Keith Rankin
is a political economist and economy historian |
![]() ![]() |
![]() |
![]() |
http://www.oocities.org/RainForest/6783/ |
The principal message to the government from the "Work, Families
and the State" conference held in Palmerston North (Hokowhitu
Campus, Massey University) from 2830 November was that "children
are a public good who should be collectively supported".
Children are not public property. Rather, the unanimous resolution
served to emphasise that the economic product of each workingage
generation is to collectively provide for all generations: children,
retired persons and working age persons. Thus, the care of children
should be regarded as social investment, with the future production
of children being the payoff for that investment.
From this perspective, parents as caregivers are akin to unpaid
public servants. Thus, it follows that investing in children means
resourcing parents to bring productive wellsocialised children
into adulthood.
This characterisation of children is a sharp contrast from traditional
prewelfare state practice, in which parents had children
as private investment goods, to in turn support them in old age.
And it differs significantly from the modern "Treasury"
view, which regards children solely as private "consumption
goods"; ie as a vehicle for parental leisure and parental
pleasure.
The transition from tradition (in which the family is the only
welfare institution and which creates a high fertility bias) to
modernity (in which welfare states collectivise the benefits arising
from the rearing of children, leading to a lowfertility
bias) can be said to be a case of "children moving from the
private domain into the public domain".
A friend of mine questions the use of terms such as "public goods" and "public domain" with respect to children:
Certainly, there are many issues relating to the economics of
ownership and property rights that are touched on when we discuss
children; issues that have not been well addressed in public debate.
The important idea is to distinguish "being in the public
domain" from being "public property". We own ourselves
as adults. Parents, however, can be regarded as regents with limitedterm
copyright over their children.
Producing children is in some respects like writing. Writing is
a privately produced good for public consumption. The written
word is in the public domain, a private gift from the author to
society. Intellectual property, while in the public domain, is
also private property via copyrights and patents. The economic
impact of a generation is comparable with the impact of a body
of knowledge and artwork; it is a collective impact.
I see parenting as being based on two contracts.
The implication of the first parental contract, the social contract,
is that a wide range of public services should be available to
parents, including services that ensure that no child is damaged
as a result of parents being underresourced. A damaged child,
once an adult, contributes to the public domain in a negative
way, absorbing resources that could have gone elsewhere, and/or
committing crimes that devalue public spaces. Thus, benefits such
as the DPB and Family Support represent part of society's contractual
duty to parents, as are public education, public health and family
law.
Child support - i.e. child maintenance - relates to the second contract,
the private contract. It is a means of enforcing appropriate shares
of private costs between mothers and fathers. All gifts involve
some private cost. To be effective, child support must be seen
as quite separate from the domestic purposes benefit and other
provisions of the social contract, and therefore should not be
used as a means of state benefit recovery.
To facilitate compliance of private contracts between parents
throughout the childhood of a child, the state, as the economic
beneficiary of children, needs to ensure that the allimportant
nonmonetary parental roles are met. Parental duty is about
much more than breadwinning. And the state also needs to ensure
that the private noneconomic benefits of having children
- the only benefits if we accept the Treasury view - are shared
between parents. To the extent that children are private to a
family, costs can only be shared if benefits are shared.
If the private contractual arrangements of childraising are properly
enforced and facilitated through a just system of family law,
then the all important social contract between parents and the
state can deliver a more than satisfactory economic return to
the public. That means that children, not the state, must be the
beneficiaries of parental child support.
The consequences of unsocialised governments cheating on social
contracts are no less serious than the consequences of private
citizens refusing to pay taxes or ignoring the criminal law; no
less serious than parental failure. An effective intergenerational
social contract is required to deliver high living standards to
all generations next century. A state that fails to comply with
its crucial role in this or any other social contract is an unsocialised
agent; it is a government that cares only about its present, and
not about the future of its people.
Compliance with the law, the payment of taxes, and the collective
resourcing of families are socially contracted outcomes. The consequences
of governments failing to comply with their contractual obligations
are particularly serious, because governments and government institutions
act, among other things, as role models for families and for firms.
We become happy to pay our taxes when we see governments investing
public revenue in supporting our children's future ability to
support their parents.
Keith's 1996 New Zealand Political Review article "Investing in
Children" about the Massey (Albany) conference on "The Multiple Effects of Poverty on Children and Young People: Issues and Answers"
(it is: http://www.oocities.org/Athens/Delphi/3142/krnknchildren.html
{ This document is: http://www.oocities.org/Athens/Delphi/3142/krf35-wfs_childrn.html
![]() |
![]() |
( viewings since 28 Dec.'97: )