Notes from the
Melbourne Gathering
Against Neoliberalism
and For Humanity
Second Intercontinental Encounter
Against Neoliberalism and For Humanity
The Melbourne Encounter developed from a similar project in 1996, which
occurred in response to the call of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation
for a series of regional gatherings on the issue of neoliberalism and the
emerging struggles within and against it. These occurred in a number of
continents in the build-up to the Intercontinental Encounter in Chiapas
from July 26-August 3, 1996. Last year the gathering in Melbourne produced
a Resolution for Chiapas posing some of the key structures and processes
emerging in the generalizable neoliberal project, including "economic
rationalism" in the First World states of Australia and New Zealand,
"structural adjustment" in Oceania and parts of the Asia-Pacific,
and "globalization" of capitalism generally speaking.
This meeting was broadly successful in building discussion and concepts,
notably in questions of definition and facing the problems of the language
we use in struggle. It was the product of an activists base, rather than
an academic one, which is a key division in the production of ideas in our
country. There were about 50 people involved in the meeting and its workshops,
drawn from different activist bases - student, Latin American, solidarity
networks, autonomist, anarchist, environment movements, trotskyist, community/civil
organizations, etc. This first experiment highlighted the limits of our
processes and ideas: for example, we faced the fundamental problem of the
language we use, the different concepts and world-views, and more practically,
we faced the limitation of "forcing" the pace of the discussion
and the production of our ideas. We who had organized the Meeting were ostensibly
autonomist in our politics, or from a background (in Latin America) which
was rethinking its orthodox politics (eg. of the Communist Parties, armed
movements, etc).
Our second Meeting of June 1997 was organized in a different fashion to
some degree, and it had somewhat different results. First of all its organization
was not as extensive, and it was smaller, about 20 people. But we endeavored
to construct it around the networks and struggles in which we were involved
or with which we had some immediate contact. Formally or informally, the
politics of such networks are autonomous (autonomist?), libertarian, democratic.
The discussion and the Meeting was more organic to the these sort of politics.
Largely we dispensed with the formalities of producing motions, resolutions,
etc. We had speakers from four movements/organizations, and a speaker specializing
on Mexico and the Zapatista movement. The following notes are, therefore,
just that -- notes which I have drawn from the discussions, and are hence
the product of my perceptions of the discussions, the key points -- analytic
and strategic -- resulting from them.
The discussions centred on points made by the five speakers or groups of
speakers:
-- Robbie Thorpe, of the Gunai nation, on the indigenous struggle
and the sovereign power of customary law and the project of law.
-- Comrades from the Campaign Against Militarism, on the development
of militarism and the problem of "solidarity."
-- Anna Barrett, from Left Alliance (a national student organization),
on education system and the development of the struggles of the students.
-- Comrades from the Coalition for a Living Income, an alliance of
parts of the student movement with unwaged/unemployed activists, on the
constitution of poverty and struggles of the low-income sectors.
-- Barry Carr, from the Institute for Latin American Studies at La Trobe
University, on the shift of struggle to the electoral arena in Mexico
and the possible "tremors" of a breakthrough of the Left.
Indigenous struggle and sovereignty
Robbie Thorpe spoke on the genocidal basis of the British-derived state
and society in Australia, and of determinate and strategic situation of
sovereign power of that State and of the indigenous nations of this country,
of which there were over 700 in 1788 (the moment of British colonization).
Robbie has been involved in a case before the Commonwealth High Court to
recognize the sovereignty of Aboriginal law (ie. customary Law) and hence
the intrinsic "foreign-ness" of British-derived law (which is
statutory and common-precendental). This necessarily involves a questioning
of the fundamental historic and structural bases of the State, via the concept
of sovereignty, and may be become increasingly significant in the development
of an Australian Republic (especially in a radical critique and project
of republicanism). Robbie is also involved in the "Pay the Rent"
campaign, which is a project aimed at reparations for Aboriginal peoples,
and also at a point of common struggle of Aboriginal-nonaboriginal people.
His talk led to extensive discussion, effectively on the question of the
status of the national project here and the means for its radical reconstitution.
(NB. The following notes would be complemented in part by a critical reading
of Henry Reynolds' Aboriginal Sovereignty - BL).
1. It is essential to question the history of our country, which
is based upon the lie of "terra nullius" [empty land], the juridical
principal by which the British state invaded and occupied the territory
of the present nation-state of Australia.
2. There are in fact many names for our country, which derive from
the hundred of nations that existed at the time of white occupation, and
many of which continue to exist.
3. The State is founded on pre-meditated genocide (and such policies
continue to predominate), especially in the loss of the economic base which
exists in the land (and is essentially also a spiritual and political base.)
4. Central to our situation is the question of the jurisdiction (sovereignty)
of Aboriginal customary law, and British-derived common and statutory forms
of law.
5. When the High Court abolished the doctrine of terra nullius [in
the case of Mabo v Queensland, no. 2, recognizing limited tenure of indigenous
people on the land since "time immemorial"] is provoked something
of a "constitutional crisis" in regards to land and the occupation
of the country. Native Title (ie. the form of tenure resulting from this
rejection) is a product of British law, aimed at subsuming Aboriginal law
and its constitutional project to British-derived law. It is an attempt
to recognize the "Law of the Land." It is especially significant
in preparing the way for a Republic. (NB. Native Title, as it was developed
by the Court, was a very weak form of land tenure, with weak property rights,
consequently absorbed into statutory law in the Native Title Act 1993, and
presently on the verge of being all but destroyed by the conservative federal
government. The latter development is being pushed by a process of massive
expropriation of land by agribusiness and mining capital.)
6. The system of apartheid laws and reservations developed in colonial
Australia become the basis for the South African Apartheid system. This
included systems of concentration camps for indigenous people throughout
the continent. The history of occupation is a history of massacres and genocidal
slaughter. There is at least a massacre sight in Victoria for every day
of the year, and every day is a "Day of Mourning" for Aboriginal
people.
7. Australian Aboriginal people are the most legislated and documented
people on the planet. A key part of the invasion has historically been the
invasion of anthropologists and archeologists. Most of the artifacts of
this pillage are scattered around the world in museums, etc. These need
to be repatriated, and this may be a point of practical and active intervention
of European and North American activists, and of the resolution of the Encounter
itself.
8. Most Australian people relate to Aboriginal people and the land
with overwhelming ignorance.
9. There is still a reservoir of goodwill in the country toward Aboriginal
people, but an inability to make a connection, link, with them, to aquire
the means of doing so. Nonaboriginal people are steeped in the system, and
there is a need to step outside of the system.
10. The end of terra nullius as a constitution of the occupation
of the country is a definitive point.
11. There continues to be an undeclared war in our country. There
is a need to stop the war, and the mechanism of a Treaty between Aboriginal-Nonaboriginal
people to do this. Any other agreement exists under duress. A Treaty is
a means of accommodating non-Aboriginal people, as an "honorable and
legal way," into the original sovereignty of Aboriginal sovereignty
and Law.
12. Aboriginal refuse the electoral and political processes of the
State on a massive scale.
13. When the white occupiers arrived they were literally in an appalling
state, and the Aboriginal people justifiably took pity on them. The State
and society was founded on brutalization. Progressively they sought to accommodate
and to resist them, and the process of occupation.
14. In the eclipse of terra nullius, the Australian State has no
(juridical) basis on which to negotiate a Treaty. There is a major question
of: who writes the Treaty? There must first of all be an end to hostilities,
that is a detente, before determining who Aboriginal people desire to negotiate
a Treaty with. The end of hostilities must be a prelude to a proper, informed
decision among peoples, etc. (While the detente may be constituted with
the British-derived State, the Treaty in fact poses the question of the
legitimate and sovereign basis of Non-Aboriginal jurisdiction.)
16. The construction of the "Pay the Rent" movement is
a principal means of reparation and of self-determination, determining the
reconstruction of an economic base on the sovereignty of Aboriginal Law
and the negotiation of detente and Treaty with Non-Aboriginal peoples in
Australia. It is a significant mechanism of a new system, administration
and deal between Aboriginal and non-aboriginal people.
15. The distinction between peoples is fundamentally not a problem
of color, it is a problem of Law, of the jurisdiction of peoples, of Aboriginal
and non-Aboriginal peoples.
Militarism
The companeras from the Campaign Against Militarism -- Chris Raab, Rachel
Schmidt, -- spoke on the development of militarization, etc in Australia
and the region. The Campaign had held a large anti-militarist conference
in Melbourne in April, drawing activists from all around the Asia-Pacific
and culminating with a demonstration against the Army headquarters over
the Australian state's support for the Bougainville war (the armed resistance
being prosecuted by Bougainvilleans against the Papua New Guinea government
and military in support of the multinational mining company, CRA-RTZ: an
essentially genocidal war). They posed the problems of "solidarity"
as a concept and as a practice among the peace/anti-war movements, especially
the deep ideological differences that still exist, crossing generational,
methodological, etc lines. This is deeply relevant to processes of solidarity
and struggle, including the Zapatista movement, as the Collective in Melbourne
has been aware for some time. The Campaign in Melbourne is more radically
situated in its politics, intrinsically seeing the process of militarism
as a present condition of capital, and hence it is more definitively "anti-war"
than of the "peace" movement. The contemporary anti-war movement
in Australia has largely grown out of the anti-nuclear movements of the
1980s, and built mass campaigns around the removal of "joint"
US-Australian military bases (mainly communications bases) and stopping
the mining and export of uranium. Also it was a focus of mass opposition
to the Gulf War in 1991, bringing tens of thousands onto the streets in
militant actions.
1. Militarism is more than a question of standing armies and military
battlefields. In the broad sense, militarism is also fed by questions of
destruction of the ecology, the enforcement of development, the force of
policing, etc.
2. The Australia state's role in regional militarism includes establishing
itself as a centre of troop training, the structure of its foreign aid budget,
and its foreign policy (especially of appeasement toward militarized states
such as Indonesia, Burma, China, etc).
3. There has been a shift of militarism toward internal repression,
counterinsurgency, etc. This is most demonstrated in the context of the
Bougainville War, East Timor, West Papua, and repression against aboriginal
people in Australia.
4. Militarism in not just a condition of the army but centrally constitutes
the role of the police in Australia. There has been a notable militarization
of the police, including general training and equipment, paramilitary police,
methods of policing demonstrations. This is the changing nature of policing.
It includes the repression of workers' movements, student movements, etc.
5. Aboriginal deaths in custody (which continue to increase despite,
or because of, a Royal Commission in the 1980s into this issue) is perhaps
the most critical point in the development of internal repression in Australia.
It exposes genocidal implications of policing.
6. In development and industrial issues, there is process - equally
genocidal - of military-enforced development, especially of mining. Mining
companies (eg. CRA-RTZ) have close relations with the military and with
the development of paramilitary forces (eg. Panguna in Bougainville, Freeport
in West Papua). The same logic occurs in relation to mining and development
in Australia without the military presence. The development of the Jabiluka
uranium mine in the Northern Territory and the Century Zinc mine in Queensland
are overwhelming processes of manipulation and coercion.
7. The Australian State sees itself as having a "policing"
role for the region. It is a training centre, especially in regards to methods
of repression. It is a major provider of military aid, such as $30 million
dollars in unties aid the PNG military.
8. Militarism is one means of coercing people into doing things they
don't want. A means of incorporation and exclusion.
9. At the anti-militarism forum there was a major contention over
question of solidarity. What basis do you work on? How to work in solidarity
without just paying lip-service. For example, a major contention in Philippines
solidarity movement between activists wanting to highlight the situation
in that country, send money, etc, and those highlighting common structures
and processes in the Philippines and Australia. Also key division between
those advocating pacifism and "non-violent direct action" (NVDA)
and those in support of armed struggles. There is a need to NOT ignore difference
- strategic, cultural, methodological, etc.
10. For Australia, the Bougainville war has strong parallels to the
Vietnam War. (I also would say that there are strong parallels between Bougainville
and Chiapas.)
11. There is also a significant need to look at the non-military
elements of independence/revolutionary movements, and of the struggles occurring
within a militarized framework. For example, the issue of a social income,
access to the means of existence/subsistence is a logical consequence of
any anti-militarism, especially in a region where a State social wage or
social security system is non-existent.
12. A critique of the Bougainville war and of the solidarity movement
(eg. condemnation of the armed BRA from a pacifist perspective) must begin
with its real social context, especially the extent of corruption in the
civilian population and civil administration (both State and NGO).
13. There has been a significant transfer of knowledge, etc, from
older generations of activists in the peace and anti-war movements to younger
activists, and from the NVDA activists to other parts of the movement.
14. Largely the differences are not generational but about different
politics.
15. There is a key problem and difficulty in the dynamic of language
and struggle, and the use of terms, such as social justice and human rights
in order to NOT talks about power. Often with more interest in doing deals
with those in power, to get them "on side," etc. There continues
to be a crisis in language. We confront the question of using language to
open up common ground with others.
Education/Unwaged
The latter talks and discussions which come out of the student movement
and of groups around low-income struggles cross in some areas, and more
recently there has been an intersection of these struggles in the resistance
to government austerity and policing around the social wage. Effectively
there is something of a common struggle developing around the intensification
of exclusion of those on low incomes (students, unemployed, welfare recipients,
etc). The education system, the precarious labor market and the social security
system have become principal mechanisms in this process. Since at least
August 1996, when university and high school students occupied part of the
BHP building in Melbourne (this is a very large Australian-based multinational)
the students have shifted their struggle more toward direct action. In April
and May there was a brief wave of occupations and sit-ins at university
campuses against up-front fees (ie. the progressive privatization of the
university system). At this public level the situation largely involves
university students, and they have organized networks [coordinadoras] around
the country. The wave of high school student agitation has apparently receded
(they held several "wildcat" strikes last year). Their methods
of struggle have shifted in this time, as the traditional process of protesting
government policy until some compromise - between the government and the
student bureaucrats - is reached (NOT until the policy is withdrawn) has
obviously been marginalized. The function of representation has been eliminated.
The restructuring of education and welfare is occurring unilaterally by
the State, and the initiative at the base is occurring in a shift toward
participatory-democratic networks.
1. The tendency to privatized higher education occurs in user-pays
mechanisms, introduced firstly in HECS as a compulsory loans scheme. At
the same time there has been a bureaucratization of the student unions,
accelerated by State policy which directs student funds away from student
unions to their mediation in the university Administrations. Funding Agreements
are basis of deals between student unions and universities. Diverting attention
away from traditional representative functions and activism to problem of
financing, entrepreneurialism and service functions.
2. Austerity and corporatization of the university. With introduction
of up-front fees, there are three developments for students: 1. students,
who already massively work part-time, casual, low-income jobs, will work
more, intensification of their waged work, 2. shift burden onto the family
structure, 3. emergence of scholarships, corporate scholarships, as a form
of bonded labor for the most successful students.
3. There is a limited space that is opened up by State funding of
education. Beyond this there is question of the control of curriculum.
4. Main focus of the student movement has been full State funding
of universities and no up-front fees. This does not consider 1. international
students (who already pay inflated fees), 2. the problem of the Common Youth
Allowance and the attack on social income (ie. reduction of benefits to
students and young, and increased policing), 3. possibility of not paying
for education at all and attacking HECS, 4. and the question of the content
of curriculum.
5. Methods of struggle: direct action has become a conspicuous feature,
as have occupations and sit-ins. There has been a lot of violence from the
police, a high degree of repression, including illegal police activity.
There has been some effect of this shift in methods: 1. many universities
have stated they will not introduce up-front fees or will defer decisions
on it, 2. There has been a shift toward participatory-democratic organization.
6. The student movement can be described as elitist. Many activists
are from well-off backgrounds, which perhaps explains the focus on fees.
Students are of a "transient" nature. There is a difficulty of
many students participating because of the pressures of work and family
responsibilities. (Together these points tend to point to the question of
subjectivity in which "students" exist, as transience and work
intensification are increasingly characteristic of different parts of the
population). Secondary students, parents, and TAFE (ie, technical, "polytechnic")
students are all too absent from a lot of the organized student movement
(and its thinking), although not completely absent.
7. There is a need for a political analysis within the student movement
to complement the development of its methods, etc.
****
1. We are in a period in which the wage system is partially collapsing.
2. The goal of the Coalition for a Living Income is the guaranteed
minimum income at the level of the average wage. It is built on a rejection
of government schemes of welfare and transfer payments, eg. amalgamation
of payments for the young, work-for-the-dole.
3. The Coalition is at least so significant that it has provoked
formation of a grouping by union officials, social workers, etc of the "poverty
industry," to counteract it. Called "Coalition for Real Jobs."
Especially to split any movement of the unemployed, by keeping it under
control of unions, churches, social organizations, etc. This official construction
went into crisis when the Labor Party announced it was supporting work for
the dole schemes.
4. Students are an ally in this movement in spite of their thinking
not because of it. Their thinking tends to be dominated by defensive strategies,
and this represents an offensive position. The students are not dealing
with question of student-controlled education (which proposes something
beyond "education" as such). There is a question of the meaning
of solidarity between students/young people and the unemployed. Schools,
for example, are being turned into labor-market brokers. There are many
issues that have not been drawn together. It is a movement of the underclass,
and it remains whether there will be a movement for the emancipation of
the underclass or a reinforcement of it.
5. There is also the question of solidarity with those people who
are denied social welfare payments or social income. (Part of recent government
moves to intensify austerity against the young has been to deny any form
of payment from those under 18 years old.) We are at present excluding the
possibility of support from others in the region with similar or comparable
situations.
6. The problem of building links between struggles is knowing what
those struggles are in the first place, who are involved in them, etc.
7. There are specific areas where there have been massive decline
in social services, especially in the country areas. Also the level of domination
and oppression used against people is not really represented in any discourse,
as employers, etc, are using brute force.
8. We need to develop a situation where we know what is happening
in different contexts. There is a need for a *mapping* of struggles and
of domination.
9. Social movements and social-justice discourse are not really pointing
out and describing what is going on, and the level of attacks which is quite
massive. Most of them are still constructing their language in the desire
to influence or be part of elites, rather than the process of describing
what is going on.
10. There are areas where collectivities and networks have developed
necessarily as an insulation against the social deterioration. There are
the development of sorts of "micro-collectivities."
11. (It has recently been noted - by conservative analysts - that
about a third of Australians are on some form of transfer payment, and require
welfare assistance.) Transfer payments and discourse of transfer payments
as such do not deal with the question of power. There is not and never has
been a redistribution from rich to poor through the taxation system. We
need to analyze the class struggle in welfare. The extent to which the middle
class and the rich benefit from welfare, especially through superannuation,
state subsidies, etc. There is the question of private welfare, eg managers'
special perks, and that welfare is not something that is just paid to the
poor. Mostly it is paid to the rich. We need an accounting of it.
12. Give to the poor the leisure the rich enjoy. We need to deal
with the reorganization of the system of leisure and the resources (social
production, social wealth, etc) involved in it.