Links To Micro-National and Fantasy Coins: Listings R




RCC/rec.collecting.coins (a USENET newsgroup, found on the Web at Google Groups. Google purchased the entire USENET database/archive from DejaNews/Deja.com in Feb. 2001. This forum was started on August 16/22, 1994): Starting with the 2002 1 Ember, they've minted a handful of coins, pretty much on a regular basis. Several more are planned. This interesting project was chiefly conceived by Mr. George V. Huse, Jr. (buzzhuse@sbcglobal.net), of Euless, Texas. He also created the RCC monetary system (he coined the term “Ember”), which was officially put into place on May 9, 2002. Final designs for the first Ember were complete by April of 2002; it was made available for sale on June 25, 2002 even though Mr. Ken Johnson (who financed the endeavor) actually received the batch from Quality Challenge Coins on September 11, 2002. By this time, the Embers were already sold out, in spite of the lukewarm reception the token had received from members earlier in the spring. The motto of the RCC is “Sempiterniter” (Latin for “never-ending/everlasting journey”) and “It describes your experiences here at RCC. You're always learning something about something.” I think this quote applies splendidly to our entire subsection of coin-collecting.
From Mr. Huse, Jr., I purchased the 2003 10 Embers and the MMIV One Half Flame, which is sumptuously colorized with hand-painted, baked enamel. I later acquired the original '02 Ember on eBay. Information and images are found at these sites:
http://www.oocities.org/buzzhuse@sbcglobal.net/RCCTokens/
http://www.ciampelli.com/rcc/emberhtm/index.htm
More recently, I purchased (on eBay) a hand-made 1 Spark, dated 2004. This sterling silver “trade token”, struck with a 10-pound sledgehammer, is the work of an entirely different member of the numismatic newsgroup, Mr. Kyle Mutcher. He states that “The Spark token is the only piece I've made for the rec.collecting.coins group so far, but if there is interest in another token by the group members I would make a new design.” It “had a mintage of 120 pieces and all have been sold to collectors in the US, UK, and Australia.” Two years later, Mr. Mutcher produced a couple of additional pieces (now struck with a heavier, 12-pound sledgehammer): a sterling silver One Spark and a bi-metallic (copper ring/brass centre) 1 Stick. Both are dated 2006. I purchased the pair directly from Mr. Mutcher (fccc@mts.net). Mr. Mutcher has made pieces of a similar nature “for other coin clubs, and a few for private individuals.” He has also issued some trade tokens (they can be redeemed for cash/merchandise at any time according to their stated value) specifically for his own shop, Four Corners Coin and Currency (in Winnipeg, Manitoba).
Images of a couple of RCC tokens can be viewed at the site of Mr. Haseeb Naz’s private collection:
http://chiefacoins.com/Database/Micro-Nations/RCC.htm

KINGDOM OF RIBOALTE: According to their official Web-site (http://www.riboalte.tk/), the Regne de Riboalte “is a virtual microstate”. The capital of this monarchy is named Santa Maria Magdalena, after their patron saint. Their official languages are Catalan and Spanish. The brief history of the Kingdom is as follows: On 22 July 1999, a group of citizens established the micronation (in the Spanish province of Lérida) as an independent/sovereign state. His Royal Highness Emili I (he is also described as the founder) assumed the throne as king. The people living in that territory were admitted as citizens. His Royal Highness Joan I ruled Riboalte from 22 July 2000 to 1 December 2003 (during his reign, “by absolute majority of its citizens and in exercise of its sovereignty”, Riboalte ratified its Constitution on 22 July 2002) — the day in which he abdicated the throne due to an illness; he later died on 12 December 2003. Thereupon, His Royal Highness Joan II — the crown prince up until that moment — succeeded to the throne. He is the third king of Riboalte. The king is the Chief of State and by the rights given him by the current Constitution, he “is the president of the Government, president of the Royal Council (Parliament)” and he is also the person in charge of foreign affairs. He can choose his successor from any nobleman of the Royal Council. The Kingdom of Riboalte claims two overseas territories (autonomous states): Islote de Sant Jordi (a small island in North Africa) and Pequeña Isla Mosquitos (in the Gulf of Guinea).
On 20 January 2000, Joan I established the “OMEGA Riboaltes (ΩR)” as the Kingdom’s currency. He also created the Bank of Riboalte. On 2 January 2005, Joan II changed its name to the Royal Bank of Riboalte. In May of 2008, the prolific Mr. Jorge Fernández Vidal (for more information about this numismatist, please see my listings for HADEF and Westarctica) issued two coins for this microstate. The first is a “Reino de Riboalte” piece. The second is an “Isla de Sant Jordi” piece. Both bear the “5 Ω Riboalte” denomination and are dated 2008. I purchased the pair from Mr. Oded Paz. In regards to the Sant Jordi piece, Mr. Vidal writes: “Its sovereignty is unclear, which prompted the Kingdom of Riboalte to claim the island in 2002.” In his original text, Mr. Vidal added: “Don Daniel is the first Duke of Sant Jordi and the current governor of the island.” He later changed the wording to: “Don Daniel is the Duque of Portaspana (the title of the heir of the Riboalte throne) and the current Governor of the island.” I asked him why he altered the sentence. “The reason why I changed the title of Duke of Sant Jordi to that of Duke of Portaspana is because Don Daniel was made Duke of Portaspana after being made Duke of Sant Jordi (I guess he still holds both titles) and the King believed that it was more appropriate to have him described as Duke of Portaspana. To make it clearer, he was indeed the Duke of Sant Jordi at the time I wrote the original sentence and later was made Duke of Portaspana, I believe that in addition to his former title of Duke of Sant Jordi. I never really bother to ask why.” In February of 2009, Mr. Vidal issued a new coin for “Isla de Sant Jordi”. The following month, he issued one for “Pequeña Isla Mosquitos”. Both bear the “1 Ω Riboalte” denomination and are dated 2009. I purchased the Mosquitos piece directly from Mr. Vidal. In regards to the Pequeña Isla Mosquitos piece, he writes: “This state was created in November 22nd 2004 and a parliamentary government was formed, which has been ruling the island since then. In August 29th 2005 the government of the island signed a Treaty of Annexation with the Kingdom of Riboalte. In September 2nd 2005, a Statute of Autonomy was approved via referendum and it was declared official in September 4th 2005.”
Images of the Riboalte and Sant Jordi coins can be viewed at:
http://www.jfvcoins.com/Productos/micronations_english=catOS.html
Images of the Pequeña Isla Mosquitos coin can be viewed at:
http://www.jfvcoins.com/Productos/micronations_english=catLN.html

RIO-GRANDENSSE REPUBLIC: This particular nation had its origins with the Farroupilha Revolution, which took place in Brazil’s southernmost province of Rio Grande do Sul (now one of the massive country’s 26 states). It is considered to be the longest and bloodiest civil-war to have ever occurred in the history of Brazil. Not only did it threaten the territorial integrity of the country, it rushed the coronation of Emperor Dom Pedro II, who was only 15 years old at the time (1841). The ill-fated federalist revolt was also known as the as the War of the Farrapos (War of Tatters), thus named because the majority of its partisans were composed of poor fighters who wore “farrapos” (tattered, ragged clothing). During Brazil's Regency period, the term was used quite derogatorily and contemptuously by the moderate/conservative liberals (chimangos) against the radical liberals, and over time, it acquired a more positive, praiseful meaning; the nickname was proudly adopted by the revolutionaries, similar to what had occurred with the “sans-culottes” of the French Revolution.
In the years prior to Brazil's independence, the livelihood of its turbulent southerly region — Rio Grande do Sul in particular — was based entirely on cattle. Its main product was charque (dried and salted meat), which was consumed by every metropolis in the country and was the main staple of the slaves and the lower classes. The local gaúcho estancieiros (ranchers) were rightfully unhappy with their lowly socioeconomic and political status within Brazil. The focus of their economy, unlike the provinces of the southeast and northeast, was limited to supplying the internal market; they were not permitted to export their basic commodities. The exorbitant price of salt, an indispensable item in the making of charque, was another pressing concern. But as a more immediate reason for the growing unrest, the ranchers' resentment was compounded on account of the charque originating from Argentina and Uruguay, which was produced by a salaried workforce that was much more efficient and productive than the costly slave labor of the gaúchos' own estâncias. These foreign rancheros were given incentives and had free access to the Brazilian market; they were able to sell their other bovine goods (beef, leather, tallow) at lower prices, yet the rio-grandense gaúchos were taxed more heavily by their own country; so even domestically, they did not have a competitive edge. The atmosphere was filled with discontentment. Relegated to such a restricted and subordinate role, the cattle-farmers would eventually enlist cooperation from other segments of the population, all of whom shared a strong indigenous cultural strain (mamelucos, mulatos, caboclos, slaves, peons). Initially, the purpose of their contest with the monarchy was not to obtain total separation from the Empire, but rather to defend their economic interests and to preserve the political and administrative autonomy with which they were once accustomed. Many other regional colonos (settlers) and farmers (who endured the same obstacles with their wheat) were also getting the short end of the stick. Some, with little or no suitable property of their own, formed armed bands and offered their services to the more wealthy landowners (this frontier region had already been militarized since the 17th century, and had many army outposts designed to keep Brazil's southern border safe from foreign invasion; and a few years before, the Cisplatine War had been waged there). The lawmakers in Rio de Janeiro — the Brazilian capital to which they were all so cruelly dependent — failed to adopt measures of apparent fairness that would protect the breeders. As a result, some newspapers, such as “O Constitucional Rio-Grandese”, rose to defend republican objectives and the concept of separatism. In 1834, when a new tax increase was approved for the precinct, the separatist movement continued to gain popularity and the stage was set for a showdown.
By 1835, when Antônio Rodrigues Fernandes Braga was nominated as president of the province of Rio Grande do Sul, the political animus of the dissatisfied estancieiros towards governmental intrusion in their affairs had reached a peak, and the more military-minded ones began to hold private meetings. Two figures stood out: Bento Manuel Ribeiro and Bento Gonçalves, the son of an elite landowner. Gonçalves had been awarded the post of colonel of the militias and commander of the southern frontier by Dom Pedro I for his previous military achievements during the war against Argentina ('25-'28). At first, Braga's name was well-received by most of the liberal cattlemen, but he soon proved himself unworthy of their trust. In his first day of office, he accused many farmers, even citing specific names, of being separatists. These were very serious charges, practically destroying any chances he had of coexisting peacefully with the citizenry he was supposed to govern. He also introduced newer taxes, on orders from Rio de Janeiro. With tempers flaring, the unheeded complaints/demands of the gaúchos added much momentum to the federalist effort.
All of this led to the beginning of the republican uprising, which takes place on 9/19/1835, when a group of 400 revolutionaries, representing all of the liberalist factions, converged on the outskirts of Porto Alegre. Aiming to seize this provincial capital, Onofre Pires and José Gomes de Vasconcelos Jardim lead the first skirmish with Imperialists on the dawn of September 20th, beside the bridge of Azenha. They depose Braga, who flees by boat on the Lagoa dos Patos; he seeks refuge in Rio Grande, a community in the extreme south of the province. Bento Gonçalves, who'd planned the takeover, arrives on the 21st. Accompanied by a small detachment of men, he pursues Braga, who has already proceeded to the Court in Rio de Janeiro. With assistance from only a small percent of the populace, the insurgents neutralize the loyalists' initial reactions. The farroupilhas (ragamuffins), as the group was now known, placed Marciano Pereira Ribeiro in charge.
In trying to calm the tense situation, Padre Diogo Feijó, the liberal Brazilian Regent, severely underestimated the strife. He selected a replacement president of his own for the province. His candidate, José de Araújo Ribeiro, appeared to be acceptable to the farroupilhas; but there was some bad blood between him and the rebels, stemming from an incident that had taken place in the past. Amidst disorder, the Provincial Assembly showed indecision in the matter and postponed the requisite proceedings. They finally impeded Araújo Ribeiro's investiture as executive officer by extending Marciano Ribeiro's mandate until December 9th. Afterwards, it didn't take long for Araújo Ribeiro to lose whatever precarious support he had from the rebels: disgusted, the office-seeker decided not to appear before the legislative body. He avoided the tumultuousness of Porto Alegre by retreating to Rio Grande, one of the only places he believed was still under the respectable rule of real law. Not only does he take office there, which infuriates the insurrectionists, but he is joined by his ally, Bento Manuel, who was vehemently opposed to the rebels' judgment in this volatile matter. He changes sides, and from that moment on, disconnects himself completely from the rebels. Making the same choice, other confederates soon come aboard. Araújo Ribeiro's deplorable stratagem enrages the rebels, and they view it as an act of provocation. After all, the rebellion was basically finished. Nevertheless, Bento Gonçalves, as a means of conciliation, finally invites the slighted Ribeiro to occupy his post in Porto Alegre. His vehement refusal, signaling the irrevocable rupture between the two parties, serves as a tragic turning point in the municipal impasse. Weapons will be raised again, instigating a new chapter in a revolution that should have already ended. Henceforth, Bento Manuel is regarded as a traitor. Meanwhile, on 10/14/1835, the rebels are routed in Arroio Grande.
On March 3rd 1836, the government orders all its departmental offices to be shifted to Rio Grande. In retaliation, the farroupilhas nab Manuel Marques de Souza, an esteemed major, and confine him to the prison-ship Presiganga, anchored in Lake Guaíba. In Porto Alegre, Lieutenant Henrique Moyse liberates 30 soldiers by bribing his guards; besides freeing Marques de Souza and other officials, this group then captures important parts of Porto Alegre. They arrest Marciano Ribeiro, replacing him with Marshal João de Deus Menna Barreto. The city is reclaimed by imperial troops on 6/15/1836. Bento Gonçalves tries to retake it two weeks later, but fails. In fact, the farroupilhas would never again regain control of this town, for it will soon be impenetrably surrounded by their foes. The rebels' siege of Porto Alegre continues until 10/19/1841, lasting for 1,283 days. The city is protected by the forces of Bento Manuel, who in turn was provided extra reinforcement by the Imperial Navy, under the command of the remarkable John Pascoe Grenfell (he was one of many British men to serve in the Brazilian navy during the 19th century, and would eventually rise to the ranks of Admiral). Porto Alegre was a busy port, and from the outset, it had little reason to join the revolt; most of its merchants did not adhere to the farroupilhas' separatist philosophy. They'd helped drive out the rebels in June of 1836 and had been harried by them to the point of having great difficulties obtaining oil and essential foodstuffs. They resisted these adversaries until the end of the war. On account of its fidelity to the empire, the title “Very Loyal and Valorous” is conferred to the city in 1841, which is today still present on its coat-of-arms.
Nevertheless, on 9/10/1836, the guerillas commanded by General Antônio de Souza Netto experience what would be the largest triumph of the entire war; they vanquish Colonel João da Silva Tavares in the violent Battle of Seival, which happened between Pelotas and Bagé. Sipping chimarrão (a powerful tea made with erva-mate leaves) around a campfire late that night, still commemorating the brilliant outcome, Manoel Lucas de Oliveira and Joaquim Pedro Soares come up with the radical idea of establishing a Rio-Grandense Republic. On the morning of September 11th, Souza Netto formally proclaims the República Rio-Grandense, in Campo dos Menezes, on behalf of his valiant farroupilhas; it is also known as the República Piratini because a town bearing that name, in the interior of the province, became the location of its seat of government on November 10. To clarify their motives, the rebels later issue a manifesto directly against the Empire's “vicious and corrupt Court”.
Bento Gonçalves, still battling for Porto Alegre, receives the thrilling news. He proceeds to join his victorious comrades, but on 10/4/1836, he and over 1,000 of his men are defeated during the famous battle of Fanfa Island, on the Jacuí River. They are ambushed by Bento Manuel and one of Grenfell's squadrons while trying to make a crossing; the farroupilhas disperse and Gonçalves is arrested. He is transported to Fortaleza da Laje in Rio de Janeiro and then to Salvador, where he would enter into friendship with the rebels of Sabinada (a different revolt entirely). The Crown attempts to end the conflict by offering immunity to the remaining rebels; Souza Netto refuses to capitulate. On November 5th, the Municipal Council of Piratini officialized the proclamation of their fledgling Republic. Even though Gonçalves is in jail, the farroupilhas nominate him as their president.
In the meantime, even without their chief, vice-president José Gomes de Vasconcelos Jardim leads the rebels and manages to overcome the tremendous misfortune visited upon them by the Empire. On 3/9/1837, they expand their reaches by occupying the town of Lages, an important commercial entrepôt in Santa Catarina. In the absence of their incarcerated head of state, Gomes Jardim, backed by the forces of Souza Netto, assumes interim leadership of the Rio-Grandense Republic. He begins to organize it by structuring its 6 ministries (Agriculture, Justice, Exterior, Interior, Maritime, War), two of which are parceled out to each minister due to limited funds. In early 1837, Regent Feijó had appointed Brigadier Antero de Brito as president of the Province. In Porto Alegre, he persecutes anyone who is in league with the rebels. By treating the farroupilhas very harshly, he actually emboldens their spirit. In April, Souza Netto seizes Caçapava, the site of the imperial arsenal. In a fortuitous turn of events, they recruit many new adherents from the local garrison. The revolutionaries also grab hold of Rio Pardo.
Finally, on 9/10/1837, Bento Gonçalves managed to escape, in spectacular fashion and with the help of liberals in Bahia, from the prison (Forte do Mar) where he was being detained. He returned to his native district via Buenos Aires, and on December 16th assumed the presidency with overwhelming acclaim. Some fiscal issues are resolved and a few key services, like the delivery of mail, are initiated. During this phase, he steers the revolution to its zenith, convinced that the breakaway Republic he is consolidating will solidify as an independent state.
The Empire recaptures the hotly contested community of Rio Pardo, but the revolutionaries wrest it back from them on 5/6/1838. Still, the year does not live up to the heightened expectations of the rebels. They lack the resources to conquer Porto Alegre. They are also overmatched in Rio Grande, where the Empire also has full control. Due to its tactical importance, the town is tightly encircled by the intransigent Imperial fleet, which also supplies its inhabitants with provisions. The rebels managed some counterassaults, but were frustrated in all their attempts. Eventually, faced with mounting suppression, their hopes begin to dwindle. As a precaution, on 2/14/1839 they are obligated to transfer their capital from Piratini to Caçapava. It is a more inaccessible site which they anticipate will be easier to guard; they install their administration there on the 24th.
That year, the Italian revolutionary warrior Giuseppe Garibaldi, who had been exiled from his country, joined the movement. He had come into contact with Lívio Zambiccari, who was arrested in the battle of Fanfa Island along with Gonçalves. Their meeting in Rio de Janeiro was the only positive consequence that resulted from that dreadful event. Zambiccari managed to entice Garibaldi and another Italian, Luigi Rosseti, to embrace the farroupilha cause. In December, Garibaldi is appointed Captain-Lieutenant. The farroupilhas need a port, so he begins to strategize. Because Rio Grande and São José do Norte were occupied by the imperialists, he decided to extend the conflict once more to the neighboring province of Santa Catarina, where the rebels had sympathizers. His mission, aided by Davi Canabarro's cavalry, is to overpower the strategic coastal site of Laguna. In preparation for a simultaneous, two-pronged attack — Canabarro by land and Garibaldi by sea — he oversees the building of 2 lanchas (longboats) at the farroupilha shipyard on the Camaquã River. When complete, each one is armed with 2 bronze cannons and is able to hold a crew of 35 men. One of these, the 30-ton “Farroupilha” (also referred to as the “Rio Pardo” in many sources) is commanded by Garibaldi; the other, the 25-ton “Seival”, is skippered by John Griggs, an American who had also been seduced by the gaúchos' lofty goals. They navigate over and around the perilous sandbanks of the Lagoa dos Patos (Brazil's largest lagoon), raiding any enemies they encountered along its shores and making off with whatever spoils they could carry. But in order for them to meet the goal they had set for themselves, it then became imperative for them to gain access to the sea itself. Complicating matters, their ability to reach the Atlantic by means of the Lagoa was momentarily impossible because its exit to the ocean was blocked by the Empire. Their only viable path was overland; there was no other option. Garibaldi now needed a way to get his vessels there, and his audacious solution was to put them on wheels. The ingenious project, supervised by a very able carpenter named Abreu, involved constructing two giant carts, which were assembled from planks without using any nails or screws. On July 5th, he begins coordinating the memorable traversal of terrain. Their daring trek starts in the extreme north of the Lagoa, at a site on the Capivari River known as Saco da Roça Velha, where its waters empty themselves into the Lagoa. The camouflaged flotilla is pulled by 100 pairs of oxen for the entire rain-muddied route, a distance of 80 kilometers. Their walk finally reaches its destination, the mouth of the Tramandaí River, on July 11th. Once afloat, the “Farroupilha” eventually shipwrecks in Araranguá, on account of heavy rains and winds; but they move ahead with the “Seival”. Laguna, which they win on July 22nd, becomes the capital of the República Juliana (a name chosen due to the month in which the events took place), which Garibaldi proclaimed on July 25th. Rosseti becomes their Secretary-General. His farroupilhas also try to take Desterro, but aren't successful. After forming a confederation with the Rio-Grandense Republic, the newly annexed nation proved to be an ephemeral entity; it lasted only 4 brief months. On 11/15/1839, Laguna fell into loyalist hands after being pounded by an attack combining the Empire's naval, infantry, and cavalry forces. It was there that Garibaldi met his wife, the seamstress Ana Maria Ribeiro da Silva (also referred to as Ana Maria de Jesus Ribeiro). Anita Garibaldi, as she would be called, was a Brazilian heroine. On horseback, she accompanied her husband in his expeditions; and when he returned to Italy, she was an active participant alongside him in the fight for Unification.
By 1840, it is only inevitable that the Empire's offensive might intensifies. Two-thirds of its army is already concentrated in Rio Grande do Sul. Possessing a greater number of men and arms, government units advance against the disadvantaged farroupilhas. In Caçapava, once considered inexpugnable, they catch the rebels unawares. Further weakened, they take to the roads, doing all they can to evade the encroaching pressure of their enemies. They finally relocate their capital, this time in Alegrete, on 3/22/1840. Amnesty was offered to the freedom-fighters that year, but they refused to give up in spite of suffering successive losses. On 5/3, an engagement at Taquari results in a stalemate. The farroupilhas lose São Gabriel in June, and a few days later Souza Netto escapes from the imperial colonel Francisco Pedro de Abreu (“Chico Pedro”), thanks only to his skill as a horseman. On 7/16/1840, the farroupilhas marched into São José do Norte, with disastrous results. In November, Viamão falls; one of the casualties is Rosseti, who by then had become the founder of “O Povo”, the Republic's official newspaper.
By 1842, the revolution begins to decline. The rebel's prospects slowly worsen. Their vice-president, Antônio Paulino da Fontoura, is assassinated. Unfortunately, disagreements among commanders also begin to ferment. Some of them, exhausted from years of combat, realize that they clearly had no chance of attaining the upper hand. In one dramatic episode, there is a duel between Bento Gonçalves and Onofre Pires, who later died of his wounds. As a last resort, the farroupilhas finally attempt to draft a Constitution of their own in 1843, which might have given their struggle one remaining, momentary spark; the project was never finalized or voted upon due to the severity of the war. As justification for their continued separation from the Empire, “prepotência imperial” (abuse of power) was given. By then, however, the Emperor had had enough of the protracted rebellion and sent baron Luís Alves de Lima e Silva (the future Duque de Caxias) to permanently pacify the entire region. On 11/9/1842, the experienced general was named president of Rio Grande do Sul. As commander-in-chief of the army, his presence swiftly reinvigorated the loyalist forces. But instead of exacerbating the war, he elected to use diplomatic channels in order to clear the path towards negotiating with the farroupilhas. Lima e Silva, assisted by the former rebel boss Bento Manuel, took advantage of the injurious divisions amongst the gaúchos to make separate pacts with different chiefs. While Lima e Silva made some significant progress in his attempts to find an agreed-upon settlement to their complex issues, he also managed to prevent the farroupilhas from continuing to receive armaments from Uruguay. By 1843, the Empire had superiority over the entire territory; the revolutionaries, increasingly subdued, begin to lose ground. One notable setback for the farroupilhas transpired on 11/14/1844. In the Cerro dos Porongos, Chico Pedro decimated Canabarro's combatants after surprising them while they slept. “Chica Papagaia” (Maria Francisca Duarte Ferreira), who was “distracting” the general in his tent, was blamed for this tragedy. On 12/29/1844, the final clash of the war, against 11,400 of the Empire's soldiers, takes place at Quero (a tributary of the Quarai River). Nevertheless, more formal discussions were conducted, with Lima e Silva on one side, and Davi Canabarro — substituting for Bento Gonçalves, who could not find common ground with the president — on the other. Gonçalves had been forced to leave the table because Lima e Silva was of the opinion that treaties were meant to be binding documents between two sovereign states, and he did not consider the República Rio-Grandense to meet the criteria of a true country. But with Canabarro at the helm, the two leaders are able to iron out their fundamental differences tactfully. The farroupilhas, spurred by the added urgency of Uruguayan forces threatening them from the south, finally cede victory to Lima e Silva, thereby ending hostilities between the antagonistic nations.
The republican state, which lasted 10 years, was finally dissolved on 2/28/1845, with the signing of the Ponche Verde Treaty. Thus concluded the most important rebellion ever witnessed in the southern province, and Caxias' very generous terms resulted in bringing a lasting truce to the disputed area. The peace accord not only guaranteed the return of confiscated lands to their original gaúcho proprietors, but some of its other principal conditions were as follows: a general pardon would be granted to all the rebels (including freedom for the slaves who'd participated), and these soldiers/officers would also be incorporated into the Imperial army, without losing their existing ranks (the only exception being generals); all debts incurred by the revolutionary-created Republic would be assumed by the Empire; a tax of 25% would be imposed upon imported charque; the farroupilhas would also get to elect their own president. The actions of Lima e Silva were so decent and magnanimous towards the rebels, that the rio-grandenses chose him as their Senator in 1847, and as President of their province in June of 1851. The Empire also recognized his honorable efforts in 1845 by bestowing upon him the noble titles of Viscount ('43), Count ('45), Marquis ('52), and finally Duke of Caxias ('69). He also became known as “Peacemaker of the Empire”.
Shifting our attention to the Rio-Grandensse (this is how the name appears on the coin, with the doubled “s”) coinage, Mr. Eugene Freeman provided some information regarding two of the pieces he purchased: Though these do not have a stated denomination on them, the “dealer identified one of his as 960 Reis and the other as 1200 Reis (although they have the same design).” He also “stated that all of them were made as buttons, but people then removed the button shank and used them as coins.” The pieces appear to be brass but “are somewhat porous, and the patina makes it difficult for me to clearly identify the metal.” They “are dark (have been buried) and they have indications of a removed button shank”, which “was a semicircular loop, of which both ends were attached to the face of the coin near the center of one side. There is a fragment of the loop attachment on one of them, and it is easy to identify where it was removed from the other.” I obtained the former piece from Mr. Freeman. He also found a third piece, which appears to be silvered, has mint luster, and has an intact button shank attached. At the time, he theorized that most of these pieces “started life as a silvered base metal ‘button’. Being used as coins or pocket pieces, and then buried, wore away the silvering on the two whose shank had been removed.” But I later purchased a pristine white-metal piece, free of any foreign metallic additions whatsoever, from Brazilian coin-dealer Claudio Amato. He told me that the coin is known as a “Guaiáca”, and was issued “to serve as money in the intended Riograndense Republic in the value of 960 réis. Because the movement was stifled, almost all the remaining examples were utilized as buttons or soldered onto buckles and belts.” He has no knowledge of there ever being a piece worth 1,200 Réis.
As a companion-piece, I later acquired (on eBay) one of the Piratini Republic countermarked coins. Though a limited number of legitimate examples do exist, I opted for one of the fantasy pieces. These falsifications surfaced after 1924, especially in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, so that their makers could purportedly take advantage of inexperienced collectors. One could argue that aesthetically, the spurious impressions pounded by the counterfeiters onto the common circulating coinage of the early 19th century are actually even more appealing than the rustic stampings they sought to imitate.

RIVIERA PRINCIPALITY: I was initially informed that this coin-issuing entity was purportedly a vineyard in Marlborough, a region located in the northeast of the South Island of New Zealand. It was established with the intention of creating the N.Z. equivalent of Australia’s Hutt River Province Principality. During my subsequent research, I exchanged a few e-mails with Mr. Martin L. Purdy, the Editor of the New Zealand Numismatic Journal (published by the Royal Numismatic Society of New Zealand). He kindly provided me with a copy of Mintmark #199 (September 1999), the publication of the Numismatic Society of Auckland. The article is basically a Text of a Talk given by Tony Butler, who was one of the speakers in the August 1999 meeting of the Society. Mr. Butler begins the article thusly: “There is something rather appealing, to me at least, about the creation of a small, economically self-sufficient territory alongside other, larger countries with their already lengthy chronologies of conquests, monarchies, revolutions, and republics.” He then spends a few paragraphs discussing Lundy and Hutt River Province, his “two favorite examples of this type of initiative”. Afterwards, he provides a very good history of the “vest-pocket size, self-governing Dominion” (to borrow the words of Martin Coles Harman, the founder of Lundy) known as the Riviera Principality. “Just over 13 years ago in 1986, Macky and Jillian Neame settled with their family of three on 38 acres of land at Morgan’s Road, roughly 5 km east of Blenheim. Some 8 years later (1994), Neame applied for and obtained planning consent for a $1.5 million tourist attraction complex. A publicity folder, distributed in the name of ‘Prince MacDonald’, includes the layout of a village comprising a market centre, boutique brewery, wine shop, conference centre and tavern. Future developments included a circus, a Gingerbread House, an Old-Lady-In-the-Shoe sweet shop, and another place, The Beehive, selling various types of honey (and maybe humbugs to the electorate). Construction of Riviera’s own church was to begin in November/December 1996 and this would be available for people of all denominations to worship and marry. The folder does not mention a casino but, in such a heady Disneyland atmosphere, HRH Prince MacDonald must surely have considered including this Las Vegas style attraction. At all events his entrepreneurial vision by now anticipated the day when Riviera would have its own airport catering for direct flights from Wellington, Christchurch, and private charters. A heli-pad was also planned.” To show that the Prince (and Commander-in-Chief) established some formal protocol intended for tourists, Mr. Butler quotes the previously mentioned printed advertisement: “To enter Riviera, you will be issued with an entry visa. Your own passport can also be stamped to say you have visited the smallest country in the world. Each entry visa is valid for 180 days.” For the privilege of setting foot in this “magical place”, adults were to pay $8 and the price of admission for children was $4. Furthermore, the Bank of Riviera would exchange the foreign currency of its visitors for the Principality’s own special currency ($1RP = $1NZ), which was intended for actual use in Riviera or could be saved for one’s personal collection. At the Riviera Post Office, which offered its own postage stamps to philatelists, visitors could send postcards and letters (not to mention gifts purchased at the village) to their friends and family. Mr. Butler also briefly examines the Principality’s modest coat-of-arms “because some of its elements will feature on the reverse side of the Riviera coinage.” Visually, it is “unique to Riviera but also related to the Marlborough Province.” The official flag, “with its seven horizontal stripes and top left hand cluster of stars, would seem to be a pirated version of the US Old Glory.”
Mr. Butler also provides an epilogue to the story: “Sadly, the Riviera Principality no longer exists as such, having failed to overcome a number of obstacles in the way of Macky Neame’s ambitious project. Its failure is hard to understand in view of its many assets and advantages: the increasing popularity of the wine trail and Marlborough’s vineyards; the advent of the fast ferries; the range of facilities offered by Riviera to potential tourists; the varied architecture of its shops, mixing Mediterranean and art deco styles with phoenix palms and Italian street lamps in the market place; and finally the quaintness of this Never Never Land, despite its commercial overtones. It would seem that, notwithstanding an initial outlay of $1.5 million, Macky Neame may have overreached himself.” In February of 1996, the grand opening of the Principality “had been set to coincide with the Marlborough Wine and Food Festival, but the village had remained closed.” In July, “after a number of delays caused by bad weather, a 13-month wait for a liquor license etc., the Principality narrowly avoided being wound up for the relatively insignificant debt of $7500.” Finally, on December 18th, “the Principality of Riviera opened its doors to the public, with the formal inauguration planned for the following year. Unfortunately, however, this was too late to save the project and the property was offered for tender, to close on 27 March 1998. The new owner, a local developer, acquired the Principality for considerably less than the cost of construction. He ‘intends to turn the lavishly decorated tavern into a function centre for weddings and events. The other buildings, formerly shops, will become accommodation facilities once the appropriate consents have been obtained’ — Marlborough Express, 10/3/99.”
Mr. Purdy also e-mailed me a copy of another article, written by Keith Gottermeyer, from issue Number 21 (March 1996) of the RNSNZ Newsletter (“The Society's Newsletter exists in parallel to the NZNJ, and tends to be a general round-up of current items of interest and Society news, whereas the Journal is intended as a more permanent record of research and the like”). Though Mr. Gottermeyer does not offer any information that tops Mr. Butler’s extremely thorough article, this particular phrase stands out: “Once your special Riviera passport is stamped at the border gates one is free to wander amid the Mediterranean-style buildings” and “lunch at the ‘royal’ cafe”. It then mentions that plans were indeed underway for several types of novelty shops, including “a sheep shop with woolen garments”, which was not mentioned in Mr. Butler’s article. Thanks to a philatelic and numismatic specialist named Mr. Donald F. Ion, I also received a bit of additional information about the Principality: namely, one of Macky Neame’s special leaflets containing a few brief descriptive paragraphs about the “unique treasure” that was his domain. I’ll quote a significant portion of it, since it appears to possibly have been one of the original sources used by Mr. Butler and Mr. Gottermeyer: “Whether you are passing through or staying in Marlborough…Riviera is a must see for all ages. The tiny principality is surrounded by lush green farmland, distant hills and crowned by clear blue skies…Visitors will need an Entry Visa to cross the Riviera/Marlborough border and once inside can purchase gifts at the quaint shops with Riviera’s own currency. Wine and beer connoisseurs can sample the different beverages of neighbouring regions along with the country’s own brews. The Principality also has a fully licensed cafe catering for that leisurely lunch or the traveller restricted by time. If visitors wish to try other activities such as the river cruise, Riviera taxi ride and novelty boot-bike rides, the Riviera Visitors Bureau will be only too happy to organise these activities.”
As for the coinage issued by the short-lived Principality (“specimens of which have not been easy to obtain”, in the words of Mr. Butler), they all bear “Prince MacDonald’s effigy” on the obverse and the legend “The Smallest Country in the World” on the reverse. The denominations, all dated 1996, are: “Five Cents” (also featuring an American-style flag on the reverse), “Ten Cents” (same flag), “Twenty Cents” (same flag), “Fifty Cents” (same flag), “One Dollar” (featuring an American-style, spread-winged eagle), and “Two Dollars” (featuring a crown). Mr. Butler states that the Marlborough Express also refers to a $3 piece which “is missing from my set.”
In my efforts to obtain at least one of these coins, I contacted a slew of Kiwi numismatists. One of them was Mr. John Rabarts. After several months, he was finally able to track some down: “I come to Blenheim every month for a weekend and have been asking locals about the Riviera enterprise. A couple had heard about it but no idea where or who was responsible. Then…I asked a person in an antique shop who I knew had been around in the trade for many years. He not only knew about Riviera, but was able to give me the name and phone number of the person to contact.” This man turned out to be the one and only Macky Neame, who still had some of the Principality’s coinage in his possession. Luckily, he was willing to sell Mr. Rabarts a portion of his remaining stock, which he kept in “secure storage”. Along with the standard set of 6 “tender coins” (“They are the same denominations as the NZ currency of the time”), I also received a special undenominated silver piece. It has the same obverse as all the others, but its unique reverse features the Principality's coat-of-arms. “The silver commemorative is elusive because only 50 were minted and less than 10 of those have been released. The one I obtained for you…is the first released in a few years. He let me have it on the understanding that it is going to a ‘genuine collector’, not a speculator.” The purported $3 coin simply does not exist. The “Bank of Riviera” has also printed a set of 5 banknotes (3, 5, 10, 20, 50 Dollars). I’m pretty sure they are all made of polymer plastic. “They have gold printing on them to prevent forgery by color copying or scanning and printing.” Mr. Rabarts and Mr. Ion also learned a little bit more from Mr. Neame about the Principality: “He mentioned some other activities he undertook in the process of trying to validate what he was doing. e.g. he mentions writing to the queen (of England) and receiving a reply of some kind. Also a supporting letter from the NZ consul [Ann Worthington] for Prince Leonard of Hutt River Province (Western Australia).” The recognition of the Riviera Principality by Hutt River Province was officially commemorated on a couple of Riviera’s philatelic First Day Covers dated January 6th, 1997. On account of the correspondence between Mr. Rabarts and Mr. Neame, some of these documents were temporarily rescued from storage (and I was later able to view a few photocopies). In addition to opening day, another important milestone for the Principality was something called “Declaration of Independence Day”, which occurred on January 1st, 1998 (also commemorated with a couple of FDCs). Incidentally, Mr. Neame still lives and works (with his wife and family) on the same road, on a modest portion of the once-spacious property. You see, the entire area covered by the world’s “Smallest Country” was originally made up of three separate “land titles”. Two of these — they included the part of the land upon which the Post Office, the Bank and other facilities stood — had recently gone on the market again, yet at least one of these parcels is still “under dispute as Mackie spent over $1,000,000 developing” the land. Fortunately, the third parcel still belongs to Macky. Thus, even though most of the land belongs to new owners, a portion of it remains in Mr. Neame’s hands “so technically there is still a physical existence of the principality.” In light of all the stressful/strenuous efforts taken by Mr. Rabarts on my behalf, I was relieved to hear from him that “I certainly enjoyed the experience of tracking down the retired prince of Riviera Principality.”
Images of the coinage of the Riviera Principality can be viewed at the Web-site of Mr. Jorge Fernández Vidal:
http://www.jfvcoins.com/Productos/micronations_english=catOS.html

KINGDOM OF ROBLAND: This is the name of a micronation created by Belgian comedian/celebrity Rob Vanoudenhoven. The genesis of this country was inspired by How to Start Your Own Country, a 5-part series on BBC2 that began airing in August of 2005. The program, which was presented by Danny Wallace, documented his trials and tribulations in attempting to found Lovely, a micronation located in his London flat. Apparently, the Flemish commercial television station VTM acquired legal rights to produce and broadcast its own show based on the same format. In the ensuing episodes of Robland, Vanoudenhoven declares himself King Rob I and travels the world seeking advice on how to run his new nation. The first episode, which aired on April 9th, 2006 received an average of 673,000 viewers. The following episodes fared even worse in the ratings: an average of 511,000 for the second episode, 380,000 for the third, and 339,000 for the fourth. It is not known how many people watched the subsequent programs, because the CIM (Centrum voor Informatie over de Media) only gives those figures for the 20 most-watched programs.
On April 10, 2006, Vanoudenhoven invaded the municipality of Gingelom, where he planned to declare the independence of Robland. On the day of this event, the army of Robland posted flyers all over the village and gave pamphlets to the local population with roughly the following text (for the translation, I am grateful to Mr. Peter Geelen): “Gingelom becomes Robland. The moment you read this, you will be occupied. From today Gingelom will be under the authority of king Rob I. But don't panic, because we come in peace. You are therefore welcome to go on with what you were doing — unless it is something illegal of course, because that is not allowed. For the time being everything will remain the same, only the name of the village will change immediately. Not only does Gingelom sound like a word from an infant rhyme, it is also totally unpronounceable for our friends in the province of West-Vlaanderen...That's why I, king Rob I, rebaptize Gingelom officially to Robland. Because of this, you are from now on a Robiaan. We expect you to behave yourself: be pleasant to everyone, courteous in traffic and see that your armpits are always neatly washed. Shortly we will hold a speech which will clear up everything. Should you nevertheless still have some questions, you can ask them afterwards.” Gingelom's Web-site was also temporarily hacked. After some days, the leader of Robland was deliberately “arrested” by the police. He then decided to establish his kingdom in a small part of the community of Wijgmaal (in Leuven), where most of the “Robianen” reside (almost every inhabitant of Wijgmaal is purportedly a citizen of Robland). The size of this territory is about 1.5 square kilometers.
On April 20th, King Rob sent an official declaration of independence to the Belgian Prime Minister, Guy Verhofstadt. On April 23rd, the all-female government of Robland was introduced; some of the offbeat offices included Minister of Public Health and Gastronomy, Minister of Environment and Intimacy, Minister of Male Affairs and Other Small Domestic Animals, Minister of Agriculture and Relaxation. That same day, Robland's poetic constitution was adopted. The laws of Robland were announced on April 30th. Its Head of State also attempted to gain recognition from the United Nations. He had a meeting with Shashi Tharoor (Under-Secretary-General for Communications and Public Information) on May 27th, but his mission was not successful. King Rob's next step was to buy a part of the moon from the Lunar Embassy (“the official founders and leaders of the extraterrestrial real estate market”) and to parcel this land out to the citizens of Robland. Its flag was designed by kindergarteners. Its anthem was composed by Vanoudenhoven's personal friends.
The Robbie is the official currency of Robland. The May 28th edition of De Robkrant (one of the Internet “newspapers” that focuses on Robland; another well-known one is the Het Robiaans Nieuws) recounts an important event from episode #5, in which King Rob decided that his micro-nation was in need of its own coinage. He then spoke with his good friend Raf (a banker), who suggested that they issue 50,000 pieces. The undated Robbie, which bears an image of Koning Rob I, was indeed made available as of May 8th, and could be purchased at any branch of Dexia Bank, by any of its clients as well by any Robiaan. I obtained a few of these pieces from Mr. Paul Van Mechelen and Mr. Peter Geelen. Images of the Robbie can be viewed at the Coin Library of the USNS:
http://www.usns.info/coin-robland.html

KINGDOM OF ROMKERHALL: Located in Okertal, a narrow valley surrounded by high mountains within the slate-and-granite highland region of Oberharz (Upper Harz), in Germany's Niedersachsen (Lower Saxony) state. Romkerhall, named after a small river, the Romke, is in the administrative district of Braunschweig and the county of Goslar. Originally a hunting lodge, it was built in the 19th century by King George V, and the property belonged to his Kingdom of Hanover. He refused to support Prussia in the Austro-Prussian War (1866), and consequently lost his kingship. This monarchy was annexed in 1871 by Prussia as a province, until the German Empire came to an end in 1918. The current owner is Baron Walter Lechner (a former architect), who purchased this former princely estate after a fire. He claims that the surrounding territory was forgotten about and never formally attached to a particular parish; the mistake was repeated in 1970, whence it again went unassigned after a general reformation/regional reorganization of the parishes. He took advantage of this opportunity by attracting Princess Erina von Sachsen, Duchess to Saxonia, to his miniscule piece of municipality-free, independent land. She, married to Prince Thimo (grandchild of the last king of Saxony, Friedrich-August III, who was deposed in the aftermath of World War I), was enthroned as acting Queen in 1988; on that same day, his establishment was proclaimed the “world's smallest Kingdom”. Since then, Romkerhall has been the cause of continuous quarrels between the Baron and the German government and its aristocracy. In terms of marketing, the Baron attempts to lure tourists to the premises by offering to host several types of services for the celebration of special occasions (birthdays, anniversaries, baptisms, confirmations), not the least of which are fancy weddings, conducted in Romkerhall's audience hall. The Baron sells/confers titles of nobility to worthy individuals; and he has received some publicity by allegedly listing, as a steeply price-tagged gag, his Königreich on eBay first for $37 million, and then for the even more exorbitant sum of $60 million.
From Baron Christian Gross (k-i-v@gmx.de), I purchased their 1, 5, and 10 Königsthaler coins (though dated 1988, they were actually struck in 2005, by the firm Kunst- und Gewerbering, in Halsbrücke), as well as a Queen Erina commemorative Thaler (though dated 1998, actually handmade by Baron Gross in 2005). These pieces are available in issues of tin, silver, 24-karat gold-plated silver, and pure gold (in the same series, there is an additional ½ Königsthaler piece). Unexpectedly, Baron Gross also sent me a hand-stamped 5 Königsthaler tin coin, dated (and actually from) 1988.
The gentleman who first brought the Romkerhall coinage to my attention is Dom Klaus Schlapps (First Councilor and President of the Regency of Lomar; for more information about Lomar, please refer to my previous listing regarding the Regency and its coinage). At one point, he had been entrusted with the role of official numismatic middle-man between Romkerhall and coin collectors at-large (outside of Germany), and his charities were to receive a donation for each of his sales. According to him, these coins (he was probably referring to the ones stamped by hand) “are all strucked on a primitive Mint,” and each one differs a little. “They are only made by order. They can be used within the Kingdom (Hotel, Restaurant, Touristshop etc.) as legal tender.”
Their Web-site, where a few of the coins can be seen, is:
http://www.koenigreich-romkerhall.de/
Images of most of the coins from Romkerhall can be viewed at the site of Mr. Haseeb Naz’s private collection:
http://chiefacoins.com/Database/Micro-Nations/Romkerhall.htm

ROYAL HAWAIIAN MINT: This coin-producing entity “was founded with the first economic research paper ‘To Know Value’ issued on September 11, 1974 by Bernard von NotHaus.” Originally called The NotHaus Mint, its name was changed in 1976 to The Hawaiian Mint and altered again in 1985 to the Royal Hawaiian Mint. “Almost from the very beginning of the Mint, von NotHaus was drawn to create a new currency for Hawaii.” This initial aim was to include paper money. At its operational height, the RHM had seven different locations, with a main branch in Honolulu. In my personal communications with him, von NotHaus stated that he eventually “did over 700 issues in 25 years as Mintmaster”. During his longstanding quest, he conducted extensive reviews of various economic models, currencies, and financial systems, interspersed with a series of pecuniary experiments. His design process, development, and research continued until 1997, culminating in “a pet project” called the Hawaiian Sovereign Currency; this was a full-fledged proposal which was meant to exemplify a law-abiding, value-backed currency. But shortly thereafter, he devised NORFED and his blueprints “morphed” into a new undertaking, the Liberty Dollar (for more detailed information about this coinage, please refer to my foregoing NORFED listing, in which the story picks up where this one leaves off). Von NotHaus leased the RHM to Polynesian Resources Incorporated when he retired in 1999. For the next five years, they produced very few items under the RHM banner. Even though von NotHaus had stepped down from the company he had started, this is not to say he left the numismatic scene altogether. Far from it! “Since that time he has devoted his time and money to the Liberty Dollar that is dedicated providing Americans with a currency that will protect them from the collapsing US dollar.” Von NotHaus audaciously refers to his Liberty Dollar as “a philanthropic project.” In 2007, the RHM — including its premises and equipment — was leased to Bud and Jackie Gregory (both with the firm Pacific Mills), who began to issue pieces under the RHM hallmark and who now operate the Mint in Honolulu. “Currently, Bud has a new Mint building [a ‘$4 million facility’] under construction that you will be able to visit when its complete”. The “Royal Hawaiian Mint remains true to its original motto: ‘Dedicated to preserving Hawaiiana in precious metals.’” Furthermore, along with the husband-and-wife team, Bernard von NotHaus is once again involved in producing pieces for the RHM. The official Web-site of the Hawaii Dala (now “a Liberty Dollar private label issue”) is: http://www.hawaiidala.com/.
Sometime in 2007, von NotHaus “found an envelope with his first sketch for the Hawaiian paper money, postmarked Honokaa 1977! He quickly realized it was the 30th anniversary and decided to issue the first $1 Hawaii Dala paper currency.” These Certificates/Warehouse Receipts would serve to complement the RHM’s silver coinage: “the Hawaii Dala — a new private voluntary barter currency (kala) that is 100% backed and 100% redeemable in pure gold and silver. It is a money that cannot be inflated. In fact the Hawaii Dala is ‘inflation proof.’ While the US dollar is destined to depreciate in value as the federal government grows the National Debt, the Hawaii Dala will appreciate in value, thereby protecting your purchasing power. Which would you rather have: A money that depreciates or one that appreciates? Would you rather have a golden future or permanent debt? The Hawaii Dala — the local kala for kama’ainas [residents].” The currency “is as beautiful and valuable as the ideals it represents. The new kala — protects Hawaii and your money — one dala at a time.” In the hopes of creating “a strong local economy for everyone’s advantage”, von NotHaus attempted to promote the Hawaii Dala as a local currency (a “local kala”), which “functions dollar-for-dollar with the US dollar so the ‘unit of account’ is identical and it is just as easy to use as the US dollar.” Von NotHaus asked: “Why should a business be involved with the Hawaii Dala? Because it is good for business and customers. The Hawaii Dala is local currency designed to support and grow the local business community. This is accomplished by educating the local residents and visitors about the value of a local currency. As shoppers become aware that the Hawaii Dala maintains its purchasing power as the US Dollars depreciates, shoppers begin to make a conscious choice to use Hawaii Dalas wherever and whenever possible. After all, the Hawaii Dala is just another form of money. The Primary Distributors garner support from its members by offering the Hawaii Dala with a commission to their members who voluntarily choose to participate. It doesn’t matter how large or small the business is because each business determines how many Hawaii Dalas to accept per transaction. By accepting the Hawaii Dala, the business owner makes a positive community statement acknowledging he wants to preserve the customers’ and their own purchasing power.”
Von NotHaus is also continuing to write and assemble for publication a book entitled Waifs in Gold Boots, covering the first 25 years of the Royal Hawaiian Mint and its issues, beginning with the first piece that von Nothaus and his partner, Telle Presley, struck in 1974. Von NotHaus said the book will be illustrated with the nearly 750 different issues from the RHM.
From Hawaiian Islands Stamp & Coin (owned by Don Medcalf), I purchased 3 RHM silver coins: a 1988 Hawaii Dala, a 1991 Princess Kaiulani Dala, and a 1991 Honolulu Dala. More recently, on eBay, I found a bronze Mahalo Dala, dated 1993 (this is one of the few pieces that has the name “Royal Hawaiian Mint”, as opposed to merely its miniaturized initials, boldly displayed on the coin).

ROYAL HOUSE OF BOURBON OF THE TWO SICILIES,
SACRED MILITARY CONSTANTINIAN ORDER OF ST. GEORGE:

These 1 Euro coins were issued by Knight Arturo Arcellaschi to commemorate the visit to Como, in April of 2000, by their majesties LL.AA.RR. Charles and Camilla di Borbone delle Due Sicilie, Duke and Duchess of Calabria, who delivered the labarum (an ecclesiastical banner/military standard/flag of victory created by Emperor Constantine I; it displays the first 2 Greek letters of Christ's name, and is sometimes referred to as His “monogram”) to the Delegation of Como and presented the insignia to the newly-appointed knights. These bi-metallic coins were struck by the International Mint in Torino; the Borbone piece is dated 2000, but the Costantiniano piece is undated (their Euro-sides are almost identical to the one on the bi-metallic 2003 Padania 1 Euro). According to Mr. Walter Giuliani, 5 special gold/silver pieces were given “to the sovereigns, to bishop of Como, to the Big Teacher of the order and to Commander of Como.” I chanced upon a pair of the bronze/silver coins on eBay; bronze/cupro-nickel pieces also exist. The official Web-site of the Royal House is:
http://www.realcasadiborbone.it/index/index.htm
The site also houses a large section devoted to the Constantinian Order, which once belonged “to the Comneni family of Imperators of the Eastern Roman Empire”. They claim that “in the 18th century the Grand Magistero of the Order was inherited by the Head of the Royal House of Bourbon Two Sicilies.” More specifically, “several decrees issued between 1734 and 1861 made clear that the Grand Magistero of the Constantinian Order cannot be separated from the supremacy of the Royal House of the Two Sicilies.” Today, its Grand Master is His Royal Highness Prince Ferdinand (de jure, Ferdinand IV), Duke of Castro. One of his 3 children, HRH Prince Charles, is its Grand Prefect; this heir represents the Order and “has been personally managing” their activities. Not surprisingly, this is the topic of some controversy. It is an issue which “arose some time ago - which in reality is just a false problem...between the lineage of the Bourbon lawfully entitled to the Grand Magister of the Order — i.e. the Bourbon Two Sicilies — and a Prince of the Spanish Royal Family, who is claiming some rights over his entitlement to the Bourbon family of the Two Sicilies and therefore the Constantinian Order.” The question, they claim, “has been now peacefully solved: however, since the propaganda led by this prince could mix up the ideas of non experts and mislead others,” they supply “details on this matter and try to provide a clear and unquestionable explanation of the truth.” The non-Italian, “Spaniard arm” of the Constantinian Order has their own official Web-site:
http://www.constantinianorder.org/
ROYAL HOUSE OF SAVOY,
ORDER OF SAINTS MAURICE AND LAZARUS:

There's hardly anything significant to report about this particular twosome, except that they were produced by the International Mint, exactly like the previous duo. I purchased both of these 1 Euro pieces, which are made of silver and dated 2000, from Mr. Giuliani. The current head of the House of Savoy is HRH Prince Victor Emmanuel IV, Prince of Naples and twenty-sixth Duke of Savoy. There is a great deal of information about this House on the Internet; two interesting sites are:
http://www.savoydelegation-usa.org/
http://www.regalis.com/savoy.htm
The Ordine dei SS Maurizio e Lazzaro was created in 1572, when the Order of Saint Lazarus merged with the Order of Saint Maurice. Because it is a dynastic order of the Royal House of Savoy, the present Grand Master of this Order of Chivalry is Crown Prince Vittorio Emanuele (IV) of Italy. The official Web-site of the Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus is:
http://www.aicods.org/Savoia.htm
I found some interesting “facts” about the Order of St. Lazarus on a Web-site written by Mr. François R. Velde. After giving an extremely detailed history of the order, he points out that it was allowed to become extinct in 1814 and that it disappeared in the 1840s with the death of its last original knights. However, it was brought back to life in 1910 by a Frenchman named Paul Watrin (a knight in the Order of the Militia of Jesus-Christ), based on the supposition that the medieval order had survived the “temporary” 16th century melding. Since then, this neo-order (which apparently has no connection with the Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus) has been criticized as being a self-styled, 20th century private revival of a defunct order (partly because its unsavory rebirth involved a pair of “crooks”). Even though the activities of the current organization may be valuable and undeniably honorable, it appears as though the Italian government has placed this charitable fraternity on its official list of bogus orders. The Holy See has repeatedly stated, to this day, that it does not regard the present-day Order of Saint Lazarus (no matter how earnestly they attempt to carry on its intrinsic “tradition”) as the continuation of the historical order which bears that name. Also adhering to a strict definition of “legitimacy”, the Sovereign Military Order of Malta discourages its members from joining the Lazarists.
But according to Dom Klaus Schlapps (First Councilor and President of the Regency of Lomar; for more information about Lomar, please refer to my prior listing regarding the Regency and its coinage), who is a “Senior Chaplain of the Order in its Malta Obedience”, their “situation has changed since the majority of the Order is under the historic Patronage of the Royal House of France again and now has a licit fons honorum.” This Military and Hospitaller Order of St. Lazarus of Jerusalem contends that after the Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus was created, “it soon became nothing more than a distinction of the House of Savoy and after the unification of Italy, a state order in the gift of the Crown of Italy.” This is their site: http://www.oslj.org/E/index.html
Yet also claiming to be the OSLJ's “only official website” is: http://www.st-lazarus.net/world/menu.htm
Adding to the general confusion, there is a 3rd Lazarian site, which also happens to be offering an interesting silver “Sonderjeton (Special chip)”, dated 1993, made to mark the 20th anniversary of the St. Lazarus Volunteers, which “is the only recognized national relief organization within the Grand Bailiwick of Austria.” Issued by Casinos Austria AG, the piece is “a commemorative jeton (chip) worth 100 Austrian Shillings. This was the first time in the long history of the Order its arms are shown on a kind of coin.” I purchased the piece directly from their Grand Chancellor, Dr. Friedrich Schuberth (lazarus@aon.at); it can be viewed at:
http://www.oslj-international.org/Malta/Special_offers/sterlin.htm


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