ðHgeocities.com/CapitolHill/3563/sns_english.htmlgeocities.com/CapitolHill/3563/sns_english.htmldelayedxtMÔJÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÈ€qãˆOKtext/htmlPÂiˆÿÿÿÿb‰.HSun, 28 Sep 2003 20:05:08 GMTÈ Mozilla/4.5 (compatible; HTTrack 3.0x; Windows 98)en, *sMÔJˆ SNS - in English - Congressional National Party

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Political principles of the Saborna narodna stranka - SNS – Congressional National Party

Short intro on the SNS - Organization, Elections, Coalitions

Slobodan Rakitic, President of the SNS - Biography in English

Declaration Adopted By The Democratic Party Of Serbia, The Serbian Democratic Party, The Serbian Liberal Party And The Congressional National Party, on August 5, 1999

Full Text of the Platform Adopted by The Serbian Democratic Opposition on March 3, 2000


BIOGRAPHY OF SLOBODAN RAKITIC

President of the SNS - Saborna narodna stranka - Congressional National Party,

President of the Association of Writers of Serbia

 

Slobodan Rakitic, a well-known serbian writer and politician, was born on September 30, 1940 in Vlasovo, a village near Rashka in Serbia. He visited the elementary school in Rashka and the high school in Novi Pazar. First he studied medecine at the Faculty of Medecine in Belgrade, but then changed to the Faculty of Philology, University of Belgrade, where he graduated. He was the editor of the literary magazines such as Contemporary (Savremenik) and Rashka (Raska). He was a member of the first editorial staff who initiated the appearance of Literary Word (Knjizevna rec) in 1972. As the editor in charge of literature and language, he has been working at the Ilija M. Kolarac Foundation ever since 1973.

Under the communist regime, Slobodan Rakitic played an active role as a writer struggling for human rights and democratic freedoms. He was never a partisan of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. In 1990, he took part in founding the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), a largest opposition party at that time. He was the President of Serbian Renewal Movement parliamentary fraction in the Serbian Parliament during the first pluralist National Assembly (1991-1992), also the leader of the parliamentary fraction (1993-1994) of DEPOS - Democratic Movement of Serbia (a large union of major opposition parties and numerous individuals not belonging to any of the political parties) .

Although they were outnumered by the votes of the ruling parties, these parliamentary fractions suggested a great deal of laws, especially concerning human rights, political freedoms, national unity and the return of property which was taken away by the Communist regime. Thus they acted in parliaments of Serbia and Yugoslavia as a true democratic alternative to the socialist regime.

Slobodan Rakitic remained as the Vicepresident of Serbian Renewal Movement until 1994, when he and a group of other party officials, mostly members of parliament, have been excluded from the party, after they criticized the decision-making process within the party as undemocratic. Believing that Serbia needs political party of a new generation, this group of experienced opposition politicians founded the Congressional National Party.

On January 28, 1995, in Belgrade, a meeting was held to establish the Conciliar People`s Party (Saborna narodna stranka - SNS), and on this occasion Slobodan Rakitic was elected for its President.

Since December 21, 1994, Slobodan Rakitic has been the President of the Association of Writers of Serbia.

S. Rakitic wrote and had the following books of poetry published: Lights of Writings (1967), Raska Tunes (1968), The world is not our home (1970), Earth on the Tongue (1973), Poems of Tree and Fruit (1978), Craving for the South (1981), A Descendant (1982), Basic Land (1988), Deeds on Fire (1990), A Soul and a Sandbar (1994); his published books and essays are: From Ithaca to Illusion (1985), Forms and Meanings (1994); an anthology: Yugoslav Peoples` Poetry of Romanticism (1978); Sellected Works in five volumes, and Selected and New Poems (1998).

The poet received the following literary awards: "Milan Rakic" (1974), "Isidora Sekulic" (1982), "Branko Miljkovic" (1989), "Laza Kostic" (1995), "Kocic`s pen" (1997), "Jovan Ducic" (1998), "Gold Link" (1998) and "Prince Lazar`s Gold Cross (1998). The book of poetry Deeds on Fire was awarded The October Belgrade Prize in 1990 and "Rade Drainac" award in 1991. His poems have been translated into a large number of foreign languages. The book of poetry Earth on the Tongue was translated into French and published by a well - known publishing house L`Age d`Homme in Switzerland, in 1990.

Rakitic is a meditative lyric poet with a distinct feeling for history, culture and tradional values. His lyrically-intimist, elegiac, reflexive and religious poetry, tries to offer answers to eternal issues of life and death, to the position of an individual and historic, collective sufferings. Rakitic`s poetic discourse is outstandingly metaphysical, noble and dominantly neosymbolistic. Thematically, by forms and motives found in them, his poems correspond to the old religious service literature.

 

Association of Writers of Serbia

 


Declaration Adopted By The Democratic Party Of Serbia, The Serbian Democratic Party, The Serbian Liberal Party And The Congressional National Party, on August 5, 1999


Bearing in mind that it is high time Serbia did something to prevent the total loss of its sovereignty, as well as the dismembering of its remnants and its total collapse, the Serbian people can no longer afford a single wrong move. It is of utmost importance to identify the sources of this unbearable position and have the wisdom to recognise and choose the only possible path to salivation.

Therefore, the Democratic Party of Serbia, the Serbian Democratic Party, the Serbian Liberal Party and the Congressional National Party adopted the following

DECLARATION

Slobodan Milosevic's non-patriotic and non-democratic regime, trying to breathe new life into communist ideology and the utopia of Yugoslavhood, bears most of the responsibility for the existing crisis and its
deepening. 

Instead of pursuing a consistent, active and creative policy to protect national and state interests, the regime, in moments critical for its survival, used to buy the great powers' grace by selling the Serbian land and turning a blind eye to the exodus of Serbs from half the soil they had inhabited for centuries. Instead of developing successful economy, fighting lawlessness and crime, the regime secured enormous privileges for its loyalists and gave them a chance to buy public property for next to nothing, thereby creating a huge gap between a small number of rich people and an enormous starving majority and pushing the country to the brink of disaster.

The Serbian people have never had an opportunity to elect political representatives that would wisely and responsibly protect their interests in fair and democratic elections. Therefore, Serbia's root-and-branch democratisation is the major prerequisite for the beginning of a new era in which the authorities would work for the welfare of their people, which is also the only way to avoid internal conflicts that usually go hand in
hand with chaos and bloodshed.

Therefore, the existing authorities, led by Slobodan Milosevic, have no legitimacy and must step down for the sake of Serbia's mere survival. 

This is the only way to return Kosovo and Metohija, preserve and fortify the Republika Srpska, protect our compatriots in the neighbouring countries, establish and develop good relations with Montenegro within the
federation, give Yugoslavia its rightful and reputable place in Europe and the world and save it from suppression and humiliation. In order to give Serbia an opportunity to develop economically, politically and culturally and  overcome its current stagnation, the Serbian people must abandon a policy of confrontation with the whole world. On the other hand, Serbia must not take a humble attitude towards power-wielders in the so-called international community and accept a humiliating position as a wise choice.

As soon as those personifying the current regime step down, an interim parliament and a transitional government will be formed. The major prerequisite for the establishment of the two bodies would be Slobodan Milosevic's resignation. In order to create them, an adequate political agreement (consensus) between the authorities and the opposition is a necessity. All political parties enjoying parliamentary status in either the federal parliament or the republican legislature would participate in the agreement. The transitional government would comprise highly competent persons, and its members would not be allowed to take part in the coming elections for a constituent assembly, in which the Serbs living outside Yugoslavia would also participate. The government would establish the institution of a multi-party round table to draft new election laws, and those pertaining to the media and political parties. The draft laws would be discussed and adopted by the interim parliament, which would
simultaneously exercise political control of the government's work within its mandate. 

As national and democratic parties, we are ready to cooperate with all parties, associations and individuals who have the salivation of the people and the country at heart.

Belgrade, August 5, 1999

 

Democratic Party of Serbia
President Vojislav Kostunica

Serbian Democratic Party
President Dragoljub Kojcic

Serbian Liberal Party
President Ivan Micovic

Congressional National Party
President Slobodan Rakitic


 

Full Text of the Platform Adopted by The Serbian Democratic Opposition on
March 3, 2000


The democratic opposition of Serbia is convinced that, once the authoritarian regime is replaced in elections, it will be necessary to embark on democratic reorganisation of the state without any political
revanchism, which includes the following:

1.Resolution of the national status:

a/A new Serbian constitution is to be adopted in order to define the republic as a democratic state with separated legislative, executive and judicial powers, in which its parliament should be given a particularly
important role and citizens guaranteed all rights and freedoms. Serbia will be organised as a democratic and decentralised state, with strong local and regional self-governments (e.g. Sandzak, that is the Raska region) and full respect to the historically formed modes of autonomy in Vojvodina and Kosovo and Metohija.

b/Sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia and Yugoslavia in Kosovo and Metohija can no longer be of nominal character only, as it is today. It is necessary to secure full implementation of provisions included in the
U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 stipulating that international civil and security presences are to establish viable conditions for the return of all refugees and displaced persons to their homes in Kosovo and Metohija.
The return of the non-Albanian population, the Serbs in the first place, is the major prerequisite for the establishment of democratic, multi-ethnic institutions in the area.

c/Relations between Serbia and Montenegro are to be redefined in accordance with the popular will in both federal units.

d/New, democratically elected authorities in Serbia, together with the Montenegrin authorities and newly-elected federal authorities, will seek to normalise relations with all states, including those formed on the soil of
former Yugoslavia as well, and secure the inclusion of Yugoslavia into international institutions and its integration into European structures as soon as possible.

2.The definition of national interests and national policy:

1.The national interest of Serbs has to be determined through democratic institutions and public life, while short-term and long-term national policies are to be defined in accordance with the national interest and
political circumstances. Although all parts of the Serb national corps are not in a single state structure they should build a common cultural and spiritual space, which is the responsibility of the mother state.

b/The state has to solve the problem of refugees and displaced persons, not only  by using the instruments of social policy but also a programme that would begin with the resolution of their status.

c/Minorities will be guaranteed all rights they are entitled to in line with the highest standards of the United Nations, the Organisation of Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe, including the right of ethnic communities to organise themselves in order to preserve and develop their identity, particularly in the fields of education, information and culture.

d/Mechanisms of positive discrimination will be established in typical multi-national communities to ensure that provincial, regional and local institutions reflect the national composition of such environments.

e/Special agreements should be signed with neighbouring countries that host Serb minorities and have minorities of their own in Yugoslavia in order to secure reciprocal protection of the ethnic groups.

3.Law-abiding state

The work of the new authorities will be responsible and open to public scrutiny. They will fight decisively against organised crime, corruption and all forms of misuse. The new authorities will secure the rule of law, legal
equality for the citizens, independent judiciary and free media. Only such authorities will be able to break off the links between the state and crime, eliminate smuggling organised or encouraged by the state and speculations
with hard-currency and gyro exchange rates. In a word, Serbia and Yugoslavia will be law-abiding in all aspects, ranging from the electoral process to the execution and control of power.

4.Economy

Serbia's economic life will be based on free entrepreneurship, free trade unions and private property, while state-run property may remain in strategic sectors. Privatization carried out secretly and illegally, or to the detriment of general social interests, will be annulled. Legal regulations will include special incentives for local and foreign investor. Denationalisation will be carried out wherever possible.

5.Social Policy:

Appropriate taxation and budgetary policies will make it possible for the  state to  secure special social benefits for the two most vulnerable categories - pensioners and  unemployed people. It will also make a special
programme to rehabilitate the health-care system.

Democratic Alternative, Nebojsa Covic
Democratic Party of Serbia, Vojislav Kostunica
Democratic Centre, Dragoljub Micunovic
Sandzak Coalition, Rasim Ljaljic
Vojvodina Coalition, Dragan Veselinov
League of Social Democrats of Vojvodina, Emil Fejzulahi
New Democracy, Dusan Mihajlovic
Movement for Democratic Serbia, Momcilo Perisic
Reform Democratic Party of Vojvodina, Mile Isakov
Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians, Jozef Kasa
Alliance for Change, Vladan Batic
Social Democratic Union, Zarko Korac
Social Democracy, Vuk Obradovic
Serbian Renewal Movement, Ognjen Pribicevic
Serbian National Council of Kosovo and Metohija, Momcilo Trajkovic

Belgrade, March 3, 2000

Note: Congressional National Party has not signed the Platform because it had not been invited to participate in the meeting on which the Platform was agreed. Congressional National Party regrets because of the discrimination imposed by certain opposition parties towards it, and believes that such discrimination stands against interests of the democratic opposition of Serbia as a whole.