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OROMIA Oral history and tradition clearly indicated that the Oromo people had always been members of an independent nation and lived under one central Gadaa leadership for several centuries. As discussed previously, Oromo was a free nation, led for a long period by a well-developed democratic and egalitarian political system. The people enjoyed a highly developed social system as well. Although it is known when their independence came to end, it is probably not so easy to determine when the nation came into being. The Oromo people, like any other group, grew and developed from a small single community of people to a large one, which in turn sub-divided into two or more further small communities, and so on. This is a natural historical phenomenon the dialectical development of societies. As the Oromo population grew, they spread over a large area. Today they are found from Rayya in southern-eastern Tigray in the north to Borana in the south and from Hararge in the east to Wallagga in the west and beyond. Even then, all Oromo communities had a single socialpolitical system, the Gadaa, by which they ordered their daily life. At time they formed a loose confederation of various groups who were culturally a homogeneous group sharing common political and legal institution based on the Gadaa system. This was because people living in this vast stretch of land could not be led effectively by a single leader, mainly because of the absence of effective communication. Gradually the lack of communication and single leadership led to an uneven development in the social and political life in the various parts of Oromia. About the end of the eighteenth century this difference became evident. The major factors that gradually weakened the Gadaa as an economic. social and political driving force in the Oromo society have been presented in the last chapter. Several communities, where these factors were not yet operating effectively, for example in central, southern and eastern Oromia, continued to be led by the Gadaa, until finally taken over by Abyssinian colonial set up. The Gadaa rule around Harar was weakened by the Turko-Egyptian occupation. However in several communities in the north, southwest and west some of the Abbaa Duuias usurped the power of the Gadaa officials. Some of these Abbaa Duulas gradually became richer and more powerful and gained influence over the rest and named themselves "mootii" (kings). They then were able to provide the political and military leadership necessary for the emergence of small centralized monarchical state. In Yejju and Wallo, ruling families (dynasties) of Warra Sheika and Warra Hemanu respectively were found already in 1700, (Gabre Selassie, 1975). The last ruler of Wallo was Ali Abbaa Bula, who left two widows, the queens Mastawit, and Warqitu who were continuously at battle with Kasa (latter Emperor Yohannes IV) of Tigray in the north, Tewodros in the north-west and west and Shawa kings in the south. By the first quarter of the nineteenth century, more than nine independent monarchial Oromo states had gradually emerged or were in the process of emerging, mainly in the south-west and west. The most highly developed and well documented of these states were the five Gibe States. These states were clustered together in the areas bounded by the valleys of the Gojab, Gibe and Dhidheessa rivers. These were: Limmu, Guuma, Gomma, Geera and Jimma. Limmu was formed first in 1800, followed by Guuma and Gomma, in 1810 and 1820 respectively. Jimma was formed in 1830 and Geera a little bit later, (Hassen, 1983). They all shared very similar political and administrative organizations. It was a hereditary monarchy with succession in the primogeniture line. The eldest son born from the first wife succeeded his father. In the kingdoms, the mootii (king) held supreme administrative, military and judicial authority. But the Oromo kings were not typical "divine" kings like their neighbours, (Lewis, 1965). The Oromos may have borrowed a few stylistic elements of kingship from their neighbours mainly Kafa, with whom they later had marriage relations, but the basic traits of Oromo kingship remained different. The Oromo attitude towards their kings contrasted sharply with that of their neighbours like the Kafa, Sidama and Abyssinians. Oromo kings were not sacred or veiled and their lives were not clothed in taboo. The kings could be seen, talked to, loved or hated, depending on their characters, by their citizens. This was in sharp contrast to the Abyssinian demand of obeisance and self-abasement, including kissing of the feet. However, some of them were despots and harsh on their subjects. The Oromo kingdoms according to Lewis (1 965) and other authorities, were quite distinctive in their political structures compared to the non-Oromo states surrounding them. The main differences were firstly, the system of appointment to office was based on merit and capability, regardless of background. Even appointment of relatives of the king was by no means automatic. There was no correlation between kin groups and office except, of course, for the eldest son who succeeded the father. This contrasted sharply with other non-Oromo kingdoms. Secondly, for example in contrast to Kafaa and Abyssinia, private armies and independent collection of taxes were non-existent. Administration was centralized and organized by ministries rather than chiefs. Below the Prime Minister the government branched into military, economic, judicial, religious affairs and regional administration. Members of the royal family, including the women, took part in the state administration. These features reflect that the Gadaa tradition had certainly influence the type of political organizations of the kingdoms. Clearly, underlying much of this structure were certain aspects of the traditional Oromo sociopolitical organization, the Gadaa. It seems that the Gadaa system was modified to accommodate dynastic inheritance. Among the important officials of the kingdoms were the prime minister (abbaa gurmuu), the treasurer and minister of foreign affairs (abbaa mizan), the immigration chief (dango) who controlled those entering and leaving the country, the ambassador (iammi), the governor (abbaa qoroo), the governor of sub-provinces (abbaa gandaa), the tax judge (abbaa funyoo or abbaa buusii) and the murder judge (abbaa jigaa). Militarily, each kingdom was surrounded by multiple lines of natural and artificially constructed defences. At selected points, the defences were marked by a number of gates, the kellaa, guarded by cavalry unit commanded by the abbaa keiiaa, who authorized entry and exit and gave warning in the event of approaching enemy. As such there was no standing army. In time of war all ablebodied men were called for service by the king. However, the state maintained small body-guards (abbaa qoroo qawwee), cavalry for border guards and infantry units to enforce taxation. The Gibe states, although small, were agriculturally prosperous and including mining and cottage industries as the basis of their economy. They were all agricultural countries producing chiefly cotton, coffee, cereals, spices and root crops together with raising cattle, sheep, goats, etc. The chief sources of revenue were taxation of trade routes, export of coffee, musk, wax, skin, goods from horn, honey, tusks and gold. The slave trade was introduced later to most of the states. In return they imported salt bars (amoolee), cloth, beads and metal-ware such as copper. The main trade routes of the Oromo states extended to Warra Hemanu in Wallo, Gore, Harar, Zeyia and Tajura. With the expansion of the Shawa kingdom under Sahie Selassie and with the introduction of firearms into the Abyssinian area, the Oromo states were cut off from these trade routes. They opened a new trade route through Gojjam by crossing the Blue Nile, but this served only for a short time. The level of manufacturing was very high in the Oromo states as compared to the neighbouring communities and kingdoms. As Beke (1843) wrote, "the inhabitants (of the Gibe region) enjoyed the reputation of being the most civilized ... and manufacturing flourished here in a higher degree than elsewhere in this quarter of Africa. I have seen daggers with well wrought blades and ivory handles very elegantly inlaid with silver, as well as clothes with ornamental borders, brought from Enarea (Limmu), such as one would in vain look for in Abyssinia. But it may be remarked that throughout the Galia country .... the state of manufacture is superior to that of Abyssinia". Similarly Nordfeidt (1935) wrote of the fine and elegant manufacture of utensils, containers, ivory and horn work, weavings and baskets and indicated that these were part of highly developed indigenous culture and technology. In other areas of south-western Oromia, similar centralized states were beginning to evolve, although these were less advanced. These were located in Guduru, Leeqaa Qeiiem and Leeqaa Naqamte. Jote Tuiiu of Leeqaa Qeiiem and the Bakare family of Leeqaa Naqamte managed to create relatively larger political units just before the colonization. In central Oromia the Guilaile had the royal family of Tufa Odaa, (Cerulli, 1922). But there is very little available information on this or others. In the east, Harar became an independent city-state in early 1600 and remained so until the Turko-Egyptian occupation in 1875 (Caulk, 1977). After the Turko-Egyptian occupation ended in 1885 the city regained its independence until it was occupied by Menilek in 1887. The Oromo communities in the surrounding area, mainly the Arfan-Qailo (the four sons of Qaiio) - Oborra, Ala, Noole and Babile - had lived in confederation with a common assembly according to the Gadaa system. They had also participated directly or indirectly, at one time or another, in the politics of the city-state, Harar. At the occupation of Harar by Egyptian, Rauf Pasha, the commander, used his considerable military might to force the Oromo communities surrounding Harar - about 40-60 km radius to accept Islam and pay taxes. At one time Pasha invited the Oromo leaders to the city and massacred them in cold blood (Hassen, 1979). Several other leaders who resisted Egyptian rule were mercilessly massacred. This led to leadership crises and the fall of the Oromo confederation, government of Raaba Doorii, and the weakening of the Gadaa system in the area. This was again further weakened through the Abyssinian occupation. Before the Abyssinian conquest many of these Oromo kingdoms were fighting among themselves and neighbouring Oromo confederacies who were also fighting among themselves for more power. For instance in Western Oromia, Guuma, Limmu, Gomma and Jimma confederated as "arfan naggaadota" (the four merchants) against Leeqaa Billoo, Leeqaa Hordaa, Leeqaa Naqamte and Noole Kaabbaa as "arfan Oromootaa" (the four Oromos). At the battle of Qumbi and Geedo near Dhidheessa, arfan Oromootaa won (Ceruili, 1922). There were several similar instances of fighting among other Oromo groups. However, it should be noted that fightings among Oromo communities did not result in the winners appropriating land from the losers. Hultin (1977) had this to say: "in feuds it was impossible for the winning party to expropriate land from the defeated; there was a recognition of some sort of mystical bond between man and land and that this could not be changed even by force. In wars with non-Oromos such as bond was not considered But such infightings had made their cooperation against Abyssinian invasion quite impossible. It even weakened their individual efforts against invaders. It is important to note here that most of the fightings among Oromo were instigated by the enemy for its own advantages, through the "divide and conquer" tactic. At this point, the scramble for Africa by European colonial powers and Abyssinia disrupted the process. If left alone, these forces might have led to a second phase of Oromo unity and the emergence of a modern unitary nation-state since this process was a common phenomenon and similar social, economic and political evolutions were taking place in other parts of the world around this time. For instance the Abyssinian kingdoms of Gondar, Tigre, Gojjam and Shawa, after centuries of independent existence, were united by Emperor Tewodros only between 1855 and 1865. The developments that were about to take place in Oromia can also be compared with the process of state formation, for instance in Germany and Italy during this period. The petty German kingdoms, some 38 of them, were united into one state only in 1871. Similarly the Italian petty kingdoms, about eight or so, were united and formed a single modern state only in 1890. But it was at this very crucial juncture that outside forces from the north, Abyssinians, arrived with war weaponry unmatched in the region in number and sophistication. To defend their independence, many of the Oromo kingdoms and confederations formed leagues to fight the advancing Abyssinian force. For instance, in the West a confederation was formed among the Oromo of Nonnoo Roggee, Nonnoo Migira, Leeqaa Billo, Leeqaa Hordaa, Leeqaa Sibuu, Limmu and Jimma Gudayaa. In the battle between this Oromo confederation army and the colonial force, at a place called Guraa Doobbaa in Bunayyaa near Waamaa river, the colonial army was badly defeated, (Cerulli, 1922). The Abyssinian army led by Tessemma Nado, was pursued as far as Gudar river. At this point traitors like Gobana of Tuilama, Moroda of Leeqaa Naqamte and Mastawit of Wallo came to the aid of Tessemma. After several years of bitter wars this Oromo confederacy was defeated. Further west, Jote Tuiiu of Leeqaa Qeiiem and Noole Kaabbaa, Wachu Dabaloo of Sibuu Ganti and leaders of Sibuu Waambaraa, Shinasha (Sincho) and other Oromo communities formed a league to fight the advancing Ethiopian force. These Oromo leaders requested assistance from the Sudanese and got it, (Fawzi, 1901 cited by Gabre Selassie, 1975). They also made a treaty with Emir Khaiil (the Mahdist). The forces of the league and the Sudanese who came to their aid fought against the advancing Abyssinian force led by none other than Gobana and other local traitors such as Moroda and his brother, Amante. After prolonged and bitter fighting at a place called Sombo Darro, between Gimbi and Nejjo, the Oromo force was overwhelmed and faced defeat. By the beginning of 1900 all of the kingdoms were occupied or paying tribute to Meniiek. During and at the end of the occupation process, Meniiek wiped out the royal families and officials of these kingdoms and confederacies who fought against him but rewarded the traitors and their kin by restoring them to their respective areas or giving them larger areas to rule at least temporarily. Of course they were no longer kings but governors under Meniiek. The Oromo are one of the Kushitic speaking groups of people with variations in colour and physical characteristics ranging from Hamitic to Nilotic. A brief look at the early history of some of the peoples who have occupied north-eastern Africa sheds some light on the ethnic origin of Oromo. The Kushitic speakers have inhabited north-eastern and eastern Africa for as long as recorded history. The land of Kush, Nubia or the ancient Ethiopia in middle and lower Nile is the home of the Kushitic speakers. It was most probably from there that they subsequently dispersed and became differentiated into separate linguistic and cultural groups. The various Kushitic nations inhabiting north-east and east Africa today are the result of this dispersion and differentiation. The Oromo form one of those groups which spread southwards and then east and west occupying large part of the Horn of Africa. Their physical features, culture, language and other evidences unequivocally point to the fact that they are indigenous to this part of Africa. Available information clearly indicates that the Oromo existed as a community of people for thousands of years in East Africa (Prouty at al, 1981). Bates (1979) contends, "The Gallas (Oromo) were a very ancient race, the indigenous stock, perhaps, on which most other peoples in this part of eastern Africa have been grafted". In spite of the fact that there are several indications and evidences that Oromo are indigenous to this part of Africa, Abyssinian rulers, court historians and monks contend that Oromo were new corners to the region and did not belong here. For instance the Abyssinian court historian, Alaqa Taye (1 955), alleged that in the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries the Oromo migrated from Asia and Madagascar, entered Africa via Mombasa and spread north and eastwards. Others have advocated that during the same period the Oromo crossed the Red Sea via Bab el Mandab and spread westwards. Abyssinian clergies even contended that Oromo emerged from water. On this issue, based on the points made in The Oromo's Voice Against Tyranny, Baxter (1 985) remarked, "... the contention that the first Oromo had actually emerged from water and therefore, had not evolved to the same level of humanity as the Amhara (i.e. treating a myth of origin as a historical fact); or, more seriously, that Oromo were late corners to Ethiopia and hence, by implication, intruders and not so entitled to be there as the Amhara" The history of the arrival of the Oromo people in the sixteenth century in East Africa from outside is a fabrication and denial of historical facts. it is a myth created by Abyssinian court historians and monks, sustained by their European supporters and which the Ethiopian rulers used to lay claim on Oromo territory and justify their colonization of the Oromo people. Several authorities have indicated that the Oromo were in fact in the North-eastern part of the continent even before the arrival of the Habasha. According to Perham (1948): "the emigrant Semites landed . in a continent of which the North-East appears to have been inhabited by the eastern groups of Hamites, often called Kushites, who also include the Gallas." Paulitschke (1889) indicated that Oromo were in East Africa during the Aksumite period. As recorded by Greenfield (1965), Oromo reject the view that they were late arrivals, "... old men amongst the Azebu and Rayya Galla dismiss talk of their being comparative newcomers....... Their own (Abyssinians) oral history and legends attest to the fact that Oromo have been living in Rayya for a long time. Beke (cited by Pankurst, 1985-86) quoted the following Lasta legend: "Menilek, the son of Solomon, ... entered Abyssinia from the East, beyond the country of the Raia (Rayya) or Azebo Gallas...... There are also evidence (Greenfield et al, 1980) that at least by the ninth and tenth centuries that there were Oromo communities around Shawa and by about the fourteenth century settlements were reported around Lake Tana. The recent discovery, (Lynch and Robbins, 1978), in northern Kenya of the pillars that Oromo used in the invention of their calendar system, dated around 300 B.C., is another indication that Oromo have a long history of presence as a community of people, in this part of Africa. The so called 'Galla invasion of Ethiopia' is also a tale. It was first written around 1590 by a monk called Bahrey and henceforth European historians and others almost invariably accepted this story as a fact. From his writing, it is evident that he was biased against Oromo. The following quotation from Bahrey, (in Beckingham et al, 1954), vividly illustrates typical Abyssinian cultural, religious and racial biases against Oromo. He began his book "The History of the Galla": "I have begun to write the history of the Galla in order to make known the number of their tribes, their readiness to kill people, and the brutality of their manners. If anyone should say of my subject, 'Why has he written a history of a bad people, just as one would write a history of good people', I would answer by saying 'Search in the books, and you will find that the history of Mohamed and the Moslem kings has been written, and they are our enemies in religion...... In fact it appears that the main purpose of his writing was to encourage Abyssinians against Oromo. Bahrey, Atseme, Harris, Haberland and others description of what they called the 'Galla invasion of Ethiopia' as an avalanche, a sudden overwhelming human wave which could be likened to a flood or swarms of migratory locust is unrealistic and difficult to imagine to say the least. The Oromo's Voice Against Tyranny argued that: "... the so-called Galla invasion of the sixteenth century was neither an invasion nor a migration. It was rather a national movement of the Oromo people ... with the specific goal of liberating themselves and their territories from colonial occupation. It was nothing more or less than a war of national liberation." In fact the last 2000 years were occupied with a gradual expansion of Abyssinians from north to south. This expansion had been checked throughout by Oromo. It was only with the arrival of Europeans and their firearms that Abyssinians succeeded in their southward expansion mainly in the middle of last century. Abyssinian and European historians alleged that there was a sudden population explosion in the Oromo community in the sixteenth century that enabled it to invade Ethiopia. The claim lacks a scientific base. During that time no significant, if at all any, technological development such as discoveries or introductions of medicines, new and improved tools for food production, etc. took place in the Oromo community that could have been the cause for the sudden population explosion. The Oromo community had no advantages of these sort over neighbouring communities. Different areas have been indicated as place where the Oromo developed or differentiated into its own unique community of people or ethnic group (Braukamper, 1 980). According to some ethnologists and historians, the Oromo country of origin was the south-eastern part of Oromia, in the fertile valley of Madda Walaabu in the present Baale region. This conclusion was reached mainly on the basis of Oromo oral tradition. Based on scanty anthropological evidence, others have also pointed to the coastal area of the Horn of Africa, particularly the eastern part of the Somali peninsula, as the most probable place of Oromo origin. Bruce, an English traveller, indicated that Sennar in Sudan was the Oromo country of origin and that they expanded from there. It should be noted here that many European travellers have suggested the origin of peoples, including Oromo, to be where they met some for the first time, which in most cases happened to be peripheral areas. There are several groups of people in East Africa very closely related to the Oromo. For instance, the Somalis are very similar in appearance and culture. The fact that the Somali and Oromo languages share between 30 percent and 40 percent of their vocabulary could be an indication that these two groups of people became differentiated very recently. Other Cushitic-speaking groups living in the same neighbourhood who are closely related to the Oromo are Konso, Afar, Sidama, Kambata, Darassa, Agaw, Saho, Baja and other groups. The Oromo are also known by another name, Galla. The people neither call themselves or like to be called by this name. They always called themselves Oromoo or Oromoota (plural). It is not known for certain when the name Galla was given to them. It has been said that it was given to them by neighbouring peoples, particularly Amhara, and various origins of the word have been suggested. Some say it originated from the Oromo word 'galaana' meaning river in Oromiffa. Others indicate that it came from an Arabic word 'qaala laa'. There are other similar suggestions as to the origin of the word. The Abyssinians attach a derogatory connotation to the Galla, namely 'pagan, savage, uncivilized, uncultured, enemy, slave or inherently inferior". The term seems to be aimed at generating an inferiority complex in the Oromo. Oromo have several clans (gosa, qomoo). The Oromo are said to be of two major groups or moieties descended from the two 'houses' (wives) of the person Oromo represented by Borana and Barentu (Barenttuma). Borana was senior (angafa) and Barentu junior (qutisu). Such a dichotomy is quite common in Oromo society and serves some aspects of their political and social life. The descendants of Borana and Barentu form the major Oromo clans and sub-clans. They include Borana, Macha, Tuullama, Wallo, Garrii, Gurraa, Arsi, Karrayyu, Itu, Ala, Qalloo, Anniyya, Tummugga or Marawa, Orma, Akkichuu, Liban, Jile, Gofa, Sidamo, Sooddo, Galaan, Gujii and many others. However, in reality there is extensive overlap in the area they occupy and their community groups. And since marriage among Oromo occurs only between different clans there was high degree of homogeneity.
Oromo have a very rich culture, fostered by the size of the population and large land areas with diverse climatic conditions. One highly developed self-sufficient system which has influenced every aspect of Oromo life is the Gadaa system. It is a system that organizes the Oromo society into groups or sets (about 7-11) that assume different responsibilities in the society every eight years. It has guided the religious, social, political and economic life of Oromo for many years, and also their philosophy, art, history and method of time-keeping. The activities and life of each society are guided by Gadaa. it is the law of the society, a system by which Oromo administer, defend their territory and rights, maintain and guard their economy and through which all their aspirations are fulfilled. The Gadaa system has served as the basis of democratic and egalitarian political system. Under it the power to administer the affairs of the nation and the power to make laws belong to the people. Every male member of the society who is of age and of Gadaa grade has full rights to elect and to be elected. All the people have the right to air their views in any public gathering without fear. There follows a brief description of how the Gadaa system works: there are two well-defined ways of classifying male members of the society, that is the hiriyya (members of an age-set all born within the period of one Gadaa rule of eight years) and Gadaa grade. The Gadaa grades (stages of development through which a Gadaa class passes) differ in number (7-1 1) and name in different parts of Oromia although the functions are the same. The following are the Gadaa grades:- 1. Dabballee (0-8 years of age) 2. Folle or Gamme Titiqaa (8-16 years of age) 3. Qondaala or Gamme Gurgudaa (1 6-24 years of age) 4. Kuusa (24-32 years of age) 5. Raaba Doorii (32-40 years of age) 6. Gadaa (40-48 years of age) 7. Yuba I (48-56 years of age) 8. Yuba II (56-64 years of age) 9. Yuba III (64-72 years of age) 10. Gadamojjii (72-80 years of age) 11. Jaarsa (80 and above years of age)We will briefly describe the duties of a Gadaa class as it passes through the above grades. The Dabballee are sons of the Gadaa class who are in power, the Luba. They are boys up to 8 years of age. Thus this is a stage of childhood. Upon reaching their eighth year, they enter the Folle grade. At this age they are allowed to go further away from their villages and to perform fight work. At 16 years old, they enter the Qondaala. They may now go long distances to hunt and perform heavy work. Three years before the Qondaala ends, those of the Gadaa class come together and nominate the future group leaders (hayyu council) who eventually will constitute its presidium and thereby the executive, judicial and ritual authorities. The final election is preceded by an often lengthy campaign of negotiations. After nomination, the candidates tour the region accompanied by their supporters to win the backing of the people before election. The individuals will be elected on the basis of wisdom, bravery, health and physical fitness. In the Kuusa grade, the previously elected leaders are formally installed in office, although they do not yet assume full authority except in their own group. This is one of the most important events in the life of the individual and the Gadaa system over all. In the next grade, Raaba Doorii, members are allowed to marry. This and the Kuusa grade constitute a period of preparation for the assumption of full authority. At the end of this period the class members enter Luba or Gadaa, the most important class of the whole system, attain full status, and take up their position as the ruling Gadaa class. At this stage the system comes to a stop momentarily and all men move to the proceeding class vacating the last class which is the immediately occupied by a new class of youth who thus begin their ascent of the system's ladder. The former ruling class, the Luba, now becomes Yuba. The Yubas, after passing through three separate eight-year periods, are transferred to the Gadamojjii class. Then they enter the final grade called Jaarsa and retire completely. As described briefly above, when the Oromo man passes from one stage to the next, his duties and way of life in society change. For instance, during the grades of Qondaala, Kuusa and Raaba Doorii, the individuals learn war tactics, Oromo history, politics, ritual, law and administration over a period of 24 years. When they enter the Gadaa class or Luba at the age of about 40 years, they have already acquired all necessary knowledge to handle the responsibility of administering the country and the celebration of rituals. It ends with partial retirement of the whole group of elders to an advisory and judiciary capacity. The following are the Gadaa officials and their duties according to the Tuullama Gadaa practice: 1. Abbaa Bokku - President 2. Abbaa Bokku - First Vice-President 3. Abbaa Bokku - Second Vice-President 4. Abbaa Chaffe - Chairman of the Assembly (Chaffe) 5. Abbaa Dubbi - Speaker who presents the decision of the presidium to the Assembly 6. Abbaa Seera - Memorizer of the laws and the results of the Assembiy's deliberations. 7. Abbaa Alanga - Judge who executes the decision 8. Abbaa Duuia - In charge of the army 9. Abbaa Sa'a - In charge of the economy
Thus, the entire presidium consists of
nine members, called "Salgan Yaa'ii Borana" (nine of the
Borana assembly). The Abbaa Bokkus are the chief officials. (Bokku is a
wooden or metal sceptre, a sign of authority kept by the Abbaa Bokku,
the president). The Abbaa Bokkus have counsellors and assistants called
Hayyus who are delegated from the lower assemblies.
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