A universal basic income (UBI) is a monetary payment to every
"citizen" (ie 'tax resident'), funded from public revenue.
A UBI is a central component of a "basic income system",
the other parameter being a moderatehigh rate of income
tax. The standard formula for each citizen under a basic income
system is:
Net Income = Gross Earnings less
Income Tax plus UBI
Under a full UBI system, there are no other benefits other than
UBI, and no income tax concessions or surcharges. Under a partial
UBI system, the formula allows for additional benefits:
Net Income = Gross Earnings less Income Tax plus UBI plus Benefit
In New Zealand at present, every person with annual earnings over
$34,200 conforms with the following partial UBI formula:
Net Income = Gross Earnings less 33% plus $3,933 plus Benefit
From July 1998, every person with annual earnings over $38,000
will conform with a new partial UBI formula; a new formula that
is the equivalent of an increase in the UBI:
Net Income = Gross Earnings less 33% plus $5,130 plus Benefit
For people earning less than $34,200, the present formula can
be presented as:
Net Income = Gross Earnings less 33% plus $3,933 plus Net Benefit
In order to convert New Zealand's present taxbenefit
system into a partial UBI system, all that needs to be done is
to pay a top-up benefit to everyone whose "Net Benefit" is currently
negative. Given the present range of meanstested
benefits payable to lowincome working families, the financial
cost of providing such topups is less than the financial
cost of the 1998 tax cuts.
Much of the fixed capital stock which contributes to production
and productivity is not privately owned; indeed cannot be privately
owned. In order to treat such publiclyowned assets on the
same footing as freehold assets - as the logic of economics demands
- then such capital must be attributed to the sovereign - ie to
the "crown" - as a kind of supreme freeholder.
Such capital stock includes our environments (natural and artificial),
our stock of knowledge, our technologies, our infrastructure,
our cultures, our institutions and our legislation. It is in the
public domain; indeed, in a democracy in which the people are
sovereign, most of it is the collective inheritance
of humankind. As a corporate (ie collective) inheritance, it should
be regarded by economic theory in much the same way as privately
inherited capital stock.
The economy is inefficient if the owners of certain kinds of productive
assets are not rewarded while the owners of other productive assets,
although no more important as productive assets, are rewarded
generously. The sovereign should have the same rights to receive
property income as do private corporations and private individuals.
From this perspective, a UBI - partial or full - is simply a social
dividend; an equal division of a part of the "social profit"
or "social wage"; an equal division of the sovereign's
income. Taxes become just like wages and royalties; a cost to
the users of a resource, and an income to the owners of the resource.
Increases to the UBI can be regarded, in the jargon, as "total
factor productivity dividends".
It is an axiom of economics that more is better than less. Thus
if more can be produced at the same cost as less, then more should
be produced. The problems come in the distribution of the more.
Societies have always been concerned at unemployment caused by
labour-saving technology. They have been suspicious of knowledge
that, while enabling more to be produced without incurring more
material and labour cost, has caused particular jobs - indeed
whole occupations - to be lost.
Generally, as basic labour ("commodity labour") becomes
both less scarce and less important as a contributor to final
production, then incomes - the entitlements to consume final production
- become increasingly concentrated in the hands of the owners
of capital assets. If there is no explicit social profit, then,
by default, the income in such a growing economy must be concentrating
in the hands of private freeholders.
Economics 101 justifies a process of economic growth accompanied
by increased inequality through the "compensation principle".
This means that, in theory, the winners (the capitalist freeholders)
can compensate the losers (the workers who lose their jobs or
who must accept lower wages in the face of increased competition
in the labour market) and still come out ahead. A universal
basic income is just a practical realisation of this theoretical
principle. Compensation is paid as higher taxes.
While the people are collectively sovereign, they are also individually
subject to the laws and to the executive will of their constitutionally
elected sovereign governments.
Government, as the executive, legislative and judicial arm of
the sovereign, is responsible for the wellbeing of its subjects
much as "breadwinners" and "caregivers" are
responsible for their families. Hence the welfare state. Subjects
agree to be bound by the rule of law and the demands placed on
them by the executive, in return for "protection"; security
and a minimum standard of living that reflects the wealth of the
society as a whole. Thus the poorest subjects of a rich society
should have a higher guaranteed standard of living than the poorest
subjects of a poor society. Put another way, as a society becomes
richer, then the least rich subjects of that society should get
richer in proportion.
Recent discussions relating to the establishment of a code of
social responsibility have focussed on the responsibilities of
parents to their subject children. Implicit in the social responsibility
proposals are "stick and carrot" incentives which can
fairly be labelled "social engineering". They reflect
a mood signposted by the 1991 Child Support Act, which clearly
expressed the principle that children are entitled to a standard
of living proportionate to the standard of living of their natural
parents.
This is clearly a principle that has widespread support, and not
only in conservative political circles. It is therefore natural
- at least for those who support the principle - that it should
be extended to the government itself. Governments must not only
be socially responsible; they must also be seen to be socially
responsible. Being socially responsible means being committed
unconditionally to the support of and the care for
all the "subjects" to whom one (a constitutional
government or a legal guardian) is constitutionally, legally and
morally responsible.
The provision of a Universal Basic Income is a moral act
of social responsibility.
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( viewings since 28 Dec.'97: )