Keith Rankin
is a political economist and economy historian |
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http://www.oocities.org/RainForest/6783/ |
"The achievement of significant quasi-voluntary compliance within a population is always tenuous.... If multiple defection makes it unlikely that the valued collective good will actually be provided, the benefit of compliance is further reduced.
On the other hand, the continued provision of the collective good,
despite considerable non-compliance, would make contributors wonder
why they are the ones bearing the burden. In either scenario,
free riding, once begun, is likely to increase. Once quasi-voluntary
compliance has declined, it is extremely difficult to reconstitute.
Its reestablishment often requires an extraordinary event - such
as war, revolution, or depression - that makes people willing
to negotiate a new bargain. ...
"Even in the Hobbesian formulation, rational, self-interested
actors prefer cooperation. Hobbes advocated imposition of a strong
state to enable people to achieve the peaceful and cooperative
social order they actually wanted. The prisoners dilemma is [on
the other hand] the war of all against all "
Tim Hazledine calls it "trust accounting". Margaret
Levi called it "quasivoluntary compliance". Deirdre
McCloskey calls it "socialised self interest" (see "Competitiveness
Buffs are the Real Merchants of Doom"). Francis Fukuyama
(Trust: Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity,
1995) called it "social capital".
An efficient economic society is one in which people voluntarily
comply with rules and norms which they know lead to better outcomes
for all, if obeyed by all. Such economic efficiency is unstable,
however, because people only obey the rules if they see that others
are obeying the rules. Efficiency and mutual prosperity depends
on morality, cooperation and trust.
In a Hobbesian (secondbest) society, people only obey the
rules because they are coerced into doing so by a powerful state
apparatus. People accept such coercion, because in the absence
of both voluntary compliance with the collective rules and the
autocratic state, society lapses into the mafiadominated
anarchy of "war of all against all" that Immanuel Wallerstein
("Immanuel Wallerstein on the Crisis of the World System") fears we are moving into, and which appears to be reality in Russia today.
Quasi-voluntary compliance with the collective requirements of
an advanced economy - paying taxes, etcetera - is the situation
where compliance is essentially voluntary, but is backed up by
a reserve power on the part of the state to coerce obeyance. So
long as that reserve power is rarely needed, then the system is
efficient. People need to know that the reserve power is there,
however; otherwise they would be likely to assume that others
were cheating. We are a trusting species, but not naively so.
"Free-riding" is the economists' term for doing what
Hazledine calls "taking the money". It is the single
activity that most undermines trust. Interestingly, in a recent
American experiment it was shown that economists were more ready
to freeride than were any other professional group. It is
a worry when an amoral section of the population analyses the
society as if everyone was like themselves. The result of such
analyses, as Hazledine notes, is the replacement of quasivoluntary
compliance with fullon coercion. The economists' model of
selfinterest, when applied, is selffulfilling. Reforms
based on such a model necessarily reduce the amount of voluntary
compliance with the rules that bind our economy and our world's
economies together. Thus, they cannot to other than create massive
inefficiencies by creating voracious demands for monitors, managers,
enforcers and the like.
The shift from liberal cooperating societies to a Hobbesian world
requires a bigger, not a smaller, public sector. That is why tax
demands keep rising, even as the public services we demand diminish.
Nevertheless, the contradictory logic of "reforms" consciously
demands a small state as the forces unleashed require a growing
enforcer state. The implication is that even the Hobbesian social
contract is unstable under conditions of rampant economic rationalism.
One of the activities that most breaches the liberal social contract
of quasivoluntary cooperation is tax avoidance, as Levi
notes in her section on Australia (especially during the Fraser
regime of the late 1970s and early 1980s). It is for this reason
that the "Winebox Inquiry" was really much more important
than it might have seemed to a number of people with excessively
legalistic minds. The fact that people - big people - are being
seen to avoid paying taxes is actually more important than the
loss of revenue from those big wouldbe taxpayers. The state
loses it legitimacy as a state when most affluent citizens are
seen to cheat. I mean moral cheating, not just legal cheating.
Another most insidious form of noncompliance is public lobbying
on the part of organised business for tax cuts. In 1996 and in
1998 the top onethird of the New Zealand population got
or will get "tax cuts" / "growth dividends"
significantly higher than the rest of the population. Yet organised
business is seeking a particular form of tax cut that is exclusive
to the rich; a cut just to the top rate. The damage may be done,
even if their wish is not granted, by their telling the rest of
the community that it's OK to not pay taxes. The result is that,
not only is revenue squeezed, but significantly greater amounts
of revenue (absolutely greater; not just relatively greater) are
spend on "transaction costs", meaning on enforcing,
managing, monitoring.
It seems that big companies have been no less avid tax avoiders
since tax rates fell in the late 1980s. Indeed, if, as I have
argued, seeking lower tax rates through the political process
is just another form of tax avoidance, then a society with falling
tax rates for this reason is likely to experience an increase
in all forms of tax avoidance. Thus, non-payment of taxes rises
as tax rates fall. It's a vicious cycle. As researcher Patrick
Caragata noted in the Dominion of October 30, it is the big businesses
most able to pay taxes who get away with paying the least. That
is a bad sign for an economically efficient civilised society
that depends on an unstable form of fiscal contract; a fiscal
contract based on "trust", on compliance with minimal
enforcement.
Caragata "concluded that companies that were more efficient
in generating revenue and profits ... had the highest probability
of paying no tax. The top 25 percent [surveyed] have an average
probability of paying no tax of 48 percent, but the bottom 25%
have a probability of paying no tax of 27 percent."
{ This document is: http://www.oocities.org/Athens/Delphi/3142/rankinfile.html
{ the above references are to: http://www.oocities.org/Athens/Delphi/3142/krf30-doom_busin.html
and:
http://www.oocities.org/Athens/Delphi/3142/krf20-crisis.html
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