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Chapter 9 - Intermarriage And Rebecca said to Isaak, I am weary of my life because of the daughters of Heth; if Jacob take a wife from the daughters of Heth, such as these ... What good will life do me? (Genesis XXVII:46). "Don't put that man in your book," tearfully pleaded an old immigrant mother, whose immigrant son had divorced his Jewish wife to marry an American gentile. "He is not a B'nai Khaim. He stopped being a B'nai Khaim when he married that shiksa. " The first of the mishpokkah to marry a gentile was a young woman who came here in 1912 to marry a Greek Orthodox Russian youth with whom she was in love and who preceded her to America by a year. For some years they lived in Canada. Since they died before our study began we have no further information about them, except that their son lives in the United States, is married to a Jewess and is bringing up his children in "no religion." The 109 married B'nai Khaim, whose observance and nonobservance of Jewish rites and rituals have been detailed in the preceding chapters, reported ten gentile spouses among them. In this total of eleven interfaith marriages, including the case cited above, eight were males and three females. Three of the males were first-generation, and five were second-generation B'nai Khaim. Of the three females, one was first-generation, and two were second-generation B'nai Khaim. The ratio of approximately three males to one female who marry outside their Jewish faith seems to be in line with the national norm. Of 285 intermarriages in Iowa in 1959, we are told, 76 per cent involved Jewish men, and 24 per cent Jewish women. (See note #1) Apparently, Jewish males are more aggressive than their sisters in seeking gentile mates. Or, perhaps, gentile girls are more prone to seek out Jewish men as mates than gentile boys to seek out Jewish maidens for their mates. Or Jewish females are more resistant to marrying goyim. Or, again, the males are more broadly exposed to association with gentile girls, in offices, in factories, than Jewish girls with gentile young men. Or all of these things in various combinations. Of the three foreign-born B'nai Khaim males who married gentiles, two did so after divorcing Jewish wives. (See note #2) In the case of one of these second marriages no children were involved. In the case of the other, three children were born of the second marriage, and all three have been raised as Christians. This B'nai Khaim had three children by his first, the Jewish, wife. Two of these, a son and a daughter, married Catholics. The daughter had two children who are being brought up in the Unitarian Church which their parents joined in a compromise "to-give the children a religion." The third of our foreign-born males who married gentiles is one of our "12" who came here before age 8. The girl he married is a Lutheran by birth and upbringing. She adopted Judaism and is raising her children as Jews. In one other case the gentile wife adopted Judaism, but is raising her children in "humanism." In a third case the Catholic wife did not convert to Judaism, but is raising her children as Jews. The remaining three, two males and one female, are all second-generation B'nai Khaim, and are rearing their children in "no religion." In sum: Of the nine couples of mixed marriages, where raising children was involved: 2 raised them as Jews 2 as Christians 1 in "humanism" 4 in "no religion" A familiar fact which emerges from even this small sample should be noted: namely, the tendency of the rate of intermarriage to rise as we move from the first to the second, and as we will shortly see, to the third generation. The four foreignborn B'nai Khaim who married gentiles constituted 4.3 per cent of the 93 that came here. The seven native-born constituted 11.3 per cent of the 62 second-generation B'nai Khaim. (See note #3) The ten per cent rate of intermarriage reported for the B'nai Khaim is apparently the norm for second-generation Jews in America. The rate runs higher in small towns and in rural areas than in the larger cities. (See note #4) In the small towns and in the rural areas the diverse ethnic groups live in closer association with one another than in the big cities where different ethnic groups tend to congregate in separate sections, at least through much of the second generation. There were no third-generation married B'nai Khaim when we conducted our survey. But we have indirect evidence that seems to show that our third generation will follow a trend in rate of intermarriage similar to that of the Washington third-generation Jews. This indirect evidence is the religion in which they were being raised. We asked their parents: In what, if any, religion are you or will you be bringing up your children? The answers from all married B'nai Khaim, foreign- and native-born, and including the ten of mixed marriages, follow (Table 8): Are the B'nai Khaim disappearing as Jews? Of the 105 families who responded to the question of the religious training of their children, as many as 85 said they did or would bring them up in one or another Jewish denomination-Orthodox, Conservative, or Reform. Eight families would give their children only peripheral training in Jewishness- "secular," "cultural," "non-observing"; eleven would give them no religious training of any kind, and one family is raising its children as Unitarians. Thus, 20 of the 105, or nearly 20 percent, are placing their children outside traditional Judaism. ' Out of these 20, as many as 15 are second-generation B'nai Khaim, and the religious training they project is for their children; that is, for the third-generation B'nai Khaim. We do not know how many third-generation children of these 20, or even the 15, will marry gentiles. But we do know they are not getting the training in Jewishness that should precondition them to staying within the fold. We come back to this point again in Chapter 13. We addressed ourselves to 210 parents in our population and asked these direct questions: 1. Would you object if (a) your son; (b) you daughter wished to marry a non-Jew? Why? 2. If the answer is yes, would you still object if the intended in-law were to adopt Judaism? Why? The "yes" and "no" answers are listed in Table 9 below. The "Why's" are analyzed later. What strikes us first in Table 9 is the fact that as many as 60 of the 210 parents, nearly 30 per cent, would not object to their children marrying non-Jews. These 60 include foreign-born as well as "native" B'nai Khaim, expectedly, in smaller proportion for the foreign-born. Nearly 40 per cent of those who objected in the first place would withdraw their objections if the intended gentile in-law were to adopt Judaism. Note also that parents do and do not object equally to intermarriage of sons and daughters. Popularly, it is believed that Jews are more likely to object to a daughter's proposal to marry a goy than to a son's intention to marry a shiksa. The phenomenon of the shift away from orthodoxy as we move from the first- to second-generation Jews, rules here as it does in the other religious observances. Of the first-generation B'nai Khaim males 25 per cent said they would not object to their children's marrying goyim. Of the second generation 45 per cent said they would not object. Consistent with their conservative bent in the matter of observing Jewish religious customs, B'nai Khaim females were more strongly opposed to the intermarriage of their children than were the males, as the following summary shows. Of the first-generation males: 75 per cent would object 25 per cent would not object Of the second-generation males: 55 per cent would object 45 per cent would not object Of the first-generation females: 80 per cent would object 20 per cent would not object Of the second-generation females: 74 per cent would object 26 per cent would not object Twenty-six per cent of second-generation female B'nai Khaim would not object to intermarriage of their children, against 45 per cent for the second-generation males. Stated the other way around, 55 per cent of native-born males would object to the intermarriage of their children; of the native-born females 74 per cent would object. It should be noted that this shift in attitude toward marrying non-Jews between the older and younger generation of B'nai Khaim has a parallel in the shift over time in the attitude of white Christians in the general population toward marrying Jews. In 1950, a sampling study showed 57 per cent of white Christians said "I should definitely not marry a Jew." In 1962 a similar sampling study recorded only 37 per cent as giving this answer. Again, in 1950 22 per cent had said "it would make no difference to me." By 1962 the percentage had risen to 30. (See note #5) These liberalized attitudes of the two populations are undoubtedly also mutually liberalizing. For the third generation, 22 boys and 17 girls, we have the following information. We asked them: Would You Marry a Non-Jew? The answers: Boys: 6 "yes;" 1 "maybe;" 1 "possibly yes" = 8 11 "no;" 2 "probably no" = 13 1 "not decided" = 1 ____ 22 Girls: 3 "yes" = 3 13 "no" = 13 1 "uncertain" = 1 ____ 17 The eight "yesses" for the boys amount to 37 per cent of their total; the six "yesses" amount to not quite 30 per cent. The three sure "yesses" for the girls amount to scarcely 18 per cent of their total. Once more we see the diverse trends between male and female B'nai Khaim in the degree of their adherence to Jewish custom. We tested the reasonableness of these projections by a case to-case correlation. The parents of the eight boys who would marry non-Jews had said they would not object to such marriage. The parents of the one boy who was not decided had said they would object. The parents of two of the three girls who would marry non-Jews had said they would not object. The parents of the third girl said they would object. It should be added that the parents of only two of the boys and of only one of the girls had themselves married gentiles. One who said he objected to intermarriage is married to a Catholic who did not convert to Judaism but is raising her children as Jews. All this would seem to challenge the notion of popular psychology that children frequently marry outside their parental mores in rebellion against their parents. An unmarried B'nai Khaim social worker explained that she would not marry a non-Jew because "I have no need to hurt my parents." In our case the children were clearly not in opposition to their parents. All but one of them came from homes where there was no objection to such marriages. A native-born wife of a foreign-born B'nai Khaim whose son married a gentile girl wrote: "Although we are non-observers I would have preferred our son marry a Jewish girl. But since we brought him up without religious bias and since we approved of the girl as a fine individual I could not object to her as a gentile." The reasons which B'nai Khaim parents gave for objecting to their children's marrying non-Jews clustered around three broad considerations. One was grounded in the religious taboo against intermarriage; the second was based on the alleged difficulties in marital adjustment; the third, on the barrier to social adjustment, especially for the children. "My religion forbids" sums up the religious objections. "It won't work-it never works out" characterizes the second set of reasons. It is hard enough for couples both raised in the same religion to adjust to a common life in marriage, many of the respondents argued; how much more difficult to adjust when partners are of different religions. Too many such marriages seem to fail; "could only end in grief," one rationalized. And finally: "Difficult for children of mixed marriages to adjust socially." They may find themselves rejected by both church and synagogue playmates. The objections were more realistic when based on the religious taboo. "I want my grandchildren to be raised as Jews." "Marrying a gentile means the children will be lost to Judaism." "Too few of us left," one of the gentile-born spouses who adopted Judaism gave as her reason against intermarriage. Some of those who would object even if the prospective gentile mate were to adopt Judaism did so on the ground that the convert may not be sincere in the conversion. The gentiles convert in order to get Jewish mates, and not out of genuine feeling for Judaism. Besides, they argued, "once a goy, always a goy." "Religion comes from the heart. You have to be born with it. You cannot adopt it." "In the end the Jewish race will lose out." On the other hand, there were the few who would no longer object if the gentile converted. "Many converts make fine Jews." The only condition, one counseled, was that the convert should not be anti-Semitic. The marriage is now uninhibited, "free of religious conflict" and the children can be raised within the fold. "No fault if born a gentile." Furthermore, "if Judaism accepts conversion, I also do." Then there were the B.'nai Khaim who would not object in any case. "Why should I?" said one. "It is the children's life, not ours"; "they should know their minds"; "only character count"; "probably would not like it, but would not object because not heeded anyway." Still others: "I would object to a convert," not the marriage. "Would not want my child to adopt Catholicism or orthodox Judaism." In any case, "What they do as adults is their business." "It is a personal matter, assuming compatibility." In the end: "What right have I to object?" Notes to Chapter 9: (1) See note #1, Chapter 5. (2) I know of only four more divorces among the 148 B'nai Khaim families. This amounts to a rate of four per cent. In the country-at-large the divorce rate is close to 25 per cent. (3) In the Washington, D.C. count, the rates were: 1st generation 1.7 per cent 2nd generation 10.5 per cent 3rd generation 20.6 per cent (4) See American Jewish Year Book 1963, p. 16 ff. for a Washington, D.C. study of 1956 on this subject. For New York, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Chicago the rate is given as 11.7 per cent. For the State of Iowa (study in 1960) rates in the period 1953-59 are shown to have run from three to five times as high. (5) Charles Herbert Stember and others: Jews in the Mind of America. Basic Books, Inc., 1966, pp. 104-06