada in late Victorian and Edwardian England: a denominational case study', Recusant History, Vol. 17 No 1, 1989, pp. 36?53. (9 sheets) 
Select Committee into former Child Migrants, Appointment, Western Australian Legislative Assembly, Parliamentary Debates, 13 June 1996, pp. 2529?2549. (21 sheets) 
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Residential Child Care Australia 
Scandals during the Child Migration Era 
(Barnardos, Mowbray Park, Picton, NSW, 1958) 
In June 1958, The Truth (Sydney), Australia's contemporary tabloid newspaper specialising in sport and 'scandals' announced under a screaming headline: 'Immorality rife in big Charity' and continued:1 
Police have uncovered a huge perversion ring which starts in a well-known charity and has spread its filthy tentacles throughout NSW and other parts of the Commonwealth. Detectives have so far linked dozens of men and boys with the perversion ring. 
They hardly dare to speculate how many others may have been led into a life of degeneracy in the same way. A senior Child Welfare Department official said yesterday that the case was the most nauseating the hardened investigators had ever uncovered. 
The sex ring has been operating for many years on a highly organised basis within the frameowrk of one of the world's best known, least suspected charities. 
The charity assists underprivileged youths and has done a great deal of good, but behind the charity's cloak of respectability the perversion ring had done incalculable harm. 
Detectives have uncovered a sickening trail of corruption. Youths placed in the charity's care in Sydney have for many years been incited to lead lives of perversion by men whose duty it was to after their moral and physical welfare. 
In the light of this account, two things need to be made clear to an audience at the turn of the millenium: 
· Gay sex between consenting adults was illegal, and while rarely prosecuted, tended to force consenting homosexual adults into secret arrangements best described as a sexual underworld; 
· The Truth report shows that at the time forty to fifty years ago it was impossible to discuss such matters in public with any degree of precision or frankness. 
In spiteof its opaque sensationalism and generalised hyperbole, The Truth was substantially accurate on this occasion. It was the Superintendent at Picton who discovered 'the fairly widespread scale of irregularities' in May (1958) and alerted NSW Child Welfare and the Barnardo's authorities in Sydney. The police were called. Arrests followed. 
On 30 May, five weeks before Barnardo's London headquarters and the Commonwealth Relations Office were advised, Mr T Price, the Director at 'Mowbray Park' prepared a report for the Director of Child Welfare in Sydney.2 
The centre of the sexual underworld at Picton was Walter Etheridge, the Sports Master, 1952?55, who maintained a close association with many of his past students after they left the institution. 'There is no doubt', Price said, 'that during his period at the Farm School and since, up to the present time, Etheridge has been guilty of serious sex offences against a number of boys. These offences include sexual interference, mutual masturbation and sodomy.' Fifteen boys (teenagers) are listed associated with Etheridge. 
Mr N Judson was a poultry farmer in the vicinity of 'Mowbray Park' and had employed Barnardo's boys, for many years. Price added: 
The information which has come to me implicates Judson in various sex offences from interference to sodomy. It seems fairly certain that he has practised these habits since the war but I have not seen older lads to verify whether it extended to the pre-war period. Three older boys have worked for him recently. 
Twelve teenagers were associated with Judson, many of the same lads who were linked to Etheridge. David Newell, a young man around twenty years of age, was closely associated with Etheridge 'in all his malpractices' and acted as procurer, introducing younger boys to the circle. Price mentioned that David's younger brother, Allan 'a boy of the highest moral fibre had resisted attempts to invole him in the underworld and its orgies; and had implicated Mr D Tebbutts, another local poultry farmer, in molesting many boys. Price added: 
Etheridge and Judson formed a close liaison and were both present when a number of the offences took place. Drinking parties have been held on Judson's properties when a number of our lads were present and these were normally followed by sexual misbehaviour 
Apart from the activities centred around Etheridge, Tebbuts and Judson, another case of molestation came to light. Douglas Mitchell reported that he had been sodomised by the 'Herd Testing Office', Mr W L while he was working at the dairy farm of Mr D S Smith of Williamstown, NSW. More recently, David Newell and Etheridge had tried to interest some of the young Barnardo's boys at Normanhurst in their activities. 
Almost a month later, the Minister for Immigration, A R Downer, banned the arrival of further parties of Barnardo's boys into Australia until the whole affair had been resolved. Downer wrote to Price on 24 June: 'The pity of it is that the discovery was not made earlier before the moral fibre of so many of the boys was affected ... these influences are disastrous for their characters.'3 
It was not until 3 July, that Barnardo's advised the Commonwealth Relations Office of these events. 'The Council of Dr Barnardo's Homes has been distressed to discover that there has been serious sexual perversion and malpractice occurring between staff and boys, chiefly at our Picton Farm School in NSW but also between some employers when the boys were placed with them.' The London civil servants were not amused at the delay.4 Lucette tried to place their minds at rest: 'The facts have been reported to the police who are making the fullest investigation and have launched prosecutions following these investigations.' 
The Superintendent at Barnardo's London office advised the Commonwealth Relations Office that he and his deputy would be going to Sydney immediately to take matters in hand. Commonwealth Relations telegraphed its High Commission in Canberra to complain of being kept in the dark and requested more details of the problems at 'Mowbray Park' and other Barnardo's homes. It was at this point that the Australian Immigration Department banned entry for further parties of Barnardo's boys. 
Lucette and Charles arrived in Australia on 11 July and accompanied by their Sydney solicitor, commenced a wide-ranging series of visits, investigations and meetings with all relevant authorities. Within a few days of their arrival, one of the eight adults implicated in the systematic abuse, the ringleader, Etheridge, was tried and convicted. The Sydney Morning Herald reported:5 
A man was sentenced to five years gaol by Judge Holt in Quarter Sessions yesterday for sex offences against former pupils of Dr Barnardo's Farm School at Picton. He is Walter Francis Etheridge, 40, of Alexander Street, Crows Nest, a former drill instructor at the school. Etheridge pleaded guilty to all charges 
The High Commission reported to London on 15 July that all was in hand: 'The police were called and some individuals are under arrest. It is clear that the Australian authorities and Barnardo's took action swiftly. The Minister for Immigration (in concert with Barnardo's) personally ordered cessation of entry of migrant boys into the Homes affected.' 
Etheridge appears to have been the ringleader but over the next three months, six other adults were tried and convicted of similar crimes. A further individual escaped prosecution by disappearing into the population. It seems that a paedophile ring had targetted Barnardo's by placing certain of its members especially the physical education instructor, Walter Etheridge on the farm school staff. He and his assistant 'drill instructor' then placed selected teenagers with employer members of the circle when the young men were sent for work experience. 
Much later in the year, the New South Wales Vice Squad prepared a summary of the prosecutions and convictions. David Newell was given a good behaviour bond in view of his age. The other were:6 
Mr D K Tebbutt, 41 years old, residing at the time with his wife and two children at 'Yaralla' ... a poultry farmer, employing ex-inmates of the Home; 
Mr W F Etheridge, 40 years old, residing at the time at 102 Alexander Street, Crows Nest and his wife and one son; 
Mr K C Henry, 27 years old, Chief Crew Messman abroad the RMV 'Oronsay' ... returned to England and his employment terminated with the Orient Line 
Mr John Davin, 38 years old, a steward on the RMV 'Orion' ... returned to England and his employment with the Orient Line terminated. 
Mr W L, the Herd Testing Officer case dismissed 
Mr J F Adams, 45 years old, a married man residing with his wife at ... a former housemaster at the Picton school, 1956?57 ... assaults on inmates while he was there. 
Mr N F Judson, 58 years old, a married man residing with his wife and two daughters at ... via Picton, a poultry farmer. 
Meanwhile, in London, officials at the Commonwealth Relations Office mused about the possibility of similar problems at other farm schools in Australia.7 
If there is publicity about Barnardo's, it may lead to enquiries whether we are satisfied that similar practices do not occur in boys' institutions of other societies. Please suggest to the Immigration Department that they should consider checking the positions in other institutions for boys. 
In fact, there was very little publicity as the High Commission was able to advise London on 8 August, and a week later, the Immigration Department lifted the ban on the entry of furthr child migrants to Barnardo's facilities in Australia. It was a further two months before Lucette returned to London ? his return delayed when the pressure of events led to a mild heart attack. On 23 October, he and Kirkpatrick reported thoroughly on his trip in an interview at the Commonwealth Relations Office. At this important meeting, Mr P J Woodfield represented the Home Office, which had been cool to child migration since the war. 
Lucette was able to say that 'the infection no longer existed' at 'Mowbray Park' or any other Barnardo's home in Australia. The most searching enquiries had been conducted by the NSW Police Force, by the Child Welfare Department and by the charity's own senior staff. However, Barnardo's had decided to close down the farm school at Picton. It was isolated, even from the town of Picton and this created difficulties with proper staffing. In addition 'the committee responsible for the Picton home was dissolved. There had been 'a variation of opinion on policy matters' Lucette reported euphemistically. 
The local committee had beehumiliated by the widespread sexual abuse at their home and resented the arrival of Barnardo's executives from London. Their emotions were complicated by the reality that the offenders were mainly well-known local identities. 
At the meeting of 23 October, both Commonwealth Relations and Home Office accepted that Barnardo's had taken decisive and effective action to place its house in order. Woodfield made it clear that the Home Office would not raise any objection to the continuation of emigration to Barnardo's institutions in Australia. This was the view that the Commonwealth Relations Office took in its report to the Minister, Lord Home. Lucette's report on the events, dated 28 October, was written after his meeting with government officers.8 
He stressed that Barnardo's had seriously considered ending its child migration programme to Australia, but was dissuaded by the general goodwill displayed by all sections of the NSW public with whom they came in contact when they visited to investigate. He added: 
The sex offences against our boys have been disturbingly many. Four members of staff were involved and two employers with whom we had placed lads. Twenty-six boys were involved though the discovered offences were almost entirely among boys who had left Picton for employment.. This fact is strongly associated with the conduct of Mr Etheridge, at one time a housemaster at Picton. In addition to his perverted character, the other factors which permitted this evil to run were the weakness of character of the then Superintendent at Picton and the bad judgement of the then Manager. 
Lucette added that the police had been helpful at every stage of proceedings: especially in the speedy investigation and arrest of suspects. In the aftermath, all Barnardo's staff in the state were screened and 'we are able to say that we are satisfied with the character and conduct of all the staff who are in our employment.' Lucette outlined the punishing round of inspections and conferences he, his assistant and their Australian solicitor had maintained while in New South Wales. Lucette concluded: 
Our own investigations conducted through all our Homes and by meeting a large number of the old boys and old girls confirmed us in the view that migration should be resumed with something of an emphasis on the later school age and it would rather need strong arguments to explain throwing away the material advantages and assets which we have in our grip than to explain our deciding to renew the flow of children to Australia. 
The most serious molestation scandal of the child migration era was resolved and scarcely surfaced during the controversy of the last ten?fifteen years. 
Memorandum submitted by Mr Dallas Patterson, relating to personal experience as Principal of Fairbridge Farm School, Pinjarra, Western Australia delivered, 7 January 1949, MH102/2251 
Exploitation of Fairbridge youth during the 1930s at Pinjarra 
Young, crude, small populations in vast territories cannot afford or hope to train social services such as are emerging in old, closely packed lands. (p 2) At Pinjarra, the State school staff of nine under their own Head Teacher were unqualified by training, temperament or willingness to fit into the idea of a farm school experiment. 
Fairbridge children up to my time as Principal, were sent at fourteen years of age, almost illiterate, quite untrained and to any job or place to please the employer ... it was almost impossible to train the so-called 'Trainees' with the never-ending demand for their labour. 
The Head Cottage Mother and Matron was displaced by my wife and me because of her utter lack of sympathy towards the girls. Her harshness was mid-Victorian in its zeal. 
The Perth Committee were openly opposed to every effort to raise the status of the childen above that of potential cheap labour. 
It is interesting that Patterson speaks well of Tardun (p 3) and the Christian Brothers attempting to give secondary education to the children there. 
Aftercare cannot undo the harm of bad selection, non-education and lack of training. 
Case A: '... free from the slur and drag of the Fairbridge name' 
Case C 'A Devon boy with the sea in his blood was refused permission to enter the R.A.N. The Perth Committee quoted the usual rigmarole about 'all boys for the land and all girls for domestic service.' It required the generous intervention of Lord Gowrie, the Governor-General, to enable this natural sailor to enter the life he longer for. 
Large scale 'Tarduns' for boys would be far too expensive, but Brother Conlon merits the widest recognition. 
Case 1. 'Cooking in a lean-to shed in hot weather, slaving for women too ignorant to know how to treat employees, ill-paid work in lonely surroundings. 
Case 2. 'A member of the Perth Committee was notorious for his philandering conduct towards the girls in his wife's employ. Cottage mothers disliked their girls being sent to his station. After Care disapproved of the reports given by the girls of his conduct, but girls continued to be sent. Institution children are fair game. 
Case 3. 'A Western Australian Minister for ..., telephoned to order me to give his son a boy at the lowest wage for that son's farm. The farm was on our Black List. 
Case 4. The wife of the Chairman of the Perth Committee arrived unheralded one day at the Farm School and ordered my predecessor to move a young Fairbridge girl ... from her son-inlaw's house. Her son-in-law was a man with no conscience and had behaved in a most seriously immoral way, repeatedly and over a long period whenever his wife left the farm to go to the nearest Township. The relatives of many members of the Perth Committee were 'cynical scoundrels'. 
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Fairbridge Farm Schools in Australia suggested visit of Mr Garnett to the school at Pinjarra. DO35/1138 PRO, Kew, Surrey, England. 
Edith Thompson, Chairman, Executive Committee, Society for the Oversea Settlement of British Women to Wiseman, R (Dominions Office), 9 April 1945. 
'Miss Small, the Headmistress of St Hilda's school, Perth, assures me that Miss Woods in a reliable person and that her statements are accurate. 
Woods, T C, to Thompson, 5 April 1945 
Much of my report is now out-of-date. I was dismissed, 4 October 1943 ... 
Woods to Joyner, Fairbirdge Farm School, Pinjarra, 31 March1943 
'I was two years at Fairbridge and was fairly and considerately treated ... (1943) It was the middle of the war years. At one point this year, there were ten boys in Reformatory Homes, mostly at (Salvation Army) Gosnells ... Three others have just left Gosnells for work. There was one incident where a lad stole a rifle and a group of Fairbridge teenagers ran away and lived in the hills ... returned at night to raid neighbouring farms ... discontent ... older boys not sent out to work. 
'Girls have not been paid on attaining the age of sixteen years although their services have been retained ... (p 138) Children are never allowed to continue at the State school after they are 14 years old. God parents in England are often willing to help children but sufficient care is not taken at the Farm school to see that the children write regularly ... A large amount of the training on the farm amounts to free labour for the convenience of personnel. It is my opinion that the children are made to fit the work rather than the work remodelled to suit the best interests of the children. 
'There is noticeable secrecy in sending the children out to work. They do not know where they are going until they are handed an envelope in the office at the moment they are due to leave. Children are given practically no instruction (p 142) in the social problems which they meet when they go out to work. A lady doctor informed me that our girls with whom she had contact were painfully ignorant on straight-forward scientific facts. 
'Many cottage mothers unsatisfactory. They have spoken very roughly to the children and have hit them. Girls in their teens have been beaten. 
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Dr Barnardo's Children's Homes, NSW, Part 3, 1949?1951. A445/1, 133/2/4. National Archives of Australia, Canberra. 
'Unsavoury episode at Mowbray Park' 
Metcalfe, R U, Immigration Department to Ladd, (Barnardo's), 2 March 1951 
'" ... my attention has been drawn to the recent unsavoury episode at Mowbray Park resulting in court proceedings which, fortunately for all concerned, were eventually withdrawn. 
'I have had a hurried glance through the letter which Mr Hicks wrote to your Chairman on 13 February ... I cannot help feeling that your Manager at Mowbray Park was a contributing factor towards this disturbance. It is obvious he lost control of himself for otherwise he would not have attempted to strike or manhandle these big boys who naturally resented such treatment. 
'In view of the latest development whereby it is alleged certain of these boys will not be permitted to return to Mowbray Park, I cannot help feeling that Barnardo's has lost some of its standing and this would be a great pity ... 
'If it were known publicly that Barnardo's had practically banished certain of its boys because the farm manager did not like them, I believe your organisation would lose much of its prestige ... 
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Green, R A (Barnardo's) to Wheeler, R H, Immigration Department, 8 March 1951. 
I was surprised to hear from you on the subject of the recent trouble at Mowbray Park... 
NCH lads, recent arrivals ... Barnardo's were not responsible for their selection, nor had they been under Barnardo's control before ... Before the arrival of this party, my Chairman and Committee were rather nervous on account of the ages of the lads which were, in the main, 15 and 16 years. 
The lads did not settle in well and indeed some of them gave trouble from the very start ... petty thieving ... we got busy putting some lads out to employment ... several complaints ...in November (last) there was an upset at the Picton Central School as a result of which six boys absconded but were picked up and returned to the Farm School by the end of their first day's wanderings. 
On 15 January, there was further unpleasantness when a number of boys attacked another old resident lad telling the Superintendent that they were going to bash this boy for bullying one of the gang ... 
The behaviour on this week's holiday was not good. It was spent at our Branch at Burwood where several locks were broken ... On the return of the party to the Farm school, Mr Paxton commenced investigations. It was at this juncture that the attack occurred on the Superintendent who telephoned me at my home to give me the news of it ... the nine boys concerned had run away and he was afraid that they might return during the night and commit some violence or folly ... police called. 
Mr Paxton called an hour or so later and advised me that the nine boys had returned ... four returned to the cottages ... five aggressive ... police called ... charges laid ... the five lads were taken into Picton, and on the following day transferred to the Child Welfare shelter at Ashfield, and the following day were to appear in the Children's Court.. The Court Officer advised that a charge of assault should be entered against X and all charged with being uncontrollable. 
Our chief concern was the safety and welfare of the community at Mowbray Park and this would have been seriously jeopardised by the return of the four lads in their state of mind ... general idea was to place them in employment a.s.a.p. 
We had to attend Court for six days ... charges withdrawn ... one lad returned to Picton; four others to 'Roylestone' whence they have been placed in employment. 
They were all of the age for employment. 
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Borrie, W D The European Peopling of Australia: a Demographic History, 1788 - 1988, Research School of Social Sciences, ANU, Canberra, 1992, p. 181 
For intending British emigrants, North America was so close. The Australian colonies required the incentive of free passages and land grants. There were so many 'able-bodied poor' with insufficient income to support themselves and their families, much less to afford the passage money to the Dominions. In the 1820s, E G Wakefield's ideas percolated; in 1831, Lord Goderich, Minister for the Colonies allowed sale of land by auction. Some of the funds from the sale of land were to be used to pay the passages of immigrants. (p 48) The British government gave evidence of a new interest in immigration by reducing the charge of an assisted passage to Australia from £30 to £18 and by advancing £10,000 on the security of future land sales to assist emigration. 1840?76 Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners. 
Assisted passages were normal to get people, ordinary people, to come to Australia. In 19C NSW, the government continued to use the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners in London to administer colonial policy in the selection and transport of immigrants who were supported from the public revenue. The main contemporary demand was for farm servants, shepherds, artisans especially building workers and domestic servants. Selected immigrants in these categories were given virtually free passages at public expense. 
* 'Bounty system' i.e. free immigrants passages were paid for by settlers already in the colonies; 
· Assisted passges were paid from colonial revenues channelled through the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners In London. 
Active sponsorship of (any) immigration was not resumed (by any Australian government) on any considerable scale until 1906 ... The Commonwealth came into the immigration picture when it assumed responsibility for the selection and transit of immigrants in 1920 ... passage assistance was resumed after 1906 ... over the 40 years 1901?40, no fewer than 471,000 immigrants were assisted in a net total intake of 598,000 ... The passage assistance was open to intending settlers from Great Britain and Ireland. 
The objective was to encourage young adults under the age of 40 years to come to encourage family settlement that is, parents and their children, not the adults brothers and sisters. Male immigrants were still required for rural-based activities. 
The Imperial Government accepted the right of the 'white dominions' to determine their own immigration policies ... the traditional policy provided passage assistance and encouraged land settlement. 
The following needs to be made clear: 
1 Australia had to compete for migrants against countries which were much closer to the British Isles (and Europe), i.e. the USA and Canada. 
2 It was much cheaper for migrants to go to North America; hence Australian governments offered passage assistance. 
3 In spite of this, Australian governments considered that intending migrants were being granted a privilege by being permitted to come. There is some tension between this (3) and (1) and (2). 
4 Moreover, Australian governments (and people) tended to think (then and some say now) that an ant-like horde of people from the British Isles and Western Europe wished to come here. Some did, but the percentage of emigrants out of the British Isles who came to Australia was small as against North America or somewhere else. 
The welfare and resettlement of ex-servicemen after World War I was of concern to both the Imperial and Australian Governments. The result (p. 190) was the Free Passage Scheme for ex-servicemen and women (Third Class) to any part of the Empire. 
The scheme was implemented in co-operation with the Emigration Agents of the Dominion governments. Scheme operated until 1922; about 40,000 ex-servicemen emigrated, 34,000 to Australia. 
At the 1922 Imperial Conference, the governments of Great Britain and the dominions co-operated financially and otherwise in developing policies of assisted settlement with the funds divided between land settlements, assisted passages and the selection of settlers approved by all governments concerned. 
Assisted passages were normal to get ordinary people to come to Australia. 
Roe, M Australia, Britain and Migration: a Study of Desperate Hopes, Cambridge University Press, 1995, p. 185 
Australia acted as if permission to settle was a privilege especially of those seeking fare subsidy and most were. All migrants had to undergo enquiry and form-filling, especially those seeking assistance. 
In the case of child and youth migrants they were not the same people they came under assisted passage schemes. Child and youth migrants involved smallish numbers of young people arriving in the context of a much larger assisted immigration programme. 
Some key points regarding and the process of selecting assisted migrants: 
1 Australia advertised in the British isles for immigrants and some organisations in Britain encouraged certain classes of people the unemployed to consider emigration as an option. 
2 In the case of those who enquired regarding emigration, their physical, mental and even moral health was considered; 
3 The intending settler had to supply particulars: skill, past employment, medical history; two referees 
4 The referees were contacted or confidential enquiries were made through the British Ministry of Labour via local Labour Exchanges or private organisations like the YMCA. 
5 At a certain stage, the intending migrant would have an interview with an Australian immigration officer at Australia House or some other centre; 
6 There would be negotiations on financial the voyage; the assisted passage and possible supplementary loans; 
7 Then there was the formal medical examination for which the intending migrant was to pay; there were many failures, and in these circumstances migrants could feel victimised or shamed. 
There were those migrants who paid their own passage to Australia; they had an easier ride with the bureaucracy. However, child and youth migration are part of the process of assisted immigration to Australia. 
In general terms, assisted migrants were of two broad categories: 
1 Nominees, i.e. a fairly recent migrant established in Australia nominated a relative in the British Isles to come to Australia. Nominators in Australia assumed responsibility for their nominees future welfare. Those nominating friends or relatives were checked at state level for respectability and financial strength. A nominee migrant was still wanting an assisted passage which covered two-thirds of the fare. 
2 Selectees. State governments nominated the numbers of (say) 'building workers' or 'rural labourers' and the relevant section at Australia House attempted to recruit these categories of workers in the British Isles. 
All assisted migrants had to promise to remain in Australia for at least two years, but 'selectees' had to work at their calling for a specified time normally one year minimum 'boys', i.e. teenagers ? for a longer period. 
What is important to understand is that most migrants who came to Australia were assisted, i.e. assisted to pay the fare and these were in almost all cases poor, very poor or destitute people. It might be clearer now where child and youth migration fit in this process. 
'Selectees' were over 80% unemployed, and/or in deep poverty; virtually all needed loans to cover the portion of the fare not assisted (one-third) plus a loan to cover 'landing money', i.e.£2 or £3 - the equivalent of a week's wages of an average wage-earner. 
'Selectees' were usually single persons, but if 'selectees' were married their wives were expected to find work as domestic servants. 
British Government: Support for Emigration 
During the nineteenth century and until after World War I, the British government did not give much financial encouragement for its citizens to emigrate, what finance was available to the poor to emigrate came from private charities and loan schemes. 
However British Governments were willing to give some encouragement to certain classes of citizens to emigrate: (a) children in care 'Poor Law Children' who were likely to become adults on welfare; and (b) criminal children Industrial schools and reformatories who posed a threat to respectable society. 
These children dispatched abroad were child or youth migrants. 
Until the reorganisation of residential child care which commenced (UK) in the 1940s, the objective of care was to protect society from the depredations of the deprived child, not as first priority to protect the child. 
(a) 'Poor Law Children' 
Statutes (laws) which guided their emigration. 
1834, 4 and 5 Will. IV, 8, 76. This enabled parishes to raise money to pay for the emigration of poor people, including poor children. 
1844, 7 and 8 Vic., c. 101 This Act required the consent of the Poor Law Board necessary is a local government Poor Law Union wished to emigrate poor children 
1848, 11 and 12 Victoria., c. 110 This Act allowed the emigration of the poor to be financed from ordinary local Poor Law rates. 
1850, 13 and 14 Victoria, c. 101 The consent of each child, given before Justices of the Peace at a Court of Petty Sessions became necessary before any child was sent abroad. 
(b) 'Criminal' Children 
The British Governments were keen that 'criminal' children those who were in Industrial Schools and Reformatories should emigrate on completion of their terms, not, however to the point of paying for their removal, just to the point of allowing the managements of reformatory and industrial schools to send their former charges abroad either to the US or one of the British dominions. 
Principal Statutes/Acts of Parliament/Laws 
1839, 1 and 2 Vic, c.99 This gave power to commit young offenders to Parkhurst Prison (Isle of Wight) for training prior to emigration with a ticket-of-leave or conditional pardon. Section 2 of this Act enabled children sentenced to transportation to place themselves at some charitable institution such as that managed by the Philanthropic Society at Redhill (Surrey) for training with a view to their emigration at a later date. 
1853, 16 and 17 Vic., c. 99 This abolished all sentences of transportation of less than fourteen years. 
1854, 17 and 18 Vic., c. 86 The first Reformatory Act. Juvenile offenders might be sentenced to from two to five years detention in schools developed for the purpose. 
1866, 29 and 30 Vic., c. 117 & 118.This gave Reformatory managements to 'license' children (like parole) and 'dispose' of them to employment in the local community or by emigration after eighteen months detention. 
1872, 35 and 36 Vic., c. 21 This Act allowed school authorities to finance the emigration of their (former) charges. 
1891, 54 and 55 Vic., c.23 This Act provided that the consent of the child, of his parents and of the Secretary of State were necessary for the emigration of a young person formerly in an Industrial School or Reformatory. 
1908, 8 Edw. VII, c. 67. The 1866 and 1891 acts (as above) were repealed. However, much the same conditions were prescribed for emigration, and, for the first time, a Treasury contribution was provided towards the expenses of emigration. 
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Roe, M, Australia, Britain and Migration, 1915?40: a study of desperate hopes, Cambridge University Press, 1995. 
With prosperity during the nineteenth century, government involvement diminished ... the Australian colonies varied in their immigration policies. The Commonwealth after 1901 had ultimate control but the states jealously retained their de facto control. In 1906, the Premiers Conference agreed that the Commonwealth should sponsor relevant advertising in Britian ... the states became more enthusiastic in granting migrants assistance. In 1912, the Premiers Conference agreed on uniform maximum assistance £6 for an adult; half the minimum faire ... recruitments stressed farmworkers and domestic servants ... plus approved newcomers nominated by established residents. In 1913, there was an advertising campaign in the UK to attract migrants. £50,000 per annum and it worked through cinema, press, lectures and posters. The new film unit prepared material. The federal government put aside £150,000 to subsidise migrant fares. 
Empire Settlement Act. Annual expenditure was set at a maximum of £1.5 million in 1922 and £3 million for the fourteen years thereafter. The Bill's other provisions were simple. The Secretary of State could arrange schemes jointly with Empire governments or public or private authorities. They could provide for direct migration of UK residents in terms of fares, training and establishment costs or, more ambitiously, for development, normally oriented towards farm expansion. Treasury was to approve all schemes, and the maximum British contribution in any instances was half. This could be by grant or loan, or (by implication) interest sharing. 
In July 1922 an Assisted Passage Agreement was signed. (p 44) As to loans, a complimentary situation prevailed. The Passage Agreement provided that the two governments share in these, and that they might cover not only the fare deficit but medical inspection fees and landing money. Australian officials had tended to oppose such generosity. 
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Renewal of the Empire Settlement Act, 1922, DO35/3394 
Be in enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty 
(1) It shall be lawful for the Secretary of State in association with the government of any part of his Majesty's Dominions, or with public authorities or public or private organisations either in the UK or in any part of such Dominions, to formulate and co-operate in carrying out agreed schemes for affording joint assistance to suitable persons in the UK who intended to settle in any part of HM Overseas Dominions. 
(2) An agreed scheme under this Act may be either:? 
(a) a development or a land settlement scheme; or 
(b) a scheme for facilitating settlement in, or migration to, any part of HM Overseas Dominions by assistance with passages, initial allowances, training or otherwise. 
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'When the children's service began it was still assumed that children must be rescued from inadequate families, the slate wiped clean and the child given a fresh start. Over time, and by degrees, it was realised that the parents lived on inside the child, that his identity was bound up with his origins and hence that everything possible should be done to strengthen home ties. In the pre-1948 period, those providing public services for children it was thought that to provide food, clothing, shelter, education and moral training was sufficient. A new understanding of the emotional needs of children began to seep through during the late 1940s, with explosive consequences over the years for the child care service. (Younghusband, E. Social Work in Britain: 1950?75, Vol 1, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1978, p. 36) 
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Armit, M, et al, Australia and Immigration, 1788 ? 1988, AGPS, 1988, p 31. 
In January 1947, the first party of postwar British migrants arrived in Australia, building industry tradesmen for Canberra. 
In February 1947, an Immigration Advisory Council was established to advise on community problems in the settlement process. 
The British and Australian Governments announced that free and assisted passage schemes would come into operation, 31 March 1947. 
In May 1947, Cabinet approved an assisted passage scheme for Empire and United States ex-servicemen, later extended to similar people from France, Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium and Denmark. 21,000 by 1955. 
The first free and assisted migrants arrived from the UK in June 1947, and also the first children under re-established child migration schemes. 
In July 1947, Australia entered into an agreement with the IRO to settle an annual quota of 12,000 displaced persons in Australia. 
The Second World War had been the dividing scene in the drama of Australian immigration policy ... separated Australians from the economic disaster of the depression which had virtually terminated immigration to Australia. 'Redistributing the white population of the empire' changed to 'Populate or perish'. 
... clear that UK could not be relied upon for Australia's defence ... 
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Scholes, A G, Education for Empire Settlement, Longmans Green, London, 1932. 
Kirkby, D, Of people and place: Debates over Australia's Immigration Programme since 1939, La Trobe University Studies in History, 1997. 
(p 11) While the ideas and policies of the immigration programme were being developed from 1942 onwards, there was no intention of implementing the programme until all the soldiers returning from the war had been demobilised and full employment had been achieved. So not until two years after the war ended did the government commence to implement its programme. 1947, critical year. 
Mass migration replaced chain migration ... 
... Realising, therefore, the crucial importance to Australia of a policy of planned immigration, it is with great pleasure that I am today able to review, for the benefit of honourable members, the substantial progress that has already been made in bringing our plans to fruition. 
In the forefront of our entire immigration programme are the free and assisted passage schemes designed to bring to these shores a shead flow of the best possible immigrant types from the UK ... However, we are not unmindful of the fact that many thousands of desirable people on the European continent will be prepared to participate in plans on the lines of the free and assisted passage schemes which have been entered into between the governments of the UK and the Commonwealth... 
Then there is the tragedy of Europe's army of displaced and persecuted people. As honourable members are aware, the various Allied governments have been subjected to strong pressure at international conferences to accept large quotas of these unfortunate men, women and children ... Approval has therefore been given for the admission of a limited number of these people, provided they are nominated by relatives in Australia who are in aposition and willing to accommodate and maintain them ... 
While on the subject of foreign migration, I would like to emphasise that the Government's immigration policy is based on the principle that migrants from the UK should be given every encouragement and assistance. It is my hope that for every foreign migrant there will be ten people from the UK. Only time will tell how far this hope can be realised. We have already given indubitable evidence of our preference for the UK migrant by entering into agreements with the UK government for the granting of free and assisted passages to suitable people from the UK. Aliens are and will continue to be admitted only in such numbers and of such classes that they can be assimilated readily. Every precaution is taken to ensure that they are desirable types, and they must satisfy consular or passport officers and security service officers that they are people of good character before their passports are visaed for travel to Australia. Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives, 22 November 1946, Vol 189, pp. 502?11. 
While the ideas and policies of the immigration programme were being developed from 1942 onwards, there was no intention of implementing the programme until all the soldiers returning from the war had been demobilised and full employment had been achieved. Two years delay after 1945 implementing the programme; shipping shortage; ... at first the scheme was directed at British migrants. Ex-servicemen and their families could come free; civilians were offered assisted passages. However, not enough British migrants were available or willing to come and Calwell turned to the European refugee camps. He agreed to accept immediately 4000 displaced persons, and a further 12,000 a year afterwards; raised to 20,000 later. 
Migrants were required for massive public works programmes; ... Calwell had to struggle to make the immigration programme acceptable to an Australian population nervous about job security and the foreignness of the people of Non-English-Speaking Background. He established an Immigration Advisory Committee of parliamentarians, trade unionists and employers who visited Europe at the end of 1945 to investigate the practical possibilities of the programme. 
In 1946, Calwell embarked on a public relations exercise to bring the Australian people on side. To publicise the programme the Immigration Department distributed pamphlets and advertised extensively in trade union and labour publications. 
The most difficult issue to overcome was the acceptance of Jewish refugees who had survived the holocaust and Nazi persecution. Anti-semitic hysteria reached its peak in 1946?47 and Calwell was forced for a time to restrict the number of Jewish immigrants allowed to Australia each year. He was subsequently able to resume his policy of giving asylum to those who had suffered so atrociously during WW11. Jewish welfare organisations were allowed to sponsor people and the number of Jewish refugees who arrived in Australia between 1945?54 doubled Australia's existing Jewish population. Today Australia has more holocaust survivors than any country outside Israel. 
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Scholes, A G, Education for Empire Settlement, Longmans Green, London, 1932, p 71) Throughout the last century there was strong opposition to any wide system of state-aided emigration ... Government grants towards emigration were low ... Most assisted emigrants were paupers; their movement being financed by parish funds or private charity. In 1919 state assistance for juvenile migration was considered necessary as a compensation for the distress caused among the young by the war, and also because the return of large numbers of soldiers to civilian life was causing widespread juvenile unemployment. In 1920, the old-fashioned migration societies recommenced their work in Canada. Both the Church Army (Hempstead, Essex) and the Child Emigration Society were aided by grants from the Joint Committee of the National Relief Fund and the Overseas Settlement Committee. 
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It had not been traditional for the British Government of any political stripe to fund emigration schemes. However in late December 1821, Secretary of State for the Colonies, L S Amery, proposed to Cabinet that it set aside £5 million annually to finance migration schemes. He thereby conceived the Empire Settlement Act. By March 1922, the Empire Settlement Bill was in its final stage of drafting. (Roe, M Australia, Britain and Migration, 1915?40, A Study of Desperate Hopes, Cambridge University Press, 1995, p. 38) 
Be it enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty: 
(1) It shall be lawful for the Secretary of State in association with the government of any part of His Majesty's Dominions or with public authorities or public or private organisation whether in the UK, or in any part of such Dominions, to formulate and co-operate in carrying out agreed schemes for affording joint assistance to suitable persons in the UK who intend to settle in any part of His Majesty's Overseas Dominions. 
(2) An agreed scheme under this Act may be either: 
(a) a development or a land settlement scheme; or 
(b) a scheme for facilitating settlement in or migration to, any part of His Majesty's Overseas Dominions by assistance with passages, initial allowances, training or otherwise. 
The Bill's provisions were simple: the Secretary of State could arrange schemes jointly with Empire governments or public or private authorities. They could provide for direct migration of UK residents in terms of fares, training and establishment costs, or more ambitiously for developments normally oriented towards farm expansion. 
The Treasury was to approve all schemes and the maximum British contribution in any one instance was half. The Bill had its Second Reading, 26 April 1922 ... in everyday terms, the Empire Settlement Act had the effect of granting assistance to rank-and-file migrants. Under the terms of the Empire Settlement Act, the Australian and British Governments negotiated an Assisted Passage Agreement. The fare to Australia (ship) was £33 ? £36. Each government was to pay one-third and the migrant one-third. 
Most migrants could not pay the remaining one-third of the fare, together with medical inspection fees and landing money. The Passage agreement provided that the two governments would share in the loans which were available to cover these costs. 
In spite of Treasury fears, applications for support under the Empire Settlement Act proved to be modest ... annual expenditure was set at £1.5 million in 1922 and £3 million thereafter. These amounts were never reached in any one year. 
The Empire (later Commonwealth) Settlement Acts were only an enabling measure. By the late 1940s, only two agreements operated under the Act and other concerned Australia: 
· the Assisted Passage Scheme, 
· the connected agreements with the voluntary societies engaged in child migration. 
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'The Victorian view was to rid the community of those who might endanger or inconvenience it the delinquent, the illegitimate, the poor, the ill and the mentally-handicapped.' (Moore, A Growing up with Barnardo's, Sydney, 1990, p. 124) 
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Hodgson, H V, The British Commonwealth and the Future, Oxford University Press, London, 1939. Proceedings of the Second Unofficial Conference of British Commonwealth Relations, Sydney, 3?17 September 1938, p 70 
One estimate showed that in default of a serious immigration programme, Australia will have a maximum of fewer than eight millions in the decade, 1973?83. 
(p 71) If the country is to have immigrants on any appreciable scale it must adopt a definite policy to that end ... (but) ... the emotional background of the national life ... Australian interests and sentiments are in conflict ... the inertia of a community intensely preoccupied with local affairs ... (Migration) A declining birthrate, combined with increased social services at home, has removed the possibility of mass migration (from the UK). The unemployed were not wanted overseas and the organised worker will not submit to inequality and to being treated as cheap labour. ... the standards of living in Great Britain and the Dominions were now fairly equal (p 177) ... the net reproduction rates in the UK, Australia and NZ are below unity. The white races are killing themselves off by not having sufficient children. 
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Changing British attitudes towards child migration (1940s) 
'We understand that organisations for sending deprived children to the Dominions may resume their work in the near future. We have heard evidence as to the arrangements for selecting children for migration and it is clear to us that their effect is that this opportunity is given only to children of fine physique and good mental equipment. These are precisely the children for whom satisfactory openings could be found in this country and in present day conditions this particular method of providing for the deprived child is not one that we specially wish to see extended. On the other hand, a fresh start in a new country may, for children with an unfortunate background, be the foundation of a happy life, and the opportunity should therefore, in our view, remain open to suitable children who express a desire for it. We should, however, strongly deprecate their setting out in life under less thorough care and supervision than they would have at home. We recommend that it should be a condition to the consenting of the emigration of deprived children that the arrangements made by the government of the receiving country for their welfare and after care should be comparable to those we have proposed in this report for deprived children remaining in this country. Report of the Care of Children Committee (Myra Curtis Committee) Cmd. 6922 HMSO 1944, Section 501. DO35/3394 Public Record Office, Kew, Surrey. 
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Children Act (UK) 1948 
In regard to child migration, sections 17 and 33 of the Children Act are significant: 
17 This section dealt with the power of local authorities to arrange for the emigration of children in their care 
33 This dealt with the power of the Secretary of State to control the emigration of children under the care of the voluntary societies. 
Section 17 is as follows: 
(a) A local authority may, with the consent of the Secretary of State, procure or assist in procuring the emigration of any child in their care; 
(b) The Secretary of State shall not give his consent under this section unless he is satisfied that emigration would benefit the child and that suitable arrangements have been, or will be made, for the child's reception and welfare in the country to which he is going; that the parents or guardian of the child have been consulted or that it is not practicable to consult them; and that the child consents. 
(It is) provided that where a child is too young to form or express a proper opinion on the matter, the Secretary of State may consent to his emigration notwithstanding that the child is unable to consent thereto; or in any case where the child is to emigrate in company with a parent, guardian or relative of his, or is to emigrate for the purpose of joining a parent, guardian, relative or friend. 
(c) In the last foregoing subsection the expression 'parent or guardian' shall be construed in accordance with the provisions of section nine of this Act. 
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This must be stressed and it explains many misunderstandings between London and Canberra over child migration: The British authorities at various levels were cooling towards child migration just at the time when the Australian Government and the voluntary agencies (in Australia) were getting enthusiastic to receive the youngsters. 
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Australia is a very large country physically, but the population has always been comparatively small and concentrated unevenly. This problems this created for defending either the coastline or the rest of the country became starkly clear during WW 11 when the northern city of Darwin was bombed and miniature enemy submarines entered Sydney Harbour. Although few lives were lost, the fear of further invasion gave the issue of population growth new urgency. Obvious. 'Populate or perish'. The population was increasing too slowly through natural means as families were having fewer children - Depression. Immigration had been at a near standstill since 1930. 
Ministry of Immigration, 1945. Preference for British immigrants. White Australia. Calwell hoped for 70,000 migrants per year. 
Calwell had to make sure that his programme was acceptable to an Australian population nervous about their own job security and the foreignness of people from non-English-speaking backgrounds. He established an Immigration Advisory Committee of parliamentarians, trade unionists and employers who visited Europe at the end of 1945 to investigate the practical possibilities of his programme. They endorsed European immigration and of refugees. 
Child Migration, General, A461/8, A349/1/7. Part 1.'Child Migration on Big Scale under Discussion', Herald (Melbourne), 16 December 1944. 
Mr Frank Forde, H of R. 'History will some day reveal how close Australia was to being overrun. We may not be given another chance.The cost of this war and of future defence must be borne by a greatly increased population ... housing situation ... absorptive capacity ... rehabilitation of Australians in the services.' 
Rischbieth, B M, to Lyons, 20 March 1937. 'Public opinion in Australia was opposed to the idea of migration' Australian Federation of Women Voters. 
Speech, Lyons, J A, 28 September 1937. 'In 1911, the birth rate was 27.20 per thousand; the last year it had fallen to 17.15 per thousand and migration had practically ceased. For the four years from 1931?34, 20,000 more people, many of our British kin, went out of the country than came into it.' 
Child Migration. General Policy, Part 1, A446, 60/66716. 
Macalpine, E W, 'Australia as home for war orphans', Daily Telegraph, 3 November 1943. 'All societies concerned with the welfare of children are looking to Australia as an outlet for the younger generation. This article triggered debate. Argus, 16/11/43;Canberra Times, 4/11/43, Herald, 18/11/43. Then this file died for about a year. The next reference is 7 December 1944. '17,000 child migrants a year'. 
Cabinet approves the plan, announced across A. '34 shiploads a year of Child Migrants', CT, 8/12/44. Acting PM, Frank Forde, 'Government plans to Bring out 17,000 Each Year', Daily Telegraph, 7/12/44. 'The Commonwealth would set up machinery to arrange with international bodies like UNRRA to select and send to A. suitable orphans and other children.' 
SMH, 7/12/44: 'Full Cabinet today approved of a Governmental scheme directed towards British and European sources of child migrants side by side with the schemes of non-official bodies. Conference will be held with state governments primarily to arrange collaboration in maintenance and education of the children. The financial arrangements ... (were mentioned).' 
'£20 Million Child Migrant Plan', SMH, 28/12/44. 'The 51,000 child migrants would be wards of the state'. The first problem would be shipping. There is the link with the CORB Scheme. 
'Child Migration Scheme may cost £30 million', Canberra Times, 28/12/44. 'The patteern followed in handling the 500 British evacuee children in Australia during the war will be adopted in the care of the 51,000 children. They will be wards of the state ... converted military establishments adjacent to large towns ... shipping (required) to bring them in lots of 500.' CT, 10/1/45 reported 'British Rush Child Migrant Applications', 
but a cautionary article appeared: 'Trials in a Friendless Land', Herald (Melbourne), 21/12/43. 
The first departmental meeting concerned with renewed child migration appears to be the IDC sub-committee, Department of Interior, 15/12/1943. Treasury, Social Services and Postwar Reconstruction represented, as were External Affairs and Mrs C E Kelly. 
The principal object of the meeting was to afford members of the sub-Committee an opportunity of meeting Mrs Kelly and of explaining to them the arrangements made with the Department of Postwar Reconstruction and the University of Sydney for Mrs Kelly to make an investigator...regarding the voluntary organisations in the various states, including those that in the past had been interested in child migration, which would be able and willing to co-operate with the Commonwealth in the promotion of child migration and in the reception and aftercare of child migrants who were brought to Australia. Mr Goodes (Treasury) and Mrs Crisp (Postwar Reconstruction) both indicated that their minister visualised that promotion and reception of child migrants should be essentially the business of the government and not left to the outside organisations. 
Mr Goodes also expressed the opinion that very few child migrants from the UK could be expected and that it would be a matter for the Government to make enquiries of foreign Governments as to suitable children who would be available for transfer to Australia ... Mr Rowe expressed the opinion that any Government scheme was not likely to be a success unless the co-operation of the voluntary organisations could be secured. 
Child Migration Sub-Committee, 24 January 1944. Mr W Garnett, UK H.C. was also present. Mr Gartnett to give his views on child migration, and in particular, on the question of whether preference should be given to encouraging private organisations rather than concentrating on Government control from start to finish. Mr Garnett said that his Government had always adopted the policy of working through established organisations. Mr Garnett... did not think that work could be more effectively done by a purely Governmental organisation ... Bodies which had a philanthropic and religious basis inspired much confidence. This was the UK view ... people going to the Dominions are not lost to the Empire but are merely re-distributed. 
Mr Garnett said that the favoured supporting well-tried institutions rather than the setting up by the Government of new machinery for the purpose of child migration and that the day to day work, recruitment, reception, training and aftercare of children was best left in the hands of organisations that have experience in that class of work. There should, however, be a measure of Government supervision over all such bodies. 
There is an interesting reference to the BBM: LBs arriving during the pre-war years were placed at Scheyville for two months training. To this farm were also sent Australian boys with bad records who had just missed prison terms. The intermingling of the boys had in some cases a disastrous effect on the British lads. Mr Ebsworth who was in charge of the scheme, had no real training in farm work, and the Movement would like to have their own trained men to coach the boys in farm work. 
Mrs Kelly said that as a result of her enquiries she was convinced that it would be necessary to engage in propaganda to encourage an atmosphere favourable to the introduction of foreign children ... There was a feeling of hostility even amongst organisations engaged in child migration from the UK (to the introduction of foreign children) 
Mrs C Kelly: 'Confidential Report on Sydney Non-Government Migration Agencies' The BBM: 'up to the present the boys were sent to Government training farms where, it is claimed, the training was indifferent. Some LBs drift back to the city. 
18/1/44. Secret report on child migration. 'If Australia is to attempt to take advantage of the wartime and immediate post-war unsettlement of Europe to get child migrants that attempt should be on a large-scale ... the pre-war annual intake capacity of all the non-official schemes for child migration in Australia was small.' 
Wheeler, R M, 'Child Migration', 20 March 1944. He is trying to tone down the enthusiasm of the Department of Postwar Reconstruction: ' ... the entire lack of information as to the number and types of children available in Europe ... European children ill-fed and under-nourished' ... 'badly treated' ... 'a large proportion may be diseased and considerably below our mental, physical and moral standards'. We need to survey the situation fast ... An important factor must be shipping ... it must not be imagined that Australia's representatives could go into Europe and 'scrape up' children without the consent of respective European governments, who may not be anxious to part with their children ... (in fact) there is some doubt in my mind as to whether the European Governments will be prepared to part with large numbers of their children.' 
UK, HC, 31 March 1944. 'Memorandum for the Information of the Sub-Committee on Child and Juvenile Migration' There is little prospect of Australia attracting child migrants in any great number. This the advice they had received from Fairbridge UK. 
Carrodus, J A, (Sec.) 'Memorandum, Prime Minister's Department', 16 June 1944. 'A special survey has been made of all voluntary organisation which are interested in child migration and machinery will be set up so that full use can be made of approved organisations both in the UK and Australia as soon as circumstances permit of the resumption of child migration. 
Peters, A L, to Wheeler, R M, 10 October 1944: ' ... it may be fund that recruiting suitable types of children in Europe is not going to be as easy or satisfactory as the child migration advocates imagine.' 
Horgan, J, 12 October 1944 'Child Migration - points for consideration in connection with draft submission to the IDC' 'Hitherto child migration, except for a few Jewish refugee children, has consisted of British children from the UK introduced by voluntary organisations, subsidised to a certain extent by UK and Australian governments. The efforts of the voluntary bodies has not resulted in any material increase in our population, primarily due to limited field of operations and restricted financial resources. 
Child Migration. 'Notes Taken at Conference of Commonwealth and State officials held at the Department of the Interior', Canberra, 9 January 1945. It was the Government's 50,000 child migration scheme which was on the table (p. 2) Dr Coombs explained that the scheme originated as a result of the Government's conviction that Australia's population must be built-up ... child more absorbable ... a satisfactory kind of child ... Much discussion of birth rates ... marriage rates. Dr Coombs (p 5): 'There is nothing to warrant optimism.' 
1 'inadequacy of non-official organisations'; 
2 'need for a Government-controlled scheme to supplement the work of non-official organisations' 
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Fox, M, 'British child migrants in NSW Catholic orphanages', History of Education Review, Vol. 25, No 2, 1996. 'The threat of Japanese invasion in 1942 and the urgent need to fund the war effort led to greatly increased Commonwealth powers, including direct control over immigration ... Between 1947 and 1980, some 3.3 million migrants arrived from more than one hundred countries ... Catholic participation in the Commonwealth programme ...66 child migrants (only) went to NSW ... NSW bishops actively sought child migrants ... State and Commonwealth officials insisted on government control over private schemes ... (p 3) 
The bishops received early unofficial advice and in 1944 established a Migration sub-committee (of the Bishops Conference) chaired by Bishop T McGuire of Goulburn who was to watch Catholic interests. 
In Australia, the Immigration (Guardianship of Children) Act, 1946?48, provided for the Minister for Immigration to become the legal guardian of unaccompanied child migrants until they reached the age of 21. Ministerial authority was required for a range of matters including transfer to another institution; return to parents; placement with foster parents; employment; entry to the armed services and marriage. State Ministers had delegated responsibility. In NSW, this was the Minister for Education. On his behalf, the CWD, then within the Education portfolio, had a supervisory role. It inspected orphanages, advised the Commonwealth on their suitability and reported on the migrants progress until guardianship terminated. There was also provision for legal custodianship. Under Section 6 of the Act, the custodian was ' ... to provide for the welfare and care of every immigrant child in his care.' The duties and obligations of the custodian were to be the same as those of a foster parent or guardian under State child welfare laws. 
In 1949. Hicks alerted Immigration officials to the problem of determining custodian responsibility in Catholic institutions as there were several lines of responsibility for the Religious Orders. These included diocesan bishops and religious Superiors who might be in other States or even in other countries. 
In NSW, the Director Federal Catholic Immigration Committee was custodian ... In NSW, the Committee was assisted by the Catholic Family Welfare Bueau. Multiple administrations in Australia and Britain led to communication problems. Orphanage authorities often failed to report children's transfers, even those requiring change of guardianship between Ministers in different States. 
lack of coordination between Australian and British church officials 
poor administration 
bypassing formal procedures by the FCIC, Nicol and Stinson in the UK 
no Catholic agency independent of the religious orders which conducted the orphanages, monitored their progress. 
Home Office approvals were not merely a formality. 
By 1952, approvals to several orphanages (Liverpool, Kenmore, South Goulburn, Armidale, Narellan and Cowper) were being withheld until deficiencies reported by CWD inspectors were remedied. 
Concerns included inadequate and unsuitable facilities such as dining-rooms and their appointments, dormitories, ablution and sanitary facilies, lack of privacy and inadequate provision for personal belongings. 
Virtually all the Catholic institutions failed to provide community contact and aftercare programmes. Most had insufficient, sometimes elderly staff. 
State guardianship in NSW was more rigorously observed throughout the approval process than was Catholic custodianship. 
Child Migration: General Policy, Part VII, A446/182, 60/66722. Lamiday, N W, to Heyes, T H E, 2 March 1954. 
' ... we cannot afford to withdraw the hold we have now got on the British imagination. The Britain of today, with all forms of rationing removed 
Humphreys, J, 'Child abuse denial still embedded, priests told', The Irish Times, 4 April 2000, p. 13 
National Conference of Priests in Ireland, Conference, 'Learning from the Past ? Hoping for the Future'. Dr Geraldine Moane, of UCD's Psychology Department, said the church needed to acknowledge the institutional factors which led to abuse in industrial schools and not just treat the issue on a case by case basis. Industrial schools by their nature, involved abuse as they incorporated corporal punishment, malnutrition and forced labour adding that compensation should be paid to all those who went through the institutions. To the extent that the church denies abuse, it is colluding in abuse' said Dr Moane. 
Children were treated poorly by the patriarchal society which existed in the 1940s and 1950s. (In addition) institutional abuse was able to go on because Irish society probably did share aspects of the belief that the children were undeserving and in need of moral reclamation. 
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... very earthy considerations and ambitions can creep into the lives of men who had set out with the highest ideals. (Morrissey, T, As one Sent: Peter Kenny, S.J, 1779?1841, Four Courts Press, Dublin 1996, p 352) 
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Problems at Barnardo's Homes, DO35/10260, PRO. Kew, Surrey, England 
CRO meeting, 23 October 1958 after Lucette had returned to England from Australia. The meeting was attended by Lucette, Woodfield, P J (HO), Sudbury and Johnson. Lucette reported that 'the infection no longer existed ... Picton Home to be closed down ... too far away from the town and this created staffing problems ... the Committee responsible for the Picton home had been dissolved 'a variance of opinion on policy matters' Aftercare had been unsatisfactory ... reviewed ... more regular visits (needed) to the boys after they left the home.' 
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Child Migration, General Policy, Part 4. A446/1, 66719. Metcalfe, RU, CMO to Ordish, F H, 7 August 1951. Wing Officer Carter interview: 'The great problem was to secure parental consent and, in fact, there was great difficulty in many cases of locating parents. 
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Young, A L, Director of Child Welfare Department, WA to Hon Premier and Minister for Child Welfare, WA, 9 February 1955 
Up to date, the Government has treated migrant children in the same manner as wards of the department. In care, the following number of child migrants are: Catholic institutions: 365; Fairbridge, 112 and Anglican, 48. 
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Flavell, R J, 'Child Migration to Australia, Post World War II', Research paper, 1984. 
DO35/6382 This is contained in a secret report of the 'Fact-Finding Mission' (1956) to the Commonwealth Relations Office and the Home Office. 
'Incidentally, Mr McColl (sic.), State Child Welfare Officer, apologised before the members of the Committee and ourselves for the negligence of his Department in not having recommended improvements before now.' 
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DO35/6382. Confidential Notes, Fact Finding Mission, St Vincent's Orphanage, Castledare, 14 March 1956. 'The migrant boys come from Roman Catholic children's homes in England; no information is available about their history or background. 
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'3D' ITV, No 120594. (Annotated synopsis) 
MH102/2335 Report on child migration by Miss E Harrison of the Scottish Children's Department. 
The Commonwealth Minister is the legal guardian of all the children and the State Minister is responsible and the care is in the hands of the Director of Child Welfare for the state who has them as wards with his own deprived children. I feel very strongly that Australia is a magnificent country for the fit but no place for those requiring permanent spoon-feeding ... at present, the authorities are keen to make immigration a success and every help is given. 
Child Migration: General Policy, Part VII, A446/182, 1960/66722. Metcalfe to Assistant Secretary, Immigration Department, 20 September 1956 
The purpose of the Immigration (Guardianship of Children) Act, was, as I understand it, to ensure that someone was legally in loco parentis to children coming to Australia with no parent or relative to look after them. 
Child Migration: General Policy, Part 2, A446/182, 60/66717. Heyes, T H E, to State Migration Officers, 4 February 1948. 
You will remember that at the Premiers Conference in Canberra on the 20 August 1946, under Item 10 (e) (v), it was agreed that the State Immigration Authority would supervise the activities of all approved voluntary migration organisations (operating within the State). 
Nicol, W to Challoner, CWD, Sydney, 30 June 1949. 'With reference to our conversation of recent date regarding the custodianship of all Catholic migrant children coming to Australia under the age of 21 ... I beg to advise you that, on consulting the Episcopal Chairman of the Central Migration Committee it was decided that our Federal Committee would accept the offer of custodianship of these children and name Father W Nicol, the Director for Catholic Migration as the official custodian. 
Metcalfe, R U, CMO to Charles, E (Tasmania) 6 October 1949: 'Under Regulations 6 (i) the duties of custodians are set out as follows: