CAMPANELLA, TOMMASO

"("tōm–mä̔;zō kämpänĕl̔;lä")", 1568–1639, Italian Renaissance philosopher and writer. He entered the Dominican order at the age of 15, and although he was frequently in trouble with the authorities, he never left the church. Imprisoned in 1599 on the grounds that he was plotting against the Spanish rule of Naples, he was released in 1626 on the representation of Pope Urban VIII. His best-known work is Civitas solis ( 1623, tr. The City of the Sun), an account of a utopian society that closely follows the pattern of Plato's Republic. Although he retained much of scholasticism and insisted on the preeminence of faith in matters of theology, he emphasized perception and experiment as the media of science. His importance, like that of Francis Bacon and Bruno, depends largely on his anticipation of what came to be the scientific attitude of empiricism. For his Civitas solis, see Henry Morley, ed., Ideal Commonwealths ( 1890).

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IDEAL COMMONWEALTHS
PLUTARCH'S LYCURGUS MORE'S UTOPIA BACON'S NEW ATLANTIS CAMPANELLA'S CITY OF THE SUN AND A FRAGMENT OF HALL'S MUNDUS ALTER ET IDEM

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY HENRY MORLEY LL.D., LATE PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE AT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON

EIGHTH EDITION

LONDON GEORGE ROUTLEDGE AND SONS, LIMITED BROADWAY, LUDGATE HILL 1899

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MORLEY'S UNIVERSAL LIBRARY.

1. Sheridan's Plays.

35. De Quincey's Confessions of an Opium-Eater, &c.

2. Plays from Molière By English Dramatists.

36. Stories of Ireland. By Miss
EDGEWORTH.

3. Marlowe's Faustus and Goethe's Faust.

37. Frere's Aristophanes: Acharnians, Knights, Birds.

4. Chronicle of the Cid.

38. Burke's Speeches and Letters.

5. Rabelais' Gargantua and the Heroic Deeds of Pantagruel.

39. Thomas à Kempis.

6. Machiavelli's Prince.

40. Popular Songs of Ireland.

7. Bacon's Essays.

41. Potter's Æschylus.

8. Defoe's Journal of the
Plague Year.

42. Goethe's Faust: Part II.
ANSTER'STranslation.

9. Locke on Civil Government
and Filmer's "Patriarcha."

43. Famous Pamphlets.

10. Butler's Analogy of Religion.

44. Francklin's Sophocles.

11. Dryden's Virgil.

45. M. G. Lewis's Tales of
Terror and Wonder.

12. Scott's Demonology and
Witchcraft.

46. Vestiges of the Natural
History of Creation.

13. Herrick's Hesperides.

47. Drayton's Barons' Wars,
Nymphidia, &c.

14. Coleridge's Table-Talk.

49. The Banquet of Dante.

15. Boccaccio's Decameron.

50. Walker's Original.

16. Sterne's Tristram Shandy.

51. Schiller's Poems and
Ballads.

17. Chapman's Homer's Iliad.

52. Peele's Plays and Poems.

18. Mediæval Tales.

53. Harrington's Oceana.

19. Voltaire's Candide, and
Johnson's Rasselas.

54. Euripides: Alcestis and
other Plays.

20. Jonson's Plays and Poems.

55. Praed's Essays.

21. Hobbes's Leviathan.

56. Traditional Tales.
ALLAN CUNNINGHAM.

22. Samuel Butler's Hudibras.

57. Hooker's Ecclesiastical
Polity. Books I.-IV.

23 Ideal Commonwealths.

58. Euripides: The Bacchanals
and other Plays.

24. Cavendish's Life of Wolsey.

59. Izaak Walton's Lives.

25 & 26. Don Quixote.

60. Aristotle's Politics.

27. Burlesque Plays and Poems.

61. Euripides: Hecuba and
other Plays.

28. Dante's Divine Comedy.
LONGFELLOW'S Translation.

62. Rabelais -- Sequel to Panta-
gruel.

29. Goldsmith's Vicar of Wake-
field, Plays, and Poems.

63. A Miscellany.

30. Fables and Proverbs from
the Sanskrit. (Hitopadesa.)

 

31. Lamb's Essays of Elia.

 

32. The History of Thomas
Ellwood.

 

33. Emerson's Essays, &c.

 

34. Southey's Life of Nelson.

 

"Marvels of clear type and general neatness." -- Daily Telegraph.

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INTRODUCTION.

PLATO in his "Republic" argues that it is the aim of Individual Man as of the State to be wise, brave and temperate. In a State, he says, there are three orders, the Guardians, the Auxiliaries, the Producers. Wisdom should be the special virtue of the Guardians; Courage of the Auxiliaries; and Temperance of all. These three virtues belong respectively to the Individual Man, Wisdom to his Rational part; Courage to his Spirit7ed; and Temperance to his Appetitive; while in the State as in the Man it is Injustice that disturbs their harmony.

Because the character of Man appears in the State unchanged, but in a larger form, Plato represented Socrates as studying the ideal man himself through an Ideal Commonwealth.

In another of his dialogues, "Critias," of which we have only the beginning, Socrates wishes that he could see how such a commonwealth would work, if it were set moving. Critias undertakes to tell him. For he has received tradition of events that happened more than nine thousand years ago, when the Athenians themselves were such ideal citizens. Critias has received this tradition, he says, from a ninetyyear-old grandfather, whose father, Dropides, was the friend of Solon. Solon, lawgiver and poet, had heard it from the priests of the goddess Neïth or Athene at Sais, and had begun to shape it into a heroic poem.

This was the tradition: -- Nine thousand years before the time of Solon, the goddess Athene, who was worshipped also in Sais, had given to her Athenians a healthy climate, a fertile soil, and temperate people strong in wisdom and courage. Their Republic was like that which Socrates imagined, and it had to bear the shock of a great invasion by the people of the vast island Atlantis. This island, larger than all Libya and Asia put together, was once in the sea westward beyond the Atlantic waves, -- thus America was dreamed of long before it was discovered. Atlantis had

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ten kings, descended from ten sons of Poseidon ( Neptune), who was the god magnificently worshipped by its people. Vast power and dominion, that extended through all Libya as far as Egypt, and over a part of Europe, caused the Atlantid kings to grow ambitious and unjust. Then they entered the Mediterranean and fell upon Athens with enormous force. But in the little band of citizens, temperate, brave, and wise, there were forces of Reason able to resist and overcome brute strength. Now, however, gone are the Atlantids, gone are the old virtues of Athens. Earthquakes and deluges laid waste the world. The whole great island of Atlantis, with its people and its wealth, sank to the bottom of the ocean. The ideal warriors of Athens, in one day and night, were swallowed by an earthquake, and were to be seen no more.

Plato, a philosopher with the soul of a poet, died in the year 347 before Christ. Plutarch was writing at the close of the first century after Christ, and in his parallel Lives of Greeks and Romans, the most famous of his many writings, he took occasion to paint an Ideal Commonwealth as the conception of Lycurgus, the half mythical or all mythical Solon of Sparta. To Plutarch's Life of Lycurgus, as well as to Plato, Thomas More and others have been indebted for some part of the shaping of their philosophic dreams.

The discovery of the New World at the end of the fifteenth century followed hard upon the diffusion of the new invention of printing, and came at a time when the fall of Constantinople by scattering Greek scholars, who became teachers in Italy, France and elsewhere, spread the study of Greek, and caused Plato to live again. Little had been heard of him through the Arabs, who cared little for his poetic method. But with the revival of learning he had become a force in Europe, a strong aid to the Reformers.

Sir Thomas More's Utopia was written in the years 1515-16, when its author's age was about thirty-seven. He was a young man of twenty when Columbus first touched the continent named after the Florentine Amerigo Vespucci, who made his voyages to it in the years 1499-1503. More wrote his Utopia when imaginations of men were stirred by the sudden enlargement of their conceptions of the world, and Amerigo Vespucci's account of his voyages, first printed in 1507, was fresh in every scholar's mind. He imagined a traveller, Raphael Hythloday -- whose name is from Greek

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words that mean "Knowing in Trifles" -- who had sailed with Vespucci on his three last voyages, but had not returned from the last voyage until, after separation from his comrades, he had wandered into some farther discovery of his own. Thus he had found, somewhere in those parts, the island of Utopia. Its name is from Greek words meaning Nowhere. More had gone on an embassy to Brussels with Cuthbert Tunstal when he wrote his philosophical satire upon European, and more particularly English, statecraft, in the form of an Ideal Commonwealth described by Hythloday as he had found it in Utopia. It was printed at Louvain in the latter part of the year 1516, under the editorship of Erasmus, and that enlightened young secretary to the municipality of Antwerp, Peter Giles, or Ægidius, who is introduced into the story. "Utopia" was not printed in England in the reign of Henry VIII., and could not be, for its satire was too direct to be misunderstood, even when it mocked English policy with ironical praise for doing exactly what it failed to do. More was a wit and a philosopher, but at the same time so practical and earnest that Erasmus tells of a burgomaster at Antwerp who fastened upon the parable of Utopia with such goodwill that he learnt it by heart. And in 1517 Erasmus advised a correspondent to send for Utopia, if he had not yet read it, and if he wished to see the true source of all political evils.

Francis Bacon's "New Atlantis," first written in Latin, was published in 1629, three years after its author's death. Bacon placed his Ideal Commonwealth in those seas where a great Austral continent was even then supposed to be, but had not been discovered. As the old Atlantis implied a foreboding of the American continent, so the New Atlantis implied foreboding of the Australian. Bacon in his philosophy sought through experimental science the dominion of men over things, "for Nature is only governed by obeying her." In his Ideal World of the New Atlantis, Science is made the civilizer who binds man to man, and is his leader to the love of God.

Thomas Campanella was Bacon's contemporary, a man only seven years younger; and an Italian who suffered for his ardour in the cause of science. He was born in Calabria in 1568, and died in 1639. He entered the Dominican order when a boy, but had a free and eager appetite for knowledge. He urged, like Bacon, that Nature should be

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studied through her own works, not through books; he attacked, like Bacon, the dead faith in Aristotle, that instead of following his energetic spirit of research, lapsed into blind idolatry. Campanella strenuously urged that men should reform all sciences by following Nature and the books of God. He had been stirring in this way for ten years, when there arose in Calabria a conspiracy against the Spanish rule. Campanella, who was an Italian patriot was seized and sent to Naples. The Spanish inquisition joined in attack on him. He was accused of books he had not written and of opinions he did not hold; he was seven times put to the question and suffered, with firmness of mind, the most cruel tortures. The Pope interceded in vain for him with the King of Spain. He suffered imprisonment for twenty-seven years, during which time he wrote much, and one piece of his prison work was his ideal of "The City of the Sun."

Released at last from his prison, Campanella went to Rome, where he was defended by Pope Urban VIII, against continued violence of attack. But he was compelled at last to leave Rome, and made his escape as a servant in the livery of the French ambassador. In Paris, Richelieu became Campanella's friend; the King of France gave him a pension of three thousand livres; the Sorbonne vouched for the orthodoxy of his writings. He died in Paris, at the age of seventy-one, in the Convent of the Dominicans.

Of Campanella's "Civitas Solis," which has not hitherto been translated into English, the translation here given, with one or two omissions of detail which can well be spared, has been made for me by my old pupil and friend, Mr. Thomas W. Halliday. In the works (published in 1776) of the witty Dr. William King, who played much with the subject of cookery, is a fragment found among his remaining papers, and given by his editors as an original piece in the manner of Rabelais. It seems never to have been observed that this is only a translation of that part of Joseph Hall's "Mundus Alter es Idem," which deals with the kitchen side of life. The fragment will be found at the end of this volume, preceded by a short description of the other parts of Hall's World which is other than ours, and yet the same.

H. M.

March 1885.

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CAMPANELLA'S CITY OF THE SUN.

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THE CITY OF THE SUN.

A Poetical Dialogue between a Grandmaster of the Knights Hospitallers and a Genoese Sea-captain, his guest.

G. M. Prithee, now, tell me what happened to you during that voyage?

Capt. I have already told you how I wandered over the whole earth. In the course of my journeying I came to Taprobane, and was compelled to go ashore at a place, where through fear of the inhabitants I remained in a wood. When I stepped out of this I found myself on a large plain immediately under the equator.

G. M. And what befell you here?

Capt. I came upon a large crowd of men and armed women, many of whom did not understand our language, and they conducted me forthwith to the City of the Sun.

G. M. Tell me after what plan this city is built and how it is governed?

Capt. The greater part of the city is built upon a high hill, which rises from an extensive plain, but several of its circles extend for some distance beyond the base of the hill, which is of such a size that the diameter of the city is upwards of two miles, so that its circumference becomes about seven. On account of the humped shape of the mountain, however, the diameter of the city is really more than if it were built on a plain.

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It is divided into seven rings or huge circles named from the seven planets, and the way from one to the other of these is by four streets and through four gates, that look towards the four points of the compass. Furthermore, it is so built that if the first circle were stormed, it would of necessity entail a double amount of energy to storm the second; still more to storm the third; and in each succeeding case the strength and energy would have to be doubled; so that he who wishes to capture that city must, as it were, storm it seven times. For my own part, however, I think that not even the first wall could be occupied, so thick are the earthworks and so well fortified is it with breastworks, towers, guns and ditches.

When I had been taken through the northern gate (which is shut with an iron door so wrought that it can be raised and let down, and locked in easily and strongly, its projections running into the grooves of the thick posts by a marvellous device), I saw a level space seventy paces * wide between the first and second walls. From hence can be seen large palaces all joined to the wall Of the second circuit, in such a manner as to appear all one palace. Arches run on a level with the middle height of the palaces, and are continued round the whole ring. There are galleries for promenading upon these arches, which are supported from beneath by thick and well-shaped columns, enclosing arcades like peristyles, or cloisters of an abbey.

But the palaces have no entrances from below, except on the inner or concave partition, from which one enters directly to the lower parts of the building. The higher parts, however, are reached by flights of marble steps, which lead to galleries for promenading on the inside similar to those on the outside. From these one enters the higher rooms, which are very beautiful, and have windows on the concave and convex partitions. These rooms are divided

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*

A pace was 1 9/25 yards, 1,000 paces making a mile.

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from one another by richly decorated walls. The convex or outer wall of the ring is about eight spans thick; the concave, three; the intermediate walls are one, or perhaps one and a half. Leaving this circle one gets to the second plain, which is nearly three paces narrower than the first, Then the first wall of the second ring is seen adorned above and below with similar galleries for walking, and there is on the inside of it another interior wall enclosing palaces. It has also similar peristyles supported by columns in the lower part, but above are excellent pictures, round the ways into the upper houses. And so on afterwards through similar spaces and double walls, enclosing palaces, and adorned with galleries for walking, extending along their outer side, and supported by columns, till the last circuit is reached, the way being still over a level plain.

But when the two gates, that is to say, those of the outmost and the inmost walls, have been passed, one mounts by means of steps so formed that an ascent is scarcely discernible, since it proceeds in a slanting direction, and the steps succeed one another at almost imperceptible heights. On the top of the hill is a rather spacious plain, and in the midst of this there rises a temple built with wondrous art.

G. M. Tell on, I pray you! Tell on! I am dying to hear more.

Capt. The temple is built in the form of a circle; it is not girt with walls, but stands upon thick columns, beautifully grouped. A very large dome, built with great care in the centre or pole, contains another small vault as it were rising out of it, and in this is a spiracle, which is right over the altar. There is but one altar in the middle of the temple, and this is hedged round by columns. The temple itself is on a space of more than three hundred and fifty paces. Without it, arches measuring about eight paces extend from the heads of the columns outwards, whence other columns rise about three paces from the thick, strong and

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erect wall. Between these and the former columns there are galleries for walking, with beautiful pavements, and in the recess of the wall, which is adorned with numerous large doors, there are immovable seats, placed as it were between the inside columns, supporting the temple. Portable chairs are not wanting, many and well adorned. Nothing is seen over the altar but a large globe, upon which the heavenly bodies are painted, and another globe upon which there is a representation of the earth. Furthermore, in the vault of the dome there can be discerned representations of all the stars of heaven from the first to the sixth magnitude, with their proper names and power to influence terrestrial things marked in three little verses for each. There are the poles and greater and lesser circles according to the right latitude of the place, but these are not perfect because there is no wall below. They seem, too, to be made in their relation to the globes on the altar. The pavement of the temple is bright with precious stones. Its seven golden lamps hang always burning, and these bear the names of the seven planets.

At the top of the building several small and beautiful cells surround the small dome, and behind the level space above the bands or arches of the exterior and interior columns there are many cells, both small and large, where the priests and religious officers dwell to the number of forty-nine.

A revolving flag projects from the smaller dome, and this shows in what quarter the wind is. The flag is marked with figures up to thirty-six, and the priests know what sort of year the different kinds of winds bring and what will be the changes of weather on land and sea. Furthermore, under the flag a book is always kept written with letters of gold.

G. M. I pray you, worthy hero, explain to me their whole system of government; for I am anxious to hear it.

Capt. The great ruler among them is a priest whom they call by the name HOH, though we should call him Meta-

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physic. He is head over all, in temporal and spiritual matters, and all business and lawsuits are settled by him, as the supreme authority. Three princes of equal power -- viz., Pon, Sin and Mor -- assist him, and these in our tongue we should call POWER, WISDOM and LOVE. To POWER belongs the care of all matters relating to war and peace. He attends to the military arts, and, next to Hoh, he is ruler in every affair of a warlike nature. He governs the military magistrates and the soldiers, and has the management of the munitions, the fortifications, the storming of places, the implements of war, the armories, the smiths and workmen connected with matters of this sort.

But WISDOM is the ruler of the liberal arts, of mechanics, of all sciences with their magistrates and doctors, and of the discipline of the schools. As many doctors as there are, are under his control. There is one doctor who is called Astrologus; a second, Cosmographus; a third, Arithmeticus; a fourth, Geometra; a fifth, Historiographus; a sixth, Poeta; a seventh, Logicus; an eighth, Rhetor; a ninth, Grammaticus; a tenth, Medicus; an eleventh, Physiologus; a twelfth, Politicus; a thirteenth, Moralis. They have but one book, which they call Wisdom, and in it all the sciences are written with conciseness and marvellous fluency of expression. This they read to the people after the custom of the Pythagoreans. It is Wisdom who causes the exterior and interior, the higher and lower walls of the city to be adorned with the finest pictures, and to have all the sciences painted upon them in an admirable manner. On the walls of the temple and on the dome, which is let down when the priest gives an address, lest the sounds of his voice, being scattered, should fly away from his audience, there are pictures of stars in their different magnitudes, with the powers and motions of each, expressed separately in three little verses.

On the interior wall of the first circuit all the mathematical figures are conspicuously painted -- figures more in number

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than Archimedes or Euclid discovered, marked symmetrically, and with the explanation of them neatly written and contained each in a little verse. There are definitions and propositions, &c. &c. On the exterior convex wall is first an immense drawing of the whole earth, given at one view. Following upon this, there are tablets setting forth for every separate country the customs both public and private, the laws, the origins and the power of the inhabitants; and the alphabets the different people use can be seen above that of the City of the Sun.

On the inside of the second circuit, that is to say of the second ring of buildings, paintings of all kinds of precious and common stones, of minerals and metals, are seen; and a little piece of the metal itself is also there with an apposite explanation in two small verses for each metal or stone. On the outside are marked all the seas, rivers, lakes and streams which are on the face of the earth; as are also the wines and the oils and the different liquids, with the sources from which the last are extracted, their qualities and strength. There are also vessels built into the wall above the arches, and these are full of liquids from one to three hundred years old, which cure all diseases. Hail and snow, storms and thunder, and whatever else takes place in the air, are represented with suitable figures and little verses. The inhabitants even have the art of representing in stone all the phenomena of the air, such as the wind, rain, thunder, the rainbow, &c.

On the interior of the third circuit all the different families of trees and herbs are depicted, and there is a live specimen of each plant in earthenware vessels placed upon the outer partition of the arches. With the specimens there are explanations as to where they were first found, what are their powers and natures, and resemblances to celestial things and to metals: to parts of the human body and to things in the sea, and also as to their uses in medicine, &c. On the exterior wall are all the races of fish, found in rivers, lakes

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and seas, and their habits and values, and ways of breeding, training and living, the purposes for which they exist in the world, and their uses to man. Further, their resemblances to celestial and terrestrial things, produced both by nature and art, are so given that I was astonished when I saw a fish which was like a bishop, one like a chain, another like a garment, a fourth like a nail, a fifth like a star, and others like images of those things existing among us, the relation in each case being completely manifest. There are sea-urchins to be seen, and the purple shell-fish and mussels; and whatever the watery world possesses worthy of being known is there fully shown in marvellous characters of painting and drawing.

On the fourth interior wall all the different kinds of birds are painted, with their natures, sizes, customs, colours, manner of living, &c.; and the only real phænix is possessed by the inhabitants of this city. On the exterior are shown all the races of creeping animals, serpents, dragons and worms; the insects, the flies, gnats, beetles, &c., in their different states, strength, venoms and uses, and a great deal more than you or I can think of.

On the fifth interior they have all the larger animals of the earth, as many in number as would astonish you. We indeed know not the thousandth part of them, for on the exterior wall also a great many of immense size are also portrayed. To be sure, of horses alone, how great a number of breeds there is and how beautiful are the forms there cleverly displayed!

On the sixth interior are painted all the mechanical arts, with the several instruments for each and their manner of use among different nations. Alongside the dignity of such is placed, and their several inventors are named. But on the exterior all the inventors in science, in warfare, and in law are represented. There I saw Moses, Osiris, Jupiter, Mercury, Lycurgus, Pompilius, Pythagoras, Zamolxis, Solon, Charondas, Phoroneus, with very many others. The even have Mahomet,

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whom nevertheless they hate as a false and sordid legislator. In the most dignified position I saw a representation of Jesus Christ and of the twelve Apostles, whom they consider very worthy and hold to be great. Of the representations of men, I perceived Cæsar, Alexander, Pyrrhus and Hannibal in the highest place; and other very renowned heroes in peace and war, especially Roman heroes, were painted in lower positions, under the galleries. And when I asked with astonishment whence they had obtained our history, they told me that among them there was a knowledge of all languages, and that by perseverance they continually send explorers and ambassadors over the whole earth, who learn thoroughly the customs, forces, rule and histories of the nations, bad and good alike. These they apply all to their own republic, and with this they are well pleased. I learnt that cannon and typography were invented by the Chinese before we knew of them. There are magistrates, who announce the meaning of the pictures, and boys are accustomed to learn all the sciences, without toil and as if for pleasure; but in the way of history only until they are ten years old.

LOVE is foremost in attending to the charge of the race. He sees that men and women are so joined together, that they bring forth the best offspring. Indeed, they laugh at us who exhibit a studious care for our breed of horses and dogs, but neglect the breeding of human beings. Thus the education of the children is under his rule. So also is the medicine that is sold, the sowing and collecting of fruits of the earth and of trees, agriculture, pasturage, the preparations for the months, the cooking arrangements, and whatever has any reference to food, clothing, and the intercourse of the sexes. Love himself is ruler, but there are many male and female magistrates dedicated to these arts.

Metaphysic then with these three rulers manage all the above-named matters, and even by himself alone nothing is done; all business is discharged by the four together,

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but in whatever Metaphysic inclines to the rest are sure to agree.

G. M. Tell me, please, of the magistrates, their services and duties, of the education and mode of living, whether the government is a monarchy, a republic, or an aristocracy.

Capt. This race of men came there from India, flying from the sword of the Magi, a race of plunderers and tyrants who laid waste their country, and they determined to lead a philosophic life in fellowship with one another. Although the community of wives is not instituted among the other inhabitants of their province, among them it is in use after this manner. All things are common with them, and their dispensation is by the authority of the magistrates. Arts and honours and pleasures are common, and are held in such a manner that no one can appropriate anything to himself.

They say that all private property is acquired and improved for the reason that each one of us by himself has his own home and wife and children. From this self-love springs. For when we raise a son to riches and dignities, and leave an heir to much wealth, we become either ready to grasp at the property of the state, if in any case fear should be removed from the power which belongs to riches and rank; or avaricious, crafty, and hypocritical, if any one is of slender purse, little strength, and mean ancestry. But when we have taken away self-love, there remains only love for the state.

G. M. Under such circumstances no one will be willing to labour, while he expects others to work, on the fruit of whose labours he can live, as Aristotle argues against Plato.

Capt. I do not know how to deal with that argument, but I declare to you that they burn with so great a love for their fatherland, as I could scarcely have believed possible; and indeed with much more than the histories tell us belonged to the Romans, who fell willingly for their country, inasmuch as they have to a greater extent surrendered

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their private proverty. I think truly that the friars and monks and clergy of our country, if they were not weakened by love for their kindred and friends, or by the ambition to rise to higher dignities, would be less fond of property, and more imbued with a spirit of charity towards all, as it was in the time of the Apostles, and is now in a great many cases.

G. M. St. Augustine may say that, but I say that among this race of men, friendship is worth nothing; since they have not the chance of conferring mutual benefits on one another.

Capt. Nay, indeed. For it is worth the trouble to see that no one can receive gifts from another. Whatever is necessary they have, they receive it from the community, and the magistrate takes care that no one receives more than he deserves. Yet nothing necessary is denied to any one. Friendship is recognized among them in war, in infirmity, in the art contests, by which means they aid one another mutually by teaching. Sometimes they improve themselves mutually with praises, with conversation, with actions and out of the things they need. All those of the same age call one another brothers. They call all over twenty-two years of age, fathers; those who are less than twenty-two are named sons. Moreover, the magistrates govern well, so that no one in the fraternity can do injury to another.

G. M. And how?

Capt. As many names of virtues as there are amongst us, so many magistrates there are among them. There is a magistrate who is named Magnanimity, another Fortitude, a third Chastity, a fourth Liberality, a fifth Criminal and Civil Justice, a sixth Comfort, a seventh Truth, an eighth Kindness, a tenth Gratitude, an eleventh Cheerfulness, a twelfth Exercise, a thirteenth Sobriety, &c. They are elected to duties of that kind, each one to that duty for excellence in which he is known from boyhood to be most suitable. Wherefore among them neither robbery nor clever murders,

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nor lewdness, incest, adultery, or other crimes of which we accuse one another, can be found. They accuse themselves of ingratitude and malignity when any one denies a lawful satisfaction to another, of indolence, of sadness, of anger, of scurrility, of slander, and of lying, which curseful thing they thoroughly hate. Accused persons undergoing punishment are deprived of the common table, and other honours, until the judge thinks that they agree with their correction.

G. M. Tell me the manner in which the magistrates are chosen.

Capt. You would not rightly understand this, unless you first learnt their manner of living. That you may know then, men and women wear the same kind of garment, suited for war. The women wear the toga below the knee, but the men above. And both sexes are instructed in all the arts together. When this has been done as a start, and before their third year, the boys learn the language and the alphabet on the walls by walking round them. They have four leaders, and four elders, the first to direct them, the second to teach them, and these are men approved beyond all others. After some time they exercise themselves with gymnastics, running, quoits, and other games, by means of which all their muscles are strengthened alike. Their feet are always bare, and so are their heads as far as the seventh ring. Afterwards they lead them to the offices of the trades, such as shoemaking, cooking, metal-working, carpentry, painting, &c. In order to find out the bent of the genius of each one, after their seventh year, when they have already gone through the mathematics on the walls, they take them to the readings of all the sciences; there are four lectures at each reading, and in the course of four hours the four in their order explain everything.

For some take physical exercise or busy themselves with public services or functions, others apply themselves to reading. Leaving these studies all are devoted to the more

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abstruse subjects, to mathematics, to medicine, and to other sciences. There is continual debate and studied argument amongst them, and after a time they become magistrates of those sciences or mechanical arts in which they are the most proficient; for every one follows the opinion of his leader and judge, and goes out to the plains to the works of the field, and for the purpose of becoming acquainted with the pasturage of the dumb animals. And they consider him the more noble and renowned who has dedicated himself to the study of the most arts and knows how to practise them wisely. Wherefore they laugh at us in that we consider our workmen ignoble, and hold those to be noble who have mastered no pursuit; but live in ease, and are so many slaves given over to their own pleasure and lasciviousness; and thus as it were from a school of vices so many idle and wicked fellows go forth for the ruin of the state.

The rest of the officials, however, are chosen by the four chiefs, Hoh, Pon, Sin and Mor, and by the teachers of that art over which they are fit to preside. And these teachers know well who is most suited for rule. Certain men are proposed by the magistrates in council, they themselves not seeking to become candidates, and he opposes who knows anything against those brought forward for election, or if not, speaks in favour of them. But no one attains to the dignity of Hoh except him who knows the histories of the nations, and their customs and sacrifices and laws, and their form of government, whether a republic or a monarchy. He must also know the names of the lawgivers and the inventors in science, and the laws and the history of the earth and the heavenly bodies. They think it also necessary that he should understand all the mechanical arts, the physical sciences, astrology and mathematics. (Nearly every two days they teach our mechanical art. They are not allowed to overwork themselves, but frequent practice and the paintings render learning easy to them. Not too much care is given to the

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cultivation of languages, as they have a goodly number of interpreters who are grammarians in the state.) But beyond everything else it is necessary that Hoh should understand metaphysics and theology; that he should know thoroughly the derivations, foundations and demonstrations of all the arts and sciences; the likeness and difference of things; necessity, fate, and the harmonies of the universe; power, wisdom, and the love of things and of God; the stages of life and its symbols; everything relating to the heavens, the earth and the sea; and the ideas of God, as much as mortal man can know of Him. He must also be well read in the Prophets and in astrology. And thus they know long beforehand who will be Hoh. He is not chosen to so great a dignity unless he has attained his thirty-fifth year. And this office is perpetual, because it is not known who may be too wise for it or who too skilled in ruling.

G. M. Who indeed can be so wise? If even any one has a knowledge of the sciences it seems that he must be unskilled in ruling.

Capt. This very question I asked them and they replied thus: "We, indeed, are more certain that such a very learned man has the knowledge of governing, than you who place ignorant persons in authority, and consider them suitable merely because they have sprung from rulers or have been chosen by a powerful faction. But our Hoh, a man really the most capable to rule, is for all that never cruel nor wicked, nor a tyrant, inasmuch as he possesses so much wisdom. This, moreover, is not unknown to you, that the same argument cannot apply among you, when you consider that man the most learned who knows most of grammar, or logic, or of Aristotle or any other author. For such knowledge as this of yours much servile labour and memory work is required, so that a man is rendered unskilful; since he has contemplated nothing but the words of books and has given his mind with useless result to the consideration of the dead

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signs of things. Hence he knows not in what way God rules the universe, nor the ways and customs of Nature and the nations. Wherefore he is not equal to our HOH. For that one cannot know so many arts and sciences thoroughly, who is not esteemed for skilled ingenuity, very apt at all things, and therefore at ruling especially. This also is plain to us that he who knows only one science, does not really know either that or the others, and he who is suited for only one science and has gathered his knowledge from books, is unlearned and unskilled. But this is not the case with intellects prompt and expert in every branch of knowledge and suitable for the consideration of natural objects, as it is necessary that our HOH should be. Besides in our state the sciences are taught with a facility (as you have seen) by which more scholars are turned out by us in one year than by you in ten, or even fifteen. Make trial, I pray you, of these boys."

In this matter I was struck with astonishment at their truthful discourse and at the trial of their boys, who did not understand my language well. Indeed it is necessary that three of them should be skilled in our tongue, three in Arabic, three in Polish, and three in each of the other languages, and no recreation is allowed them unless they become more learned. For that they go out to the plain for the sake of running about and hurling arrows and lances, and of firing harquebuses, and for the sake of hunting the wild animals and getting a knowledge of plants and stones, and agriculture and pasturage; sometimes the band of boys does one thing, sometimes another.

They do not consider it necessary that the three rulers assisting HOH should know other than the arts having reference to their rule, and so they have only a historical knowledge of the arts which are common to all. But their own they know well, to which certainly one is dedicated more than another. Thus POWER is the most learned in the equestrian art, in marshalling the army, in marking out of

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camps, in the manufacture of every kind of weapon and of warlike machines, in planning stratagems, and in every affair of a military nature. And for these reasons, they consider it necessary that these chiefs should have been philosophers, historians, politicians, and physicists. Concerning the other two triumvirs, understand remarks similar to those I have made about POWER.

G. M. I really wish that you would recount all their public duties, and would distinguish between them, and also that you would tell clearly how they are all taught in common.

Capt. They have dwellings in common and dormitories, and couches and other necessaries. But at the end of every six months they are separated by the masters. Some shall sleep in this ring, some in another; some in the first apartment, and some in the second; and these apartments are marked by means of the alphabet on the lintel. There are occupations, mechanical and theoretical, common to both men and women, with this difference, that the occupations which require more hard work, and walking a long distance, are practised by men, such as ploughing, sowing, gathering the fruits, working at the threshing-floor, and perchance at the vintage. But it is customary to choose women for milking the cows, and for making cheese. In like manner, they go to the gardens near to the outskirts of the city both for collecting the plants and for cultivating them. In fact, all sedentary and stationary pursuits are practised by the women, such as weaving, spinning, sewing, cutting the hair, shaving, dispensing medicines, and making all kinds of garments. They are, however, excluded from working in wood and the manufacture of arms. If a woman is fit to paint, she is not prevented from doing so; nevertheless, music is given over to the women alone, because they please the more, and of a truth to boys also. But the women have not the practice of the drum and the horn.

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And they prepare their feasts and arrange the tables in the following manner. It is the peculiar work of the boys and girls under twenty to wait at the tables. In every ring there are the suitable kitchens, barns, and stores of utensils for eating and drinking, and over every department an old man and an old woman preside. These two have at once the command of those who serve, and the power of chastising, or causing to be chastised, those who are negligent or disobedient; and they also examine and mark each one, both male and female, who excels in his or her duties.

All the young people wait upon the older ones who have passed the age of forty, and in the evening when they go to sleep the master and mistress command that those should be sent to work in the morning, upon whom in succession the duty falls, one or two to separate apartments. The young people, however, wait upon one another, and that alas! with some unwillingness. They have first and second tables, and on both sides there are seats. On one side sit the women, on the other the men; and as in the refectories of the monks, there is no noise. While they are eating a young man reads a book from a platform, intoning distinctly and sonorously, and often the magistrates question them upon the more important parts of the reading. And truly it is pleasant to observe in what manner these young people, so beautiful and clothed in garments so suitable, attend to them, and to see at the same time so many friends, brothers, sons, fathers and mothers all in their turn living together with so much honesty, propriety and love. So each one is given a napkin, a plate, fish, and a dish of food. It is the duty of the medical officers to tell the cooks what repasts shall be prepared on each day, and what food for the old, what for the young, and what for the sick. The magistrates receive the full-grown and fatter portion, and they from their share always distribute something to the boys at the table who have shown themselves more studious in the

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morning at the lectures and debates concerning wisdom and arms. And this is held to be one of the most distinguished honours. For six days they ordain to sing with music at table. Only a few, however, sing; or there is one voice accompanying the lute and one for each other instrument. And when all alike in service join their hands, nothing is found to be wanting. The old men placed at the head of the cooking business and of the refectories of the servants praise the cleanliness of the streets, the houses, the vessels, the garments, the workshops and the warehouses.

They wear white undergarments to which adheres a covering, which is at once coat and legging, without wrinkles. The borders of the fastenings are furnished with globular buttons, extended round and caught up here and there by chains. The coverings of the legs descend to the shoes and are continued even to the heels. Then they cover the feet with large socks, or as it were half-buskins fastened by buckles, over which they wear a half-boot, and besides, as I have already said, they are clothed with a toga. And so aptly fitting are the garments, that when the toga is destroyed, the different parts of the whole body are straightway discerned, no part being concealed. They change their clothes for different ones four times in the year, that is when the sun enters respectively the constellations Aries, Cancer, Libra and Capricorn, and according to the circumstances and necessity as decided by the officer of health. The keepers of clothes for the different rings are wont to distribute them, and it is marvellous that they have at the same time as many garments as there is need for, some heavy and some slight, according to the weather. They all use white clothing, and this is washed in each month with lye or soap, as are also the workshops of the lower trades, the kitchens, the pantries, the barns, the store-houses, the armories, the refectories and the baths. Moreover, the clothes are washed at the pillars of the peristyles, and the.

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water is brought down by means of canals which are continued as sewers. In every street of the different rings there are suitable fountains, which send forth their water by means of canals, the water being drawn up from nearly the bottom of the mountain by the sole movement of a cleverly contrived handle. There is water in fountains and in cisterns, whither the rain-water collected from the roofs of the houses is brought through pipes full of sand. They wash their bodies often, according as the doctor and master command. All the mechanical arts are practised under the peristyles, but the speculative are carried on above in the walking galleries and ramparts where are the more splendid paintings, but the more sacred ones are taught in the temple. In the halls and wings of the rings there are solar time-pieces and bells, and hands by which the hours and seasons are marked off.

G. M. Tell me about their children.

Capt. When their women have brought forth children, they suckle and rear them in temples set apart for all. They give milk for two years or more as the physician orders. After that time the weaned child is given into the charge of the mistresses, if it is a female, and to the masters, if it is a male. And then with other young children they are pleasantly instructed in the alphabet, and in the knowledge of the pictures, and in running, walking and wrestling; also in the historical drawings, and in languages; and they are adorned with a suitable garment of different colours. After their sixth year they are taught natural science, and then the mechanical sciences. The men who are weak in intellect are sent to farms, and when they have become more proficient some of them are received into the state. And those of the same age and born under the same constellation are especially like one another in strength and in appearance, and hence arises much lasting concord in the state, these men honouring one another with mutual love

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and help. Names are given to them by Metaphysicus, and that not by chance but designedly, and according to each one's peculiarity, as was the custom among the ancient Romans. Wherefore one is called Beautiful (Pulcher), another the Big-nosed (Naso), another the Fat-legged (Cranipes), another Crooked (Torvus), another Lean (Macer), and so on. But when they have become very skilled in their professions and done any great deed in war or in time of peace, a cognomen from art is given to them, such as Beautiful, the great painter (Pulcher, Pictor Magnus), the golden one (Aureus), the excellent one (Excellens), or the strong (Strenuus); or from their deeds, such as Naso the Brave (Nason Fortis), or the cunning, or the great, or very great conqueror; or from the enemy any one has overcome, Africanus, Asiaticus, Etruscus; or if any one has overcome Manfred or Tortelius, he is called Macer Manfred or Tortelius, and so on. All these cognomens are added by the higher magistrates, and very often with a crown suitable to the deed or art, and with the flourish of music. For gold and silver is reckoned of little value among them except as material for their vessels and ornaments, which are common to all.

G. M. Tell me, I pray you, is there no jealousy among them or disappointment to that one who has not been elected to a magistracy, or to any other dignity to which he aspires?

Capt. Certainly not. For no one wants either necessaries or luxuries. Moreover, the race is managed for the good of the commonwealth and not of private individuals, and the magistrates must be obeyed. They deny what we hold -- viz., that it is natural to man to recognize his offspring and to educate them, and to use his wife and house and children as his own. For they say that children are bred for the preservation of the species and not for individual pleasure, as St. Thomas also asserts. Therefore the breeding of children has reference to the commonwealth and not

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to individuals, except in so far as they are constituents of the commonwealth. And since individuals for the most part bring forth children wrongly and educate them wrongly, they consider that they remove destruction from the state, and therefore, for this reason, with most sacred fear, they commit the education of the children, who as it were are the element of the republic, to the care of magistrates; for the safety of the community is not that of a few. And thus they distribute male and female breeders of the best natures according to philosophical rules. Plato thinks that this distribution ought to be made by lot, lest some men seeing that they are kept away from the beautiful women, should rise up with anger and hatred against the magistrates; and he thinks further that those who do not deserve cohabitation with the more beautiful women, should be deceived whilst the lots are being led out of the city by the magistrates, so that at all times the women who are suitable should fall to their lot, not those whom they desire. This shrewdness, however, is not necessary among the inhabitants of the City of the Sun. For with them deformity is unknown. When the women are exercised they get a clear complexion, and become strong of limb, tall and agile, and with them beauty consists in tallness and strength. Therefore, if any woman dyes her face, so that it may become beautiful, or uses highheeled boots so that she may appear tall, or garments with trains to cover her wooden shoes, she is condemned to capital punishment. But if the women should even desire them, they have no facility for doing these things. For who indeed would give them this facility? Further, they assert that among us abuses of this kind arise from the leisure and sloth of women. By these means they lose their colour and have pale complexions, and become feeble and small. For this reason they are without proper complexions, use high sandals, and become beautiful not from strength, but from slothful tenderness. And thus they ruin their own

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tempers and natures, and consequently those of their offspring. Furthermore, if at any time a man is taken captive with ardent love for a certain woman, the two are allowed to converse and joke together, and to give one another garlands of flowers or leaves, and to make verses. But if the race is endangered, by no means is further union between them permitted. Moreover, the love born of eager desire is not known among them; only that born of friendship.

Domestic affairs and partnerships are of little account, because, excepting the sign of honour, each one receives what he is in need of. To the heroes and heroines of the republic, it is customary to give the pleasing gifts of honour, beautiful wreaths, sweet food or splendid clothes, while they are feasting. In the daytime all use white garments within the city, but at night or outside the city they use red garments either of wool or silk. They hate black as they do dung, and therefore they dislike the Japanese, who are fond of black. Pride they consider the most execrable vice, and one who acts proudly is chastised with the most ruthless correction. Wherefore no one thinks it lowering to wait at table or to work in the kitchen or fields. All work they call discipline, and thus they say that it is honourable to go on foot, to do any act of nature, to see with the eye, and to speak with the tongue; and when there is need, they distinguish philosophically between tears and spittle.

Every man who, when he is told off to work, does his duty, is considered very honourable. It is not the custom to keep slaves. For they are enough, and more than enough, for themselves. But with us, alas! it is not so. In Naples there exists seventy thousand souls, and out of these scarcely ten or fifteen thousand do any work, and they are always lean from overwork and are getting weaker every day. The rest become a prey to idleness, avarice, ill-health, lasciviousness, usury and other vices, and contaminate and corrupt very many families by

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holding them in servitude for their own use, by keeping them in poverty and slavishness, and by imparting to them their own vices. Therefore public slavery ruins them; useful works, in the field, in military service and in arts, except those which are debasing, are not cultivated, the few who do practise them doing so with much aversion. But in the City of the Sun, while duty and work is distributed among all, it only falls to each one to work for about four hours every day. The remaining hours are spent in learning joyously, in debating, in reading, in reciting, in writing, in walking, in exercising the mind and body, and with play. They allow no game which is played while sitting, neither the single die nor dice, nor chess, nor others like these. But they play with the ball, with the sack, with the hoop, with wrestling, with hurling at the stake. They say, moreover, that grinding poverty renders men worthless, cunning, sulky, thievish, insidious, vagabonds, liars, false witnesses, &c.; and that wealth makes them insolent, proud, ignorant, traitors, assumers of what they know not, deceivers, boasters, wanting in affection, slanderers, &c. But with them all the rich and poor together make up the community. They are rich because they want nothing, poor because they possess nothing; and consequently they are not slaves to circumstances, but circumstances serve them. And on this point they strongly recommend the religion of the Christians, and especially the life of the Apostles.

G. M. This seems excellent and sacred, but the community of women is a thing too difficult to attain. The holy Roman Clement says that wives ought to be common in accordance with the apostolic institution, and praises Plato and Socrates, who thus teach, but the Glossary interprets this community with regard to obedience. And Tertullian agrees with the Glossary, that the first Christians had everything in common except wives

Capt. These things I know little of. But this I saw

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among the inhabitants of the City of the Sun that they did not make this exception. And they defend themselves by the opinion of Socrates, of Cato, of Plato, and of St. Clement. but, as you say, they misunderstand the opinions of these thinkers. And the inhabitants of the solar city ascribe this to their want of education, since they are by no means learned in philosophy. Nevertheless, they send abroad to discover the customs of nations, and the best of these they always adopt. Practice makes the women suitable for war and other duties. Thus they agree with Plato, in whom I have read these same things. The reasoning of our Cajetan does not convince me, and least of all that of Aristotle. This thing, however, existing among them is excellent and worthy of imitation -- viz., that no physical defect renders a man incapable of being serviceable except the decrepitude of old age, since even the deformed are useful for consultation. The lame serve as guards, watching with the eyes which they possess. The blind card wool with their hands, separating the down from the hairs, with which latter they stuff the couches and sofas; those who are without the use of eyes and hands give the use of their ears or their voice for the convenience of the state, and if one has only one sense, he uses it in the farms. And these cripples are well treated, and some become spies, telling the officers of the state what they have heard.

G. M. Tell me now, I pray you, of their military affairs. Then you may explain their arts, ways of life and sciences, and lastly their religion.

Capt. The triumvir, Power, has under him all the magistrates of arms, of artillery, of cavalry, of foot-soldiers, of architects, and of strategists, and the masters and many of the most excellent workmen obey the magistrates, the men of each art paying allegiance to their respective chiefs. Moreover, Power is at the head of all the professors of gymnastics, who teach military exercise, and who are prudent

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generals, advanced in age. By these the boys are trained after their twelfth year. Before this age, however, they have been accustomed to wrestling, running, throwing the weight and other minor exercises, under inferior masters. But at twelve they are taught how to strike at the enemy, at horses and elephants, to handle the spear, the sword, the arrow and the sling; to manage the horse; to advance and to retreat; to remain in order of battle; to help a comrade in arms; to anticipate the enemy by cunning; and to conquer.

The women also are taught these arts under their own magistrates and mistresses, so that they may be able if need be to render assistance to the males in battles near the city. They are taught to watch the fortifications lest at some time a hasty attack should suddenly be made. In this respect they praise the Spartans and Amazons. The women know well also how to let fly fiery balls, and how to make them from lead; how to throw stones from pinnacles and to go in the way of an attack. They are accustomed also to give up wine unmixed altogether, and that one is punished most severely who shows any fear.

The inhabitants of the City of the Sun do not fear death, because they all believe that the soul is immortal, and that when it has left the body it is associated with other. spirits, wicked or good, according to the merits of this present life. Although they are partly followers of Bramah and Pythagoras, they do not believe in the transmigration of souls, except in some cases, by a distinct decree of God. They do not abstain from injuring an enemy of the republic and of religion, who is unworthy of pity. During the second month the army is reviewed, and every day there is practice of arms, either in the cavalry plain or within the walls. Nor are they ever without lectures on the science of war. They take care that the accounts of Moses, of Joshua, of David, of Judas Maccabeus, of Cæsar, of Alexander, of Scipio, of Hannibal, and other great soldiers should be read. And

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then each one gives his own opinion as to whether these generals acted well or ill, usefully or honourably, and then the teacher answers and says who are right.

G. M. With whom do they wage war, and for what reasons, since they are so prosperous?

Capt. Wars night never occur, nevertheless they are exercised in military tactics and in hunting, lest perchance they should become effeminate and unprepared for any emergency. Besides there are four kingdoms in the island, which are very envious of their prosperity, for this reason that the people desire to live after the manner of the inhabitants of the City of the Sun, and to be under their rule rather than that of their own kings. Wherefore the state often makes war upon these because, being neighbours, they are usurpers and live impiously, since they have not an object of worship and do not observe the religion of other nations or of the Brahmins. And other nations of India, to which formerly they were subject, rise up as it were in rebellion, as also do the Taprobanese, whom they wanted to join them at first. The warriors of the City of the Sun, however, are always the victors. As soon as they suffered from insult or disgrace or plunder, or when their allies have been harassed, or a people have been oppressed by a tyrant of the state (for they are always the advocates of liberty), they go immediately to the council for deliberation. After they have knelt in the presence of God that He might inspire their consultation, they proceed to examine the merits of the business, and thus war is decided on. Immediately after a priest, whom they call Forensic, is sent away. He demands from the enemy the restitution of the plunder, asks that the allies should be freed from oppression, or that the tyrant should be deposed. If they deny these things war is declared by invoking the vengeance of God -- the God of Sabaoth -- for destruction of those who maintain ann unjust cause. But if the enemy refuse to reply, the priest gives him the space of one hour for his answer, if

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he is a king, but three if it is a republic, so that they cannot escape giving a response. And in this manner is war undertaken against the insolent enemies of natural rights and of religion. When war has been declared, the deputy of Power performs everything, but Power, like the Roman dictator, plans and wills everything, so that hurtful tardiness may be avoided. And when anything of great moment arises he consults Hoh and Wisdom and Love.

Before this, however, the occasion of war and the justice of making an expedition is declared by a herald in the great council. All from twenty years and upwards are admitted to this council, and thus the necessaries are agreed upon. All kinds of weapons stand in the armories, and these they use often in sham fights. The exterior walls of each ring are full of guns prepared by their labours, and they have other engines for hurling which are called cannons, and which they take into battle upon mules and asses and carriages. When they have arrived in an open plain they enclose in the middle the provisions, engines of war, chariots, ladders and machines and all fight courageously. Then each one returns to the standards, and the enemy thinking that they are giving and preparing to flee, are deceived and relax their order: then the warriors of the City of the Sun, wheeling into wings and columns on each side, regain their breath and strength, and ordering the artillery to discharge their bullets they resume the fight against a disorganized host. And they observe many ruses of this kind. They overcome all mortals with their stratagems and engines. Their camp is fortified after the manner of the Romans. They pitch their tents and fortify with wall and ditch with wonderful quickness. The masters of works, of engines and hurling machines, stand ready, and the soldiers understand the use of the spade and the axe.

Five, eight, or ten leaders learned in the order of battle and in strategy consult together concerning the business of war, and command their bands after consultation. It is their

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wont to take out with them a body of boys, armed and on horses, so that they may learn to fight, just as the whelps of lions and wolves are accustomed to blood. And these in time of danger betake themselves to a place of safety, along with many armed women. After the battle the women and boys soothe and relieve the pain of the warriors, and wait upon them and encourage them with embraces and pleasant words. How wonderful a help is this! For the soldiers, in order that they may acquit themselves as sturdy men in the eyes of their wives and offspring, endure hardships, and so love makes them conquerors. He who in the fight first scales the enemy's walls receives after the battle a crown of grass, as a token of honour, and at the presentation the women and boys applaud loudly; that one who affords aid to an ally gets a civic crown of oak-leaves; he who kills a tyrant dedicates his arms in the temple and receives from Hoh the cognomen of his deed, and other warriors obtain other kinds of crowns. Every horse-soldier carries a spear and two strongly tempered pistols, narrow at the mouth, hanging from his saddle. And to get the barrels of their pistols narrow they pierce the metal which they intend to convert into arms. Further, every cavalry soldier has a sword and a dagger. But the rest, who form the light-armed troops, carry a metal cudgel. For if the foe cannot pierce their metal for pistols and cannot make swords, they attack him with clubs, shatter and overthrow him. Two chains of six spans length hang from the club, and at the end of these are iron balls, and when these aimed at the enemy they surround his neck and drag him to the ground; and in order that they may be able to use the club more easily, they do not hold the reins with their hands, but use them by means of the feet. If perchance the reins are interchanged above the trappings of the saddle, the ends are fastened to the stirrups with buckles and not to the feet. And the stirrups have an arrangement for swift movement of the bridle, so that they

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draw in or let out the rein with marvellous celerity. With the right foot they turn the horse to the left and with the left to the right. This secret, moreover, is not known to the Tartars. For, although they govern the reins with their feet, they are ignorant nevertheless of turning them and drawing them in and letting them out by means of the block of the stirrups. The light-armed cavalry with them are the first to engage in battle, then the men forming the phalanx with their spears, then the archers for whose services a great price is paid, and who are accustomed to fight in lines crossing one another as the threads of cloth, some rushing forward in their turn and others receding. They have a band of lancers strengthening the line of battle, but they make trial of the swords only at the end.

After the battle they celebrate the military triumphs after the manner of the Romans, and even in a more magnificent way. Prayers by the way of thank-offerings are made to God, and then the general presents himself in the temple, and the deeds, good and bad, are related by the poet or historian, who according to custom was with the expedition. And the greatest chief, Hoh, crowns the general with laurel and distributes little gifts and honours to all the valorous soldiers, who are for some days free from public duties. But this exemption from work is by no means pleasing to them, since they know not what it is to be at leisure, and so they help their companions. On the other hand, they who have been conquered through their own fault, or have lost the victory, are blamed; and they who were the first to take to flight are in no way worthy to escape death, unless when the whole army asks their lives, and each one takes upon himself a part of their punishment. But this indulgence is rarely granted, except when there are good reasons favouring it. But he who did not bear help to an ally or friend is beaten with rods. That one who did not obey orders is given to the beast, in an enclosure, to be devoured, and a staff is put

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in his hand, and if he should conquer the lions and the bears that are there, which is almost impossible, he is received into favour again. The conquered states or those willingly delivered up to them, forthwith have all things in common, and receive a garrison and magistrates from the City of the Sun, and by degrees they are accustomed to the ways of the city, the mistress of all, to which they even send their sons to be taught without contributing anything for expense.

It would be too great trouble to tell you about the spies and their master, and about the guards and laws and ceremonies, both within and without the state, which you can of yourself imagine. Since from childhood they are chosen according to their inclination and the star under which they were born, therefore each one working according to his natural propensity does his duty well and pleasantly, because naturally. The same things I may say concerning strategy and the other functions.

There are guards in the city by day and by night, and they are placed at the four gates, and outside the walls of the seventh ring, above the breastworks and towers and inside mounds. These places are guarded in the day by women, in the night by men. And lest the guard should become weary of watching, and in case of a surprise, they change them every three hours, as is the custom with our soldiers. At sunset, when the drum and symphonia sound, the armed guards are distributed. Cavalry and infantry make use of hunting as the symbol of war, and practise games and hold festivities in the plains. Then the music strikes up, and freely they pardon the offences and faults of the enemy, and after the victories they are kind to them, if it has been decreed that they should destroy the walls of the enemy's city and take their lives. All these things are done on the same day as the victory, and afterwards they never cease to load the conquered with favours, for they say

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that there ought to be no fighting, except when the conquerors give up the conquered, not when they kill them. If there is a dispute among them concerning injury or any other matter (for they themselves scarcely ever contend except in matters of honour), the chief and his magistrates chastise the accused one secretly, if he has done harm in deeds after he has been first angry. If they wait until the time of the battle for the verbal decision, they must give vent to their anger against the enemy, and he who in battle shows the most daring deeds is considered to have defended the better and truer cause in the struggle, and the other yields, and they are punished justly. Nevertheless, they. are not allowed to come to single combat, since right is maintained by the tribunal, and because the unjust cause is often apparent when the more just succumbs, and he who professes to be the better man shows this in public fight.

G. M. This is worth while, so that factions should not be cherished for the harm of the fatherland, and so that civil wars might not occur, for by means of these a tyrant often arises, as the examples of Rome and Athens show. Now, I pray you, tell me of their works and matter connected therewith.

Capt. I believe that you have already heard about their military affairs and about their agricultural and pastoral life, and in what way these are common to them, and how they honour with the first grade of nobility whoever is considered to have a knowledge of these. They who are skilful in more arts than these they consider still nobler, and they set that one apart for teaching the art in which he is most skilful. The occupations which require the most labour, such as working in metals and building, are the most praiseworthy amongst them. No one declines to go to these occupations, for the reason that from the beginning their propensities are well known, and among them, on account of the distribution of labour, no one does work harmful to

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him, but only that which is necessary for him. The occupations' entailing less labour belong to the women. All of them are expected to know how to swim, and for this reason ponds are dug outside the walls of the city and within them near to the fountains.

Commerce is of little use to them, but they know the value of money, and they count for the use of their ambassadors and explorers, so that with it they may have the means of living. They receive merchants into their states from the different countries of the world, and these buy the superfluous goods of the city. The people of the City of the Sun refuse to take money, but in importing they accept in exchange those things of which they are in need, and sometimes they buy with money; and the young people in the City of the Sun are much amused when they see that for a small price they receive so many things in exchange. The old men, however, do not laugh. They are unwilling that the state should be corrupted by the vicious customs of slaves and foreigners. Therefore they do business at the gates, and sell those whom they have taken in war or keep them for digging ditches and other hard work without the city, and for this reason they always send four bands of soldiers to take care of the fields, and with them there are the labourers. They go out of the four gates from which roads with walls on both sides of them lead to the sea, so that goods might easily be carried over them and foreigners might not meet with difficulty on their way.

To strangers they are kind and polite; they keep them for three days at the public expense; after they have first washed their feet, they show them their city and its customs, and they honour them with a seat at the council and public table, and there are men whose duty it is to take care of and guard the guests. But if strangers should wish to become citizens of their state, they try them first for a month on a farm, and for another month in the city, then

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they decide concerning them, and admit them with certain ceremonies and oaths.

Agriculture is much followed among them; there is not a span of earth without cultivation, and they observe the winds and propitious stars. With the exception of a few left in the city all go out armed, and with flags and drums and trumpets sounding, to the fields, for the purposes of ploughing, sowing, digging, hoeing, reaping, gathering fruit and grapes; and they set in order everything, and do their work in a very few hours and with much care. They use waggons fitted with sails which are borne along by the wind even when it is contrary, by the marvellous contrivance of wheels within wheels.

And when there is no wind a beast draws along a huge cart, which is a grand sight.

The guardians of the land move about in the meantime, armed and always in their proper turn. They do not use dung and filth for manuring the fields, thinking that the fruit contracts something of their rottenness, and when eaten gives a short and poor subsistence, as women who are beautiful with rouge and from want of exercise bring forth feeble, offspring. Wherefore they do not as it were paint the earth, but dig it up well and use secret remedies, so that fruit is borne quickly and multiplies, and is not destroyed. They have a book for this work, which they call the Georgics. As much of the land as is necessary is cultivated, and the rest is used for the pasturage of cattle.

The excellent occupation of breeding and rearing horses, oxen, sheep, dogs and all kinds of domestic and tame animals, is in the highest esteem among them as it was in the time of Abraham. And the animals are led so to pair that they may be able to breed well.

Fine pictures of oxen, horses, sheep, and other animals are placed before them. They do not turn out horses with mares to feed, but at the proper time they bring them

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together in an enclosure of the stables in their fields. And this is done when they observe that the constellation Archer is in favourable conjunction with Mars and Jupiter. For the oxen they observe the Bull, for the sheep the Ram, and so on in accordance with art. Under the Pleiades they keep a drove of hens and ducks and geese, which are driven out by the women to feed near the city. The women only do this when it is a pleasure to them. There are also places enclosed, where they make cheese, butter, and milk-food. They also keep capons, fruit and other things, and for all these matters there is a book which they call the Bucolics. They have an abundance of all things, since every one likes to be industrious, their labours being slight and profitable. They are docile, and that one among them who is head of the rest in duties of this kind they call king. For they say that this is the proper name of the leaders, and it does not belong to ignorant persons. It is wonderful to see how men and women march together collectively, and always in obedience to the voice of the king. Nor do they regard him with loathing as we do, for they know that although he is greater than themselves, he is for all that their father and brother. They keep groves and woods for wild animals, and they often hunt.

The science of navigation is considered very dignified by them, and they possess rafts and triremes, which go over the waters without rowers or the force of the wind, but by a marvellous contrivance. And other vessels they have which are moved by the winds. They have a correct knowledge of the stars, and of the ebb and flow of the tide. They navigate for the sake of becoming acquainted with nations and different countries and things. They injure nobody, and they do not put up with injury, and they never go to battle unless when provoked. They assert that the whole earth will in time come to live in accordance with their customs, and consequently they always find out

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whether there be a nation whose manner of living is better and more approved than the rest. They admire the Christian institutions and look for a realisation of the apostolic life in vogue among themselves and in us. There are treaties between them and the Chinese, and many other nations, both insular and continental, such as Siam and Calicut, which they are only just able to explore. Furthermore, they have artificial fires, battles on sea and land, and many strategic secrets. Therefore they are nearly always victorious.

G. M. Now it would be very pleasant to learn with what foods and drinks they are nourished, and in what way and for how long they live.

Capt. Their food consists of flesh, butter, honey, cheese, garden herbs, and vegetables of various kinds. They were unwilling at first to slay animals, because it seemed cruel; but thinking afterwards that it was also cruel to destroy herbs which have a share of sensitive feeling, they saw that they would perish from hunger unless they did an unjustifiable action for the sake of justifiable ones, and so now they all eat meat. Nevertheless, they do not kill willingly useful animals, such as oxen and horses. They observe the difference between useful and harmful foods, and for this they employ the science of medicine. They always change their food. First they eat flesh, then fish, then afterwards they go back to flesh, and nature is never incommoded or weakened. The old people use the more digestible kind of food, and take three meals a day, eating only a little. But the general community eat twice, and the boys four times, that they might satisfy nature. The length of their lives is generally one hundred years, but often they reach two hundred.

As regards drinking, they are extremely moderate. Wine is never given to young people until they are ten years old, unless the state of their health demands it. After their tenth year they take it diluted with water, and so do the

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women, but the old men of fifty and upwards use little or no water. They eat the most healthy things, according to the time of the year.

They think nothing harmful which is brought forth by God, except when there has been abuse by taking too much. And therefore in the summer they feed on fruits, because they are moist and juicy and cool, and counteract the heat and dryness. In the winter they feed on dry articles, and in the autumn they eat grapes, since they are given by God to remove melancholy and sadness; and they also make use of scents to a great degree. In the morning, when they have all risen they comb their hair and wash their faces and hands with cold water. Then they chew thyme or rock parsley or fennel, or rub their hands with these plants. The old men make incense, and with their faces to the east repeat the short prayer which Jesus Christ taught us. After this they go to wait upon the old men, some go to the dance, and others to the duties of the state. Later on they meet at the early lectures, then in the temple, then for bodily exercise. Then for a little while they sit down to rest, and at length they go to dinner.

Among them there is never gout in the hands or feet, no catarrh, nor sciatica, nongrievous colics, nor flatulency, nor hard breathing. For these diseases are caused by indigestion and flatulency, and by frugality and exercise they remove every humour and spasm. Wherefore it is unseemly in the extreme to be seen vomiting or spitting, since they say that this is a sign either of little exercise or of ignoble sloth, or of drunkenness or gluttony. They suffer rather from swellings or from the dry spasm, which they relieve with plenty of good and juicy food. They heal fevers with pleasant baths and with milk-food, and with a pleasant habitation in the country and by gradual exercise. Unclean diseases cannot be prevalent with them because they often clean their bodies by bathing in wine, and soothe them with

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aromatic oil, and by the sweat of exercise they diffuse the poisonous vapour which corrupts the blood and the marrow. They do suffer a little from consumption, because they cannot perspire at the breast, but they never have asthma, for the humid nature of which a heavy man is required. They cure hot fevers with cold potations of water, but slight ones with sweet smells, with cheese-bread or sleep, with music or dancing. Tertiary fevers are cured by bleeding, by rhubarb or by a similar drawing remedy, or by water soaked in the roots of plants, with purgative and sharp-tasting qualities. But it is rarely that they take purgative medicines. Fevers occurring every fourth day are cured easily by suddenly startling the unprepared patients, and by means of herbs producing effects opposite to the humours of this fever. All these secrets they told me in opposition to their own wishes. They take more diligent pains to cure the lasting fevers, which they fear more, and they strive to counteract these by the observation of stars and of plants, and by prayers to God. Fevers recurring every fifth, sixth, eighth or more days, you never find whenever heavy humours are wanting.

They use baths, and moreover they have warm ones according to the Roman custom, and they make use also of olive oil. They have found out, too, a great many secret cures for the preservation of cleanliness and health. And in other ways they labour to cure the epilepsy, with which they are often troubled.

G. M. A sign this disease is of wonderful cleverness, for from it Hercules, Scotus, Socrates, Callimachus, and Mahomet have suffered.

Capt. They cure by means of prayers to heaven, by strengthening the head, by acids, by planned gymnastics, and with fat cheese-bread sprinkled with the flour of wheaten corn. They are very skilled in making dishes, and in them they put spice, honey, butter and many highly strengthening spices, and they temper their richness with acids, so that they never

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vomit. They do not drink ice-cold drinks nor artificial hot drinks, as the Chinese do; for they are not without aid against the humours of the body, on account of the help they get from the natural heat of the water; but they strengthen it with crushed garlic, with vinegar, with wild thyme, with mint, and with basil, in the summer or in time of special heaviness. They know also a secret for renovating life after about the seventieth year, and for ridding it of affliction, and this they do by a pleasing and indeed wonderful art.

G. M. Thus far you have said nothing concerning their sciences and magistrates.

Capt. Undoubtedly I have. But since you are so curious I will add more. Both when it is new moon and full moon they call a council after a sacrifice. To this all from twenty years upwards are admitted, and each one is asked separately to say what is wanting in the state, and which of the magistrates have discharged their duties rightly and which wrongly. Then after eight days all the magistrates assemble, to wit, Hoh first, and with him Power, Wisdom and Love. Each one of the three last has three magistrates under him, making in all thirteen, and they consider the affairs of the arts pertaining to each one of them; Power, of war; Wisdom, of the sciences; Love, of food, clothing, education and breeding. The masters of all the bands, who are captains of tens, of fifties, of hundreds, also assemble, the women first and then the men. They argue about those things which are for the welfare of the state, and they choose the magistrates from among those who have already been named in the great council. In this manner they assemble daily, Hoh and his three princes, and they correct, confirm and execute the matters passing to them, as decisions in the elections; other necessary questions they provide of themselves. They do not use lots unless when they are altogether doubtful how to decide. The eight magistrates under Hoh, Power, Wisdom and Love are changed according to the wish of the

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people, but the first four are never changed, unless they, taking counsel with themselves, give up the dignity of one to another, whom among them they know to be wiser, more renowned, and more nearly perfect. And then they are obedient and honourable, since they yield willingly to the wiser man and are taught by him. This, however, rarely happens. The principals of the sciences, except Metaphysics, who is Hoh himself, and is as it were the architect of all science, having rule over all, are attached to Wisdom. Hoh is ashamed to be ignorant of any possible thing. Under Wisdom therefore is Grammar, Logic, Physics, Medicine, Astrology, Astronomy, Geometry, Cosmography, Music, Perspective, Arithmetic, Poetry, Rhetoric, Painting, Sculpture. Under the triumvir Love are Breeding, Agriculture, Education, Medicine, Clothing, Pasturage, Coining.

G. M. What about their judges?

Capt. This is the point I was just thinking of explaining. Every one is judged by the first master of his trade, and thus all the head artificers are judges. They punish with exile, with flogging, with blame, with deprivation of the common table, with exclusion from the church and from the company of women. When there is a case in which great injury has been done, it is punished with death, and they repay an eye with an eye, a nose for a nose, a tooth for a tooth, and so on, according to the law of retaliation. If the offence is wilful the council decides. When there is strife and it takes place undesignedly, the sentence is mitigated; nevertheless, not by the judge but by the triumvirate, from whom even it may be referred to Hoh, not on account of justice but of mercy, for Hoh is able to pardon. They have no prisons, except one tower for shutting up rebellious enemies, and there is no written statement of a case, which we commonly call a lawsuit. But the accusation and witnesses are produced in the presence of the judge and Power; the accused person makes his defence, and he is immediately acquitted or condemned

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by the judge; and if he appeals to the triumvirate, on the following day he is acquitted or condemned. On the third day he is dismissed through the mercy and clemency of Hoh, or receives the inviolable rigour of his sentence. An accused person is reconciled to his accuser and to his witnesses, as it were, with the medicine of his complaint, that is, with embracing and kissing. No one is killed or stoned unless by the hands of the people, the accuser and the witnesses beginning first. For they have no executioners and lictors, lest the state should sink into ruin. The choice of death is given to the rest of the people, who enclose the lifeless remains in little bags and burn them by the application of fire, while exhorters are present for the purpose of advising concerning a good death. Nevertheless, the whole nation laments and beseeches God that His anger may be appeased, being in grief that it should as it were have to cut off a rotten member of the state. Certain officers talk to and convince the accused man by means of arguments until he himself acquiesces in the sentence of death passed upon him, or else he does not die. But if a crime has been committed against the liberty of the republic, or against God, or against the supreme magistrates, there is immediate censure without pity. These only are punished with death. He who is about to die is compelled to state in the presence of the people and with religious scrupulousness the reasons for which he does not deserve death, and also the sins of the others who ought to die instead of him, and further the mistakes of the magistrates. If, moreover, it should seem right to the person thus asserting, he must say why the accused ones are deserving of less punishment than he. And if by his arguments he gains the victory he is sent into exile, and appeases the state by means of prayers and sacrifices and good life ensuing. They do not torture those named by the accused person, but they warn them. Sins of frailty and ignorance are punished only with blaming, and with com-

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pulsory continuation as learners under the law and discipline of those sciences or arts against which they have sinned. And all these things they have mutually among themselves, since they seem to be in very truth members of the same body, and one of another.

This further I would have you know, that if a transgressor, without waiting to be accused, goes of his own accord before a magistrate, accusing himself and seeking to make amends, that one is liberated from the punishment of a secret crime, and since he has not been accused of such a crime, his punishment is changed into another. They take special care that no one should invent slander, and if this should happen they meet the offence with the punishment of retaliation. Since they always walk about and work in crowds, five witnesses are required for the conviction of a transgressor. If the case is otherwise, after having threatened him, he is released after he has sworn an oath as the warrant of good conduct. Or if he is accused a second or third time, his increased punishment rests on the testimony of three or two witnesses. They have but few laws, and these short and plain, and written upon a flat table, and hanging to the doors of the temple, that is between the columns. And on single columns can be seen the essences of things described in the very terse style of Metaphysics -- viz., the essences of God, of the angels, of the world, of the stars, of man, of fate, of virtue, all done with great wisdom. The definitions of all the virtues are also delineated here, and here is the tribunal, where the judges of all the virtues have their seat. The definition of a certain virtue is written under that column where the judges for the aforesaid virtue sit, and when a judge gives judgment he sits and speaks thus: O son, thou hast sinned against this sacred definition of beneficence, or of magnanimity, or of another virtue, as the case may be. And after discussion the judge legally condemns him to the punishment for the crime of which he is

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accused -- viz., for injury for despondency, for pride, for ingratitude, for sloth, &c. But the sentences are certain and true correctives, savouring more of clemency than of actual punishment.

G. M. Now you ought to tell me about their priests, their sacrifices, their religion, and their belief.

Capt. The chief priest is Hoh, and it is the duty of all the superior magistrates to pardon sins. Therefore the whole state by secret confession, which we also use, tell their sins to the magistrates, who at once purge their souls and teach those that are inimical to the people. Then the sacred magistrates themselves confess their own sinfulness to the three supreme chiefs, and together they confess the faults of one another, though no special one is named, and they confess especially the heavier faults and those harmful to the state. At length the triumvirs confess their sinfulness to Hoh himself, who forthwith recognizes the kinds of sins that are harmful to the state, and succours with timely remedies. Then he offers sacrifices and prayers to God. And before this he confesses the sins of the whole people, in the presence of God, and publicly in the temple, above the altar, as often as it had been necessary that the fault should be corrected. Nevertheless, no transgressor is spoken of by his name. In this manner he absolves the people by advising them that they should beware of sins of the aforesaid kind. Afterwards he offers sacrifice to God, that He should pardon the state and absolve it of its sins, and to teach and defend it. Once in every year the chief priests of each separate subordinate state confess their sins in the presence of Hoh. Thus he is not ignorant of the wrongdoings of the provinces, and forthwith he removes them with all human and heavenly remedies.

Sacrifice is conducted after the following manner: Hoh asks the people which one among them wishes to give himself as a sacrifice to God for the sake of his fellows. He is then

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placed upon the fourth table, with ceremonies and the offering up of prayers: the table is hung up in a wonderful manner by means of four ropes passing through four cords attached to firm pulley-blocks in the small dome of the temple. This done they cry to the God of mercy, that He may accept the offering, not of a beast as among the heathen, but of a human being. Then Hoh orders the ropes to be drawn and the sacrifice is pulled up above to the centre of the small dome, and there it dedicates itself with the most fervent supplications. Food is given to it through a window by the priests, who live around the dome, but it is allowed a very little to eat, until it has atoned for the sins of the state. There with prayer and fasting he cries to the God of heaven that He might accept its willing offering. And after twenty or thirty days, the anger of God being appeased, the sacrifice becomes a priest, or sometimes, though rarely, returns below by means of the outer way for the priests. Ever after this man is treated with great benevolence and much honour, for the reason that he offered himself unto death for the sake of his country. But God does not require death. The priests above twenty-four years of age offer praises from their places in the top of the temple. This they do in the middle of the night, at noon, in the morning and in the evenirig, to wit, four times a day they sing their chants in the presence of God. It is also their work to observe the stars and to note with the astrolabe their motions and influences upon human things, and to find out their powers. Thus they know in what part of the earth any change has been or will be, and at what time it has taken place, and they send to find whether the matter be as they have it. They make a note of predictions, true and false, so that they may be able from experience to predict most correctly. The priests, moreover, determine the hours for breeding and the days for sowing, reaping, and gathering the vintage, and are as it were the ambassadors and intercessors and connection between God

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and man. And it is from among them mostly that Hoh is elected. They write very learned treatises and search into the sciences. Below they never descend, unless for their dinner and supper, so that the essence of their heads do not descend to the stomachs and liver. Only very seldom, and that as a cure for the ills of solitude, do they have converse with women. On certain days Hoh goes up to them and deliberates with them concerning the matters which he has lately investigated for the benefit of the state and all the nations of the world.

In the temple beneath one priest always stands near the altar praying for the people, and at the end of every hour another succeeds him, just as we are accustomed in solemn prayer to change every fourth hour. And this method of supplication they call perpetual prayer. After a meal they return thanks to God. Then they sing the deeds of the Christian, Jewish, and Gentile heroes, and of those of all other nations, and this is very delightful to them. Forsooth, no one is envious of another. They sing a hymn to Love, one to Wisdom, and one each to all the other virtues, and this they do under the direction of the ruler of each virtue. Each one takes the woman he loves most, and they dance for exercise with propriety and stateliness under the peristyles. The women wear their long hair all twisted together and collected into one knot on the crown of the head, but in rolling it they leave one curl. The men, however, have one curl only and the rest of their hair around the head is shaven off. Further, they wear a slight covering, and above this a round hat a little larger than the size of their head. In the fields they use caps, but at home each one wears a biretto white, red, or another colour according to his trade or occupation. Moreover, the magistrates use grander and more imposing-looking coverings for the head.

They hold great festivities when the sun enters the four cardinal points Qf the heavens, that is, when he enters

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Cancer, Libra, Capricorn, and Aries. On these occasions they have very learned, splendid, and as it were comic performances. They celebrate also every full and every new moon with a festival, as also they do the anniversaries of the founding of the city, and of the days when they have won victories or done any other great achievement. The celebrations take place with the music of female voices, with the noise of trumpets and drums, and the firing of salutations. The poets sing the praises of the most renowned leaders and the victories. Nevertheless, if any of them should deceive even by disparaging a foreign hero, he is punished. No one can exercise the function of a poet who invents that which is not true, and a license like this they think to be a pest of our world, for the reason that it puts a premium upon virtue and often assigns it to unworthy persons, either from fear or flattery, or ambition or avarice. For the praise of no one is a statue erected until after his death; but whilst he is alive, who has found out new arts and very useful secrets, or who has rendered great service to the state either at home or on the battle-field, his name is written in the book of heroes. They do not bury dead bodies, but burn them, so that a plague may not arise from them, and so that they may be converted into fire, a very noble and powerful thing, which has its coming from the sun and returns to it. And for the above reasons no chance is given for idolatry. The statues and pictures of the heroes, however, are there, and the splendid women set apart to become mothers often look at them. Prayers are made from the state to the four horizontal corners of the world. In the morning to the rising sun, then to the setting sun, then to the south, and lastly to the north; and in the contrary order in the evening, first to the setting sun, to the rising sun, to the north, and at length to the south. They repeat but one prayer, which asks for health of body and of mind, and happiness for themselves and all people,

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and they conclude it with the petition "As it seems best to God." The public prayer for all is long, and it is poured forth to heaven. For this reason the altar is round and is divided crosswise by ways at right angles to one another. By these ways Hoh enters after he has repeated the four prayers, and he prays looking up to heaven. And then a great mystery is seen by them. The priestly vestments are of a beauty and meaning like to those of Aaron. They resemble Nature and they surpass Art.

They divide the seasons according to the revolution of the sun, and not of the stars, and they observe yearly by how much time the one precedes the other. They hold that the sun approaches nearer and nearer, and therefore by everlessening circles reaches the tropics and the equator every year a little sooner. They measure months by the course of the moon, years by that of the sun. They praise Ptolemy, admire Copernicus, but place Aristarchus and Philolaus before him. They take great pains in endeavouring to understand the construction of the world, and whether or not it will perish, and at what time. They believe that the true oracle of Jesus Christ is by the signs in the sun, in the moon, and in the stars, which signs do not thus appear to many of us foolish ones. Therefore they wait for the renewing of the age, and perchance for its end. They say that it is very doubtful whether the world was made from nothing, or from the ruins of other worlds, or from chaos, but they certainly think that it was made, and did not exist from eternity. Therefore they disbelieve in Aristotle, whom they consider a logician and not a philosopher. From analogies, they can draw many arguments against the eternity of the world. The sun and the stars they, so to speak, regard as the living representatives and signs of God, as the temples and holy living altars, and they honour but do not worship them. Beyond all other things they venerate the sun, but they consider no created thing worthy the adoration of worship. This they

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give to God alone, and thus they serve Him, that they may not come into the power of a tyrant and fall into misery by undergoing punishment by creatures of revenge. They contemplate and know God under the image of the Sun, and they call it the sign of God, His face and living image, by means of which light, heat, life, and the making of all things good and bad proceeds. Therefore they have built an altar like to the Sun in shape, and the priests praise God in the sun and in the stars, as it were His altars, and in the heavens, His temple as it were; and they pray to good angels, who are, so to speak, the intercessors living in the stars, their strong abodes. For God long since set signs of their beauty in heaven, and of His glory in the Sun. They say there is but one heaven, and that the planets move and rise of themselves when they approach the sun or are in conjunction with it.

They assert two principles of the physics of things below, namely, that the Sun is the father, and the Earth the mother; the air is an impure part of the heavens; all fire is derived from the sun. The sea is the sweat of earth, or the fluid of earth combusted, and fused within its bowels; but is the bond of union between air and earth, as the blood is of the spirit and flesh of animals. The world is a great animal, and we live within it as worms live within us. Therefore we do not belong to the system of stars, sun, and earth, but to God only; for in respect to them which seek only to amplify themselves, we are born and live by chance; but in respect to God, whose instruments we are, we are formed by prescience and design, and for a high end. Therefore we are bound to no Father but God, and receive all things from Him. They hold as beyond question the immortality of souls, and that these associate with good angels after death, or with bad angels, according as they have likened themselves in this life to either. For all things seek their like. They differ little from us as to places of reward and punishment. They are in doubt

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whether there are other worlds beyond ours, and account it madness to say there is nothing, Nonentity is incompatible with the infinite entity of God. They lay down two principles of metaphysics, entity which is the highest God, and nothingness which is the defect of entity. Evil and sin come of the propensity to nothingness; the sin having its cause not efficient, but in deficiency. Deficiency is, they say, of power, wisdom or will. Sin they place in the last of these three, because he who knows and has the power to do good is bound also to have the will, for will arises out of them. They worship God in Trinity, saying God is the supreme Power, whence proceeds the highest Wisdom, which is the same with God, and from these comes Love, which is both Power and Wisdom; but they do not distinguish persons by name, as in our Christian law, which has not been revealed to them. This religion, when its abuses have been removed, will be the future mistress of the world, as great theologians teach and hope. Therefore Spain found the New World (though its first discoverer, Columbus, greatest of heroes, was a Genoese), that all nations should be gathered under one law. We know. not what we do, but God knows, whose instruments we are. They sought new regions for lust of gold and riches, but God works to a higher end. The sun strives to burn up the earth, not to produce plants and men, but God guides the battle to great issues. His the praise, to Him the glory!

G. M. Oh, if you knew what our astrologers say of the coming age, and of our age, that has in it more history within a hundred years than all the world had in four thousand years before! Of the wonderful invention of printing and guns, and the use of the magnet, and how it all comes of Mercury, Mars, the Moon, and the Scorpion!

Capt. Ah, well! God gives all in His good time. They astrologize too much.

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SOCIALISM BEFORE THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
A HISTORY

BY WILLIAM B. GUTHRIE, PH.D.

INSTRUCTOR IN HISTORY, COLLEGE OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCE UNDER THE BOARD OF EDUCATION, AND ON FOREIGN INVESTMENTS IN THE SCHOOL OF COMMERCE AND FINANCE OF NEW YORK UNIVERSITY

New York

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD.

1907

All rights reserved

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CHAPTER IV
LIFE AND TIMES OF CAMPANELLA

1. With the study of Campanella the field is changed from north to south, from England to Italy, from Germanic to Romance culture. The appearance of social discontent and anti-social theories seems perfectly natural among southern peoples, and especially in Italy where the Revival of Learning started theorizing on other lines, and where the capitalistic régime showed itself quite early. 1 There certainly existed conditions favorable to social upheaval, and the Italian character seemed fitted thereto. There appears, however, very slight agitation and very little literature bearing on social questions in Romance lands. The northern countries stimulated at once by the two great movements, the Renaissance and the Reformation, had witnessed uprisings and had produced some literature and social theories more or less revolutionary. Italy, during this time, seems not to have taken much part in this sentiment of social disorder.

For a long time a calm had marked the social life of Italy. Away back in the latter part of the thirteenth

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1

Janssen, "History of German People at the Close of the Middle Ages," St. Louis, 1900, Vol. II, Ch. I. Cf. Labriola, op. cit., p. 153.

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century one bold character had dared to revolt against the petty but effective despotism of one of the republics. 1 Arnold of Brescia for some time scattered the seeds of social discontent in Milan, where was reaped the usual harvest of disorder and riot. As is usual, Arnold was led to attack property by a scandalous abuse of its power by one class and he developed rather a complete scheme of communism. Aroused by the power or abuse of power in the hands of the church, he bitterly attacked the landed clergy, as was done so much later in France and England. The disaffection spread, and war was waged not only against property but also against its kindred institutions. This movement was soon checked, however, and little came of the agitation for a cause for which its leader gave up his life.

There is, moreover, a general paucity of literature for a century following Thomas More, for which several explanations are offered. One of importance is the fact that so disastrous had been the attempts at social reform in northern Europe that the cause seemed hopeless, and radical agitators were stamped as enemies of state, church, and of civilization itself. 2 This conclusion seemed justified by the history of Lollardy,

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1

Ibid., p. 29.

2

Kirchenheim, "L'Eternelle Utopia," Paris, 1897, p. 83. Cf. Berens, "The Digger Movement," etc., p. 11; also Kautsky, "Communism," pp. 29et seq.

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the Hussite movement in Bohemia, and kindred uprisings. It is also true that great religious questions came to occupy people's minds, and abstract principles and even questions of scientific method came to the front, while the idealist and reformer were less patronized. With the opening of the seventeenth century the interest in social questions revived, and considerable literature was published. Of this the most interesting and important came from the pen of the Calabrian monk, Thomas Campanella.

2. Very little attention has been paid to Campanella by English students, and accounts in English of his life and work are very meagre and unsatisfactory. His works have, however, been quite fully treated by foreign critics. Owing to this paucity of English literature treating his life and works, a rather extended notice of authorities seems justifiable. Among the works from his pen those dealing with the social problem are: "City of the Sun," which probably first appeared in 1619, almost exactly a century after the "Utopia" by Thomas More; and his "Discourses touching the Spanish Monarchy," published about 1599. The date is somewhat in dispute, though it seems highly probable that it appeared shortly before the death of Elizabeth in England. The "Realistic Philosophy," Part IV, was probably written while the author was in prison and published at an uncertain date afterward.

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There is quite an extensive literature of a biographical and critical nature. So many-sided was his culture and so far-reaching were his teachings that the life of the learned monk called forth extensive criticism in various tongues. Among these may be cited the treatise by Andrea Calenda, "Thomas Campanella and his Social and Political Doctrines bearing upon Modern Socialism." 1 On the philosophy of Campanella the short work by Sante Felici, "The Philosophical and Religious Doctrines of Campanella," is very satisfactory. 2 On his biography the work of Baldacchini, "Vita e filosofia di Tommaso Campanella," should be consulted. Luigi Amabile of Naples has written a very extensive treatise of his life, but it is cumbrous and tedious. 3 Shorter notices appear in such works as those of Adolphe Franck 4 and Von Mohl. 5 The place of Campanella has been discussed by Paul Lafargue; 6 and very briefly by Kleinwächter. 7

3. It is perhaps a result of a chauvinistic spirit that

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1

Calenda, "Fra Tommaso Campanella e la sua Dottrina Sociale e Politica di Fronte al Socialismo Moderno," 1895.

2

"Le Dottrine Filosofico-religiose di Tommaso Campanella, con particolare riguardo alla filosofia della rinascenza Italiana".

3

"Fra Tommaso Campanella la sua congiura i suoi processi e la sua pazzia," etc., Naples, 1882.

4

"Riformateurs et publicistes de l'Europe," 1881.

5

Op. cit.

6

"Die Vorläufer des neueren Socialismus," pp. 469-506.

7

"Die Staatsromane," Wien, 1891.

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each nation sees in its writers and critics the forerunners of great movements and the originators of wise social schemes. Such a case is seen when Guizot states with an interesting air of assurance that every great idea has either originated in France or passed through the French to the world. A certain element of this spirit probably inspires those writers who claim for Campanella a very large place in the history of the incipient stages of socialism. The claim seems, however, to have a very good justification in fact. Campanella, monk, philosopher, communist, and revolutionist, made a very substantial contribution to the early thought of socialism. 1 He is not important because of the quantity he wrote; his works are marked by commendable brevity. Analysis shows, however, that his social theories and economic views are far-reaching and suggestive. 2

Campanella was born, according to the most reliable biographers, in 1568 in the little village of Stillo, in Calabria. 3 Educated for orders, in the declining days

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1

Calenda, op. cit., Preface.

2

The value of the Italian critics concerning Campanella has been questioned by Croce. That modern socialists look upon Campanella as their "Homer" is, of course, an exaggeration. Lafargue also comes in for his share of the criticism. See Croce, "Matérialism Historique et Économie Marxiste," Paris 1901, pp. 270et seq.

3

Calenda, op cit., p. 4; Colet, "Œuvres choisies," p. 2, Franck, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 151.

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of scholasticism, he was early noted for his power as a philosopher, and it is in this sphere he is best known. It was during the period of struggle then in progress against the ancient Aristotelian philosophy that Campanella gained his reputation as a scholar and as a great philosophic controversialist. 1

It may be of interest to take a glance at the intellectual environment of the man. He was born at the close of the life of Bruno, far-famed for having anticipated the theories of Galileo, who also was advanced in life while Campanella was in childhood. Telesius, whose disciple and defender he became, died before Campanella reached manhood. Francis Bacon, who seemed not to have known him, was seven years his senior. Bodin wrote his six "Livres de la République" while the monk's character was in the making, and Grotius was a contemporary with this brilliant group of political and social philosophers. The work of the noted chemist and founder of the science of Medicine, Paracelsus, appeared shortly before the social theorizing of Campanella began. Of the place of Italy at this time it is only necessary to note that five of the greatest scholars of Europe are Italians -- Cardanus, Telesius, Patritius, Bruno, and the Calabrian monk, Campanella. 2

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1

Calenda, op. cit., p. 62.

2

Rixner, "Leben und Lehrmeinungen Berühmter Physiker," 1829; "Einleitung."

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Campanella's first great inspiration was Telesius, in whose defence he made those speeches on which his fame rests and which enhanced the reputation of his client. It is said that while Antonia Marta consumed seven years writing a book against Telesius, Campanella occupied but seven months in destroying it. Campanella's works were highly theoretical. Many of the writings of a similar nature during this period partake of a more scientific spirit. Bodin has been classified in much the same school as Campanella and has even been called very idealistic and utopian. He saw, however, the difference between his method and that of Campanella and More, declaring that he was not dealing with an imaginary commonwealth, as Thomas More had done. 1 Campanella, then, may be called the most idealistic and utopian of this learned group; he is more positively a social reformer than the others. He had, however, sound judgment on social and political affairs corresponding somewhat to Harrington, the premises of both men being very sane.

A study of this many-sided man reveals a strange life -- a virtual paradox. An orthodox Catholic and a devoted monk, he was a worshipper of the stars and

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1

"Republic," Bk. I, p. 3; cf. Sudre, "Histoire du Communisme"; Baudrillart, "Tableaux des Théories Politiques," etc., pp. 24et seq.; Gierke, "Althusius," pp. 151, 152 (ed. 1880); Bluntschli, "Histoire du droit publique."

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placed astrology above his religion. Himself violently persecuted, his theories make no provision for liberty, nor is he a friend of toleration. A forerunner of the rational method in physical science, he was superstitious in religion and fanciful in his social theories. Although he lived an isolated monk in the cloister or a martyr in the cell he advanced a form of social organization which most clearly abandons individualism. Apparently a free-thinker, he was yet a slave to the traditions and ceremonies of the past.

There are some very interesting points of contrast between More and Campanella. Both were determined for orders, but More returned to public life and the law, while Campanella took to the cloister. Both were devoted Catholics. More, however, espoused the New Learning and was a devoted follower of Aristotle; Campanella, also versed in classic lore, revolted against Greek philosophy and became its bitterest enemy and most feared opponent. More was a marked conservative and on the side of order; Campanella was a radical and a revolutionary and suffered for his course. Campanella suffered twenty-six years of martyrdom for his radicalism; More went to the scaffold for his conservatism. More favored an absolute monarchy with the people having a kind of king-making power; Campanella favored a republic, though, of course, of the Italian pattern. Campanella was an agitator, believed

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he could upset the power of Spain, destroy the existing social order, and create a republic; 1 More was an advocate of the Tudor monarchy. More resembled Karl Marx; Campanella was an early Lassalle. 2 The only hope of More was a return to the earlier and simpler life he saw daily passing farther away; for Campanella the new seventeenth century, with its eventful opening, was to be the dawn of a new age of social regeneration. 3

Campanella differs from More in this, that he adhered more persistently to national ideals; he was struggling for the independence of the Italian states, but with the larger purpose of their national unity; More was willing to return to a more decentralized form of social organization. Both were spurred on by a knowledge of the evil conditions of their times. The aspect, however, more apparent to Campanella was the political; that which impressed More was the economic or social.

This very decided difference in view point must be noted. More was led to his discussion by a study of the economic and social conditions. In these he saw contradictions and flagrant wrongs. Campanella, and, it

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1

Lafargue, "Le Devenir Social," Vol. I, p. 312.

2

Gonner, "The Social Philosophy of Rodbertus," London, 1899, pp. 5et seq.

3

Sigwart, "Kleine Schriften," Freiburg, 1889, Band I, p. 138.

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may be added, the Jesuits and the English radicals, go out chiefly from the religious or the religious-political point of view. They are therefore more largely political than social or economic reformers. 1

As has been said the writings of Campanella bearing upon social questions were very limited in quantity. His purely philosophical works were far more extensive. As in the case of More the social and political environment gave force and direction to his literary works touching political and social matters. These consist, as is the case with most social reformers, of two widely differing kinds. His imaginative tendency was, as in the case of Plato, offset by his sound, practical judgment. In connection with his highly theoretical "City of the Sun" should be read the practical treatise, "A Discourse touching the Spanish Monarchy." 2

These two works illustrate widely differing methods. The "Discourses" are historical in nature and of a practical turn; written, as were other Italian works, to give advice to a prince, they are similar to the "Laws" of Plato as compared with his "Republic." This work is marked by good sense and keen insight and shows power of practical observation. The "City of the Sun,"

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1

Campanella spent twenty-six years in prison, where much of his writing was done. He was treated far more considerately than other radicals as he stayed in the church. Bruno, an anti-Catholic sceptic, was burned at the stake in Rome, 1600.

2

Calenda, op. cit., pp. 16et seq.

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on the other hand, is idealistic, philosophic, and at times fantastic. The "Discourses" were a direct outgrowth of his study of the Spanish Monarchy and its relation to the Italian states which had come under its rule. The work was translated into English in 1654 at the request of Cromwell and became widely known. Its relation to Spain was very similar to the relation of "Utopia" to England. It was written primarily to lead to reform in the Monarchy, but like the "Utopia" it had a larger intent and contemplated the general political situation.

Only such reference will be here made to the "Discourses" as may shed light on the general theories of Campanella. The sub-title is of some interest, taken in connection with the views of the author. Translated, it reads, "Some Directions and Practices whereby the King of Spain may attain to Universal Monarchy." Bearing on the same point he has in the Preface set forth the historic movements tending in this direction. The tendency shown by Campanella to shake loose from the old manner of interpreting things in terms of theology is clearly shown in the Preface. "I shall, notwithstanding, in a brief and compendious way, give your Lordship an account what my judgment is concerning this subject and shall give in the causes of each several

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1

Citations are to the first English edition which was done from Latin in 1654, at the request of Cromwell.

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point; in General first; not after a natural nor Theological but after a political way."

In his views and in his conscious efforts to use a certain analytic method, Campanella was in advance of his contemporaries. In his "Discourses" he first lays down certain general principles which monarchs should follow and then proceeds historically to test their validity by examining the nations which had followed them. To certain conscious lines of action he attributes national strength and perpetuity. He furthermore clearly distinguishes between primary and secondary causes operating in social life. Speaking of historical causes he says, "Fate is nothing else than the concurring of all the causes working by virtue of the first Cause." 1

In his social doctrines, as set forth in the "Discourses," he clearly recognizes the effect of physical environment as a cause in social evolution. 2 Thus his theory of social interpretation follows, perhaps not so distinctly as the "Spirit of Laws," those lines of reasoning later followed by Montesquieu, to whom is generally attributed the introduction of this style of reasoning. In his "City of the Sun" Campanella attributes social

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1

Campanella, "A Discourse touching the Spanish Monarchy," etc., London, 1654, p. 1.

2

Ibid., Ch. XXVII. Here he discusses the influence of climate on fecundity and the increase of certain social and individual qualities.

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changes to the stars and lays stress on the general cosmography as an aid to an understanding of the control of human affairs. In his "Discourses" he treats in a discriminating manner of the relations of geographical environment to social change. As will be shown later this is a thoroughly socialistic view point. The highly theoretical nature of the "City of the Sun" is offset by the fact that Campanella had designed to found a republic in Calabria, the leading features of which were outlined in his "City of the Sun." There was, then, a very practical turn to the mind of the Calabrian monk, and when he touches political and social subjects he displays considerable capacity.

4. Only the briefest notice can be taken here of the place Campanella held in the development of that thought his century did so much to bring forth. This task belongs rather to the study of the philosopher than of the socialist, but a sketch of the man must be very incomplete that omits it entirely. A clue to his work along lines of inductive science may be gained from his "Discourses." In the sphere of physical science he advised the rejection of the Aristotelian theories and methods and he attempted to demolish the ancient cosmography through the development of more accurate knowledge and the adoption of the inductive method. To this end he advised the Spanish monarch to close the Greek schools which must of necessity

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teach both the matter and the method of the Aristotelian school.

He furthermore advised him to found and foster the Arabic schools, because of the attention they paid to mathematics and geography. 1 On this he says: "Then let him get about him the ablest cosmographers that he can and assign them liberal advances; whose business it shall be to describe those various parts of the world wheresoever the Spaniards shall have set footing throughout the entire world; because that Ptolemy knew nothing of those countries at all. And let him by the industry of these mathematicians correct all the errors of the ancient geographers." Of the teachings of Aristotle he says, "Aristotle, though his teachings were impious, yet was he little of a hindrance to Alexander." In his references to the ancient school Campanella shows the same radical attitude seen in his social theories.

5. It is coming to be more clearly appreciated by students of social and economic science that it is necessary to study and to grasp the general philosophy of the world's great teachers. The method of Spencer in his synthetic philosophy shows how imperative is this demand. Underlying any special theory on social or economic life or process is to be sought the substratum

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1

Campanella, "A Discourse touching the Spanish Monarchy," etc. Ch. X.

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of philosophy and the general world-view. Perhaps the German students have gone about this task most seriously and the term "Weltanschauung" has come to occupy a very prominent place in their vocabulary of social science. 1 Especially is this true with those periods when revolution is prevailing and when "natural rights" instead of historic or traditional privileges are emphasized; when the metaphysician, and not the historian or the dogmatist, has the field. Of socialism these statements are true in a very particular manner. Socialism is not only an economic, it is an ethical system as well, and pretends to reëstablish mankind on a new basis of right-thinking and right-dealing. It is necessary, then, to take frequent excursions into the realm of general philosophy and metaphysics to discover those lines of reasoning, knowledge of which makes clearer the movements in the progress of social thought.

Now in these early periods of the history of social thought, metaphysics and a very abstract philosophy bore about the same relation to social theory as do the natural sciences to-day. 2 Psychology, in its application to social and economic science, may be said to have displaced metaphysics and, dealing primarily with the

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1

Labriola, op. cit., p. 14.

2

"A long development of the inorganic and vital sciences was necessary before sociology or morals could attain their normal constitution." -- Ingram, "A History of Political Economy," p. 11.

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individual, may be called an outgrowth of that metaphysics which dealt with an extreme form of individualism which helped to produce the French Revolution. Present-day social science, on the other hand, tends to interpret phenomena in terms of material thought, geography, climate, and the like. Early social study was carried on in the light of metaphysical and idealistic modes of thinking; modern social investigation advances along lines drawn by the physical scientist and in the light of evolutionary thought. Applied in a spirit of reform or of revolution the one mode of thought produced an idealistic, utopian, impracticable type of socialism; while the other gave a realistic, practical, scientific type.

This metaphysical-theological mode of viewing society pretty largely prevailed till the opening of the nineteenth century and was at its height when Campanella wrote. Socialism during the nineteenth century yielded to the same all-conquering force of the scientific spirit and the socialism of Karl Marx was a natural result. What has been said may be summed up in the statement of Royce that a general philosophy is necessary to give unity to theories and facts and an explanation of life and of the world.1

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1

All great social schemes have been a result of an attempt to apply a general philosophy to social life. The history of the social ideas and ideals of Aristotle and Plato is but their attempted application of

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A glance, therefore, into the realm of philosophic thought in which Campanella moved may be useful in explaining his social scheme so largely metaphysical. As one of the most learned opponents of Aristotle, a forerunner of Bacon in the field of induction, a precursor of Montesquieu in his mode of social interpretation -- and withal a most philosophic and mystical theorizer in social spheres, Campanella's career certainly justifies a general study.

In the first half of the seventeenth century the old system of philosophy was very seriously shaken. The Age of Discovery, the influences of the Reformation, and the liberation of the human mind following the Renaissance and other great movements, tended to destroy the old and usher in the new age. It was to the introduction of this new age that Campanella lent his efforts and directed his massive intellectual powers. It was as a disciple of Telesius, who had long opposed the earlier teachings, that Campanella first doubted and then denied the ancient dogma and helped to lead in the inductive age. Kozlowski says of him, 1 that he was the first philosopher who went over to the side of sense-

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their philosophy to social problems. The Metaphysics of Campanella helps to explain his peculiar views. The social philosophy and schemes in revolutionary France rest finally upon the metaphysics of the eighteenth century. Cf. Royce, "Spirit of Modern Philosophy," Boston and N. Y., 1892, pp. 1-2.

1

Op. Cit., p. 21.

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perception, and attempted to construct a philosophy and a science in which there would be a large element of exact reasoning based upon actual evidence. His great work was the first attempt at a general synthesis of the sciences, an attempted synthetic philosophy. In this "Universalis philosophiæ sive metaphisicorum rerum intra propria dogmata partes IV," he pretends to treat the field of human knowledge. This work includes a variety of subjects among which is found his treatise on society as a part of the general philosophy.

As Campanella pretended to apply his positive method to the social sciences it may be well to note its chief features. To him the knowledge gained by sense-perception was the only real knowledge. Led to draw a sharp distinction between this real knowledge and common opinion, he came to look upon experience and induction as the only safe method of acquiring knowledge. 1

There is, however, a most marked inconsistency in the career of Campanella. His thinking presents a peculiar mixture of idealism and realism, of spiritualism and materialism. In his general philosophy both as to matter and method he was a decided sensualist, approaching the modern materialist. 2 In his social

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1

Wuttge, "Erkenntnistheorie und Ethik des Tommaso Campanella," p. 33.

2

Franck, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 162et seq.

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teachings he was highly deductive and metaphysical. Hence in his "City of the Sun" there appears the most peculiar cosmogony and throughout his social scheme there runs a mystifying symbolism. Plato did not so completely involve his social scheme in his philosophy as did his later imitator. Thus some of his theory seems totally unreasonable when divorced from his general metaphysical scheme. In this scheme all matter is animated by a soul. There is an internal soul which corresponds to the soul of man and an external soul immanent in the world. The trees, animals, and rocks are all animated by this external soul. In his scheme of social organization the sun figures as the chief ruler; he describes the "City of the Sun." "Hoh" is the sun, which symbolizes "power," or the greatest controlling force, and is endowed with the external soul. In his theory, existence was based upon feeling; therefore everything existing had feeling. Knowledge was an accumulation of experiences, and hence everything could have knowledge. Love is defined as a state of perfect harmony existing in the world. In his idea of a perfect social state there are these three controlling forces: power, knowledge, and love.

On these propositions rested Campanella's hope for social harmony. He conceived all existence as presenting this inner spiritual harmony and unity, and it is a result of an unnatural social arrangement that

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society is at war. This is only a more mystical, metaphysical way of stating the doctrine of natural law and order, essential and natural, which theory underlay the optimism of the eighteenth century. On this same idea of an inner unity and hence a possible harmony was founded the hopeful social philosophy of the early French socialists and indeed of those far down into the last century. Campanella taught that there was a double trinity, -- power, knowledge and love, as found in man, external nature, and God. It was in the heavenly bodies that he saw the most perfect expression of this external soul; he was therefore much occupied with astrology and believed social affairs were in some mysterious manner controlled by the stars.

6. As a result of Campanella's opposition to Aristotle, he was inclined to take up the theories of Plato and in a way became very sympathetic with the teachings set forth in the "Republic." 1 In many of the main features of his social doctrines he was a follower of Plato; while in regard to his principal contention, that is, that a communistic society would succeed, he directly opposed Aristotle. He denies that the property bond is the only basis for social unity, and that the acquisitive spirit is the only one which furnishes the motive to toil.

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1

Fornari, "Delle Teorie economiche nelle Provincie Napolitane dal secolo XIII al XVIII," 1882, p. 1 86).

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No serious attempt has been made by the admirers of the Italian monk to dispute the place so long held by Bacon in the progress of human thought. It is of some interest, however, to note that while the great Englishman was working out his system, another noted scholar was engaged along similar lines in Italy; and that Campanella was, by an application of the new scientific method, making for himself a place comparable to that which Bacon was to occupy in English culture. As a critic says: "Et voilà où Campanella voit l'avenir de la philosophie et la régénération de toutes les sciences." 1

7. Certain works have already been cited as sources of the thought of Campanella. Reference is here made to an influence of considerable importance exerted on the minds of reformers by the Jesuits and their institutions in South America. These seem to have been partly the cause and partly the result of Campanella's views.

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1

Adolphe Franck, "Réformateurs et publicistes de l'Europe," Vol. II, p. 153.

The following works are on the philosophy of Campanella: Kozlowski, "Die Erkenntnislehre Campanellas," 1897; Sträter, "Briefe über Italianischen Philosophen"; "Zeitschrift der Gedanke," 1864- 1865; Carriere, "Die philosopbische Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit," 1847; Baudrillart, "Tableau des Théories Politique et des Idées Économiques au Seizième Siècle," 1853; Rixner und Siber, "Leben und Lehrmeinungen Berühmter Physiker am Ende des XVI und am Anfange des XVII Jahrhunderts," 1829.

Besides these, standard histories as Royce, Weber, Überweg, and the like may be consulted.

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The attempt to bring these Jesuit communistic schemes into proper relationship to the prevalent social theories was induced by the title of the leading authority on this subject; "The history of Paraguay, containing amongst many, new, curious, and interesting particulars; a full and authentic account of the establishment formed there by the Jesuits, from among the savage nations, in the very centre of barbarism; establishments allowed to have realized the sublime ideas of Fénelon, Thomas More, and Plato; by Charlevoix, 1759."

Of all attempts to organize an artificial society and to conduct affairs after a definite plan, with a decided creed and consciously wrought-out purpose, the Jesuit colony of South America furnishes the most conspicuous example. It was the most extensive and successful attempt at establishing a society after the dreams of idealists and reformers. This was a heroic example of the application of close, minute social control to the affairs of a society based upon communism. "Loyola contemplated calling into existence an organization, novel in character and in scope, and that fact he sought to impress on the world by a title conspicuously expressive of superior pretensions." 1

Brief analysis will reveal close bonds of unity between the doctrines of Campanella and this Jesuit scheme of a

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1

Graham, "The Jesuits," p. 8.

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regenerated social organization. Both were at war with the same despotic power -- the Spanish Monarchy. Campanella was striving to drive Spain from Southern Italy; the Jesuits, exiled from most lands, had set on foot a most ambitious plan to colonize in the South and finally to drive and keep Spain out of South America while their priests attempted to take North America. Here was a gigantic project contemplating the conquest of territory from Canada to Paraguay. Attention, however, can only be called to the communistic state of Paraguay. 1

Specifically, then, wherein lies the similarity between the Jesuit schemes and the teachings of the Italian monk? In the first place, as has been said, both adhere to the idea of close control by the state of the form and process of organized society. Naturally, both advised the suppression of the individual with a weakening of the motive of selfishness and an enlargement of the power of the social will and of social motives. There is found with both the happy thought that labor can be made attractive and thus the need of an external motive be lessened or removed?

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1

Rambaud, "Histoire Générale," Paris, 1895; Vol. V, pp. 698 et seq.

2

"On the one hand, every conceivable guarantee is provided for crushing out any germs of independent impulse that could possibly allow momentary play to an individual member; to some

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In their practice the Jesuits also followed the theory of Campanella. The actual organization of the Jesuit colonies in Paraguay suggests very strongly the plan laid down in the "City of the Sun." The establishments were built around central points, in which centres were grouped all the inhabitants as Campanella suggested. In the midst of all was the church. On the outlying lands were the houses constructed for industrial purposes, but not for residences. In these and other external features there was a striking resemblance between the two schemes of social organization.

Property relations in Paraguay were also similar to those set forth in the "City of the Sun." 1 The land that was in any community was the common property of the group; its entire control was in the government. In addition there was a portion set aside near the towns, which was in a special sense a commons, cultivated by the community jointly. This feature resembled the early English "commons." 2 The product of this common labor and land was stored in maga-

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movement of dissent, however suppressed or strictly mental from another emanating from a superior." -- Graham, "The Jesuits," p. 14.

1

Gothein, "Der christlich-sociale Staat der Jesuiten in Paraguay," Schmoller "Staats- u. Socialwissenschaftliche Forschungen," Vol. 4, No. 4, p. 5. Cf. also, Graham, "Vanished Acadia."

2

Kobler, "Der christliche Communismus in den Reductionen von Paraguay," etc., Würzburg, 1877, p. 26.

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zines and kept for common distribution. The land lying farther out was divided every so often among the families, according to the number of members in each. This land was not considered private property; could not be bought nor sold by the person cultivating it; and could be burdened in no manner in favor of the holder, nor to the injury of the community right therein. The same thing held true of the houses. Certain forms of personal property could, however, be acquired in the Jesuit colonies. This was one feature in their peculiar polity that furnished a motive to industry and frugality. Those who showed idleness were compelled to labor. 1 An interesting regulation reflecting feudal influence required all the population, men and women, to give one day per week to the cultivation of the commons and that without compensation.

8. It is needless here to emphasize the very great importance of the Jesuits in the field of education. It may, however, be of some interest to examine their policy in Paraguay as it ran parallel to the idea of Campanella. They made a twofold division of the youth. The larger class devoted their energies to industrial lines. These were placed in schools where trades were learned and practised. Those not directly determined for industrial life were given culture of a more general kind, being trained in the more ele-

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1

Kobler, op. cit., pp. 26-27.

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mentary subjects, such as language and mathematics. As is done in all socialistic schemes, the Jesuits laid great stress on agriculture, training in this line being compulsory for all. The common fields referred to above were a kind of agricultural station where training was carried on.

As in the scheme of Campanella the Jesuits grave much attention to the industrial arts. This fact contributed much to the early success of the social experiments in South America. 1 Commerce and trade in Paraguay were all controlled by the public power, none being left in private hands.

In these colonies there appeared the same problems which all socialism must face. The abandonment of private property destroyed at once the basis of social unity and a chief motive to industry. In Paraguay this lack seems to have been supplied largely by religious enthusiasm?

9. Campanella and the Jesuit reformers differed on the question of the family. In Paraguay the Jesuits made provision for the continuance of the family, though marriage was very closely controlled by the public power. Both were eager to suppress selfishness,

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1

Gothein, op. cit., p. 9.

2

"The spiritual attachment to their order, the strongest perhaps that ever influenced any body of people, is characteristic of the Jesuits and serves as a key to the genius of their policy." -- Robertson, "History of Charles V," Philadelphia, 1883, Vol. II, p. 453.

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ambition, and greed; these must be eliminated if society is to reach its highest purpose. The Jesuits favored the employment of free labor as opposed to slaves, while Campanella under conditions would allow slavery.

Certain features marking these colonies are in line with early social ideals. In the first place, they were founded in an isolated portion of the earth away from the traditions and established institutions, with none of the forms of ancient culture to disturb. Again, they were planted among a barbarian people; among a people about as near Rousseau's "man of nature" as could be hoped for. It is also true that the originators of this social scheme were fitted to bring such an experiment to success because of their zeal and devotion and of the definiteness of their plan, to which they consistently adhered. The religious enthusiasm and exaggerated pietism, so characteristic of communistic experiments, was also not lacking among the Jesuits. There has been a variety of attempts to solve the social problem through state or school and church. The communist colonies of the Jesuits in Paraguay were marked by the most serious effort to solve it by means of the church.

There is, however, a more important and interesting feature of the Jesuit teaching bearing upon the socialism of Campanella and indeed upon all social theory of

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this type. It has been already pointed out that all forms of utopian socialism base the hope of a reconstructed society upon the possibility of abandoning the forms and traditions of the past, in order that a social state may be set up after a preconceived plan. It is therefore of importance to note that of the political thinkers of that age the Jesuits were the first to recognize the changeable nature of the state. It was well along in the new era before the theory was seriously questioned that the church and the state were one. The sacredness and stability attributed to the church had also been posited of the state. The stability of monarchy had as its support the idea of the inviolability and perpetuity of the church. It was largely due to Jesuit teaching that this dogma was abandoned. The church was left to enjoy protection from innovation, while the state and soon society itself were to be shaken to their foundations as they came to be viewed more and more as subject to the social will. 1

10. It is easier to say that the Jesuit socialistic experiment did much to mould the thought of Campanella than to measure the extent of that influence. The inference, however, seems safe that their plans formed one general social scheme. Certain it is that the order

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1

Gothein, op. cit., pp. 2-3. See also Gierke, "Althusius," Pt. 2, Ch. I, p. 65.

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was at that time attracting universal attention. Rulers and students were watching with interest and apprehension as the Jesuits carried on their experiment. That Campanella has voiced some of their views seems highly probable. 1

Back of the two books from the pen of the Italian, and inspiring his practical experiments, there was a large public purpose in which the Jesuits took part. He had advocated in his writings and had proposed a practical plan on a small scale of what they projected so large. Both were thinking of an enlarged Catholic rule; a more extended papal control; a Catholic system, reformed, liberalized, and reconstructed. He and the Jesuit teachers saw, what the modern churchmen are slow at grasping, that the church must meet the social needs if it is to maintain its place and power. They saw that the church must enter the field of social reform. The closing decades of the last century have witnessed much the same movement on the part of the church.

That Campanella's teaching had its influence on the Jesuit system seems also true. The two men most influential in Jesuit society were Italians, Cataldino and Maceta. They were, in all likelihood, known to Campanella; there was also, in all probability, a common knowledge of the principles they so vigorously

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1

Gothein, op. cit., p. 3.

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applied. On this Kirchenheim says: "Such was the Christian social state of the Jesuits in Paraguay, of which Campanella in the prison had written. It is evident that this state agreed not merely in general principles, but in its details with the scheme of Campanella." "The philosophic writers and these practical reformers attempted to build a state after a given mechanical form." 1

11. One feature worthy of note was the cosmopolitan views of Campanella. A few general facts may help explain the breadth of his view. The first one of a very general nature was his philosophic habit of mind. Philosophy, dealing as it does with the world of the abstract, is apt to lose the particular in the general and the special in the universal. History furnishes many illustrations of this. One of the best examples was the condition in Germany during her "humiliation," while her great philosophers were "ruling the air." As a

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1

On this subject consult: Gierke, "Althusius"; Pierre François Xavier de Charlevoix , "Histoire du Paraguay," Paris, 1757, 2 vols.; Gothein, "Ignatius Loyola und die Gegenreformation," 1885; "Der christlich-sociale Staat der Jesuiten in Paraguay"; "Staats- und Socialwissenschaftliche Forschungen," Band 4, Heft 4; Handelmann, "Geschichte von Brasilien," 1860; Gottheil, "Die Jesuiten Colonien Paraguay"; Bonifacio, "Les Jesuites et Pédagogie au XVIme Siècle," 1894; Hughes, "Loyola and the Educational System of the Jesuits," 1892; E. Friedberg, "Die Mittelalterlichen Lehren über das Verhältniss von Staat und Kirche," 1874; Döllinger, "Kirche und Kirchen," etc, 1861; Kirchenheim, "L'Éternelle Utopie," 1897, p. 133.

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land she was disunited and humiliated. Her thinkers were too cosmopolitan to be national; they dealt too much with the abstract and the universal to care for the local and practical affairs. This state of things holds in Italy in the age of Campanella. While the nation, already divided, was thus solidifying into many warring kingdoms, to endure for three hundred years, her philosophers were busy with the most general and abstract reasoning.

Again, Campanella was, in a way, a man without a country, much as was the greatest cosmopolitan socialist, Karl Marx. He, too, was a kind of world-citizen. Moreover, Italy was the land in which had lingered the tradition of a world-empire.

As a devoted follower of the papal church and an active member of the clerical orders, Campanella was versed in the history of the universal church, and sympathized with her aspirations to hold universal empire. Since the downfall of the Roman Empire the papal power alone had given unity to Christendom, and in it was the hope and aspiration to universal rule. Campanella believed with Pascal, Grotius, and other seventeenthcentury thinkers in the unity of the human race, and looked forward toward the time when all peoples should unite under one world-power. He looked for a more perfect social unity through the reëstablishment of a liberalized Papal See and through the growth of a

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Christian empire under the rule of the Spanish monarch as vicegerent of the Roman power. 1

At first, Campanella was devoted to the Spanish Monarchy and believed Spain would one day come to universal dominion. Like so many, he was slow to learn from the events of his day, and his belief in a worldpower seemed very genuine. This was, of course, the direction thought took till the spirit 2 and practice of mercantilism broke up the movement toward worldunity. As a recent writer puts it: "The cosmopolitanism of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, the dreams of the world-unity, have been replaced by a set of narrower ideas concerning customs, laws, literature, and art by a set of independent states, each striving to realize to its fullest its independent aptitudes and characteristics. Thus do the nations of Western

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1

It would be interesting to bring the ideas of Campanella into contrast with certain radical teaching in England of the Stuart Monarchy. One Dutch writer, Peter Cornelius, held that this and the old system of society should come to an end, and that Christendom should become a world-state under the rule of one magistracy. Gooch, "History of English Democratic Ideas of the Seventeenth Century," Cambridge, 1898, p. 209.

2

One of his biographers says: "Noch vor seiner Rückkehr nach Stilo hatte er in dieser Richtung geschrieben; über die christliche Monarchie, über das Regiment der Kirche; das Ideal einer christlichen Weltmonarchie unter dem Pabst als Oberhaupt schwebte ihm vor; die spanische Macht sei berufen sie zu verwirklichen." -- Sigwart, "Kleine Schriften," Vol. 1, p. 137.

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Europe pass through a period marked by this narrow spirit of extreme nationalism till Adam Smith and the Physiocrats again teach the lessons of a broader worldview and sympathy." 1

Socialists have been about equally divided as to the breadth of their sympathies. Race environment, training, and the conditions of the age have had much to do with the tendencies of social students in this regard. Illustrating those who were decidedly national in their sympathies may be named Cabet, Rodbertus, and Lassalle. Those of a greater breadth of mind were More, Campanella, Weitling, and Karl Marx. Rodbertus stands as the best representative of the former, and Marx of the latter class. 2

12. Enough has been said already to indicate the general direction of the political thought of Campanella. Living as he did during the struggle over the great national problems, the consolidation of national groups and of absolute monarchies, he was naturally influenced by it. Along with his predecessors he idealized the "prince" and was devoted to a centralized form of government. Along with most reformers of this type he believed in a hierarchy of personal control. In this respect the early socialistic schemes differ from any

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1

Reinsch, "World Politics," N. Y., 1900, pp. 5 et seq.

2

On the recent tendency toward the international socialism in Italy, see Labriola, op. cit., pp. 19-20.

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Europe pass through a period marked by this narrow spirit of extreme nationalism till Adam Smith and the Physiocrats again teach the lessons of a broader worldview and sympathy." 1

Socialists have been about equally divided as to the breadth of their sympathies. Race environment, training, and the conditions of the age have had much to do with the tendencies of social students in this regard. Illustrating those who were decidedly national in their sympathies may be named Cabet, Rodbertus, and Lassalle. Those of a greater breadth of mind were More, Campanella, Weitling, and Karl Marx. Rodbertus stands as the best representative of the former, and Marx of the latter class. 2

12. Enough has been said already to indicate the general direction of the political thought of Campanella. Living as he did during the struggle over the great national problems, the consolidation of national groups and of absolute monarchies, he was naturally influenced by it. Along with his predecessors he idealized the "prince" and was devoted to a centralized form of government. Along with most reformers of this type he believed in a hierarchy of personal control. In this respect the early socialistic schemes differ from any

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1

Reinsch, "World Politics," N. Y., 1900, pp. 5 et seq.

2

On the recent tendency toward the international socialism in Italy, see Labriola, op. cit., pp. 19-20.

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creed of anarchism. They always provide for social order. There is only a slight tendency toward democracy in the earlier social schemes; in fact, very little in the later ones.

One of Campanella's contemporaries presents a very interesting contrast touching political theory. The Italian advocates an absolute form of monarchy coupled with the destruction of private property, especially in land. Harrington, on the other hand, favored a limited monarchy and a careful preservation of private property in land. 1 Harrington made private ownership of land an absolute essential to the permanence of society and the protection of the individual. Campanella saw the permanence of social peace and the happiness of the individual possible only through the abandonment of property. With one the existence of property meant social and political equilibrium; to the other it was the prime disturbing element and a fruitful source of discord. 2 Harrington would create a hierarchy with property very closely controlled by government; Campanella created a hierarchy with no semblance of property.

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1

"Oceana," 1656.

2

See Gooch, op. cit., pp. 290 et seq.

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CHAPTER V
THE SOCIALISM OF CAMPANELLA

1. Probably no body of men ever so completely controlled the economic aspects of society as did the Jesuits. The general propositions laid down touching the efforts of the Jesuit society at complete social control, find their best expression in the theories contained in "City of the Sun" of Thomas Campanella. His position in the church has already been suggested as leading him to his theory of a reconstructed society. This general theory had, indeed, been exemplified throughout the history of the papal church. For centuries the church had attempted in a most studied manner to control affairs, civil, social, and religious. Nowhere in history has a system flourished whose organization and orders so entirely ignored the natural laws of society, and so thoroughly managed the social process by the mandates of councils. Out of catholic culture might be expected socialistic theories and experiments; in the general conflict between the social or centralized control and the free play of the individual will, the former would naturally prevail. The extensive control of the papal church, carried over into the industrial sphere, would naturally destroy private initia-

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tive and abolish individualistic methods of industry. Individualism in industry and its accompanying progress were products of the Reformation and flourished in those lands where papal power was most thoroughly shaken.

2. In connection with these more general teachings of Campanella there remain certain special features of his social scheme worthy of notice.

Of his theory of labor it may be said that he opposed slavery and advocated an organization of society upon the basis of free labor. In his ideal society it was not the custom to keep slaves. 1 Slavery, idleness, and vice he places in causal relationship. Of the seventy thousand persons in the Naples of his day only ten or fifteen thousand were employed. On one hand, he saw masses of overburdened, overdriven laborers; on the other, the idle and vicious wealthy. The scheme of Campanella provides for a better distribution of social burdens. In true Marxian fashion he affirms that, were all required to labor, the labor-day would be shortened to four hours. 2 This condition he saw attainable only through the destruction of a profit-producing system; this change would compel all to labor and make possible the reduction of the labor-day to four hours. 3 But in the "City of the Sun," while duty and work are distributed among all, it falls to each one to work only about four hours every day.

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1

"City of the Sun," p. 237.

2

Ibid., p. 238.

3

Ibid.

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The chief feature of the problem, then, is the distribution of the social burden. This factor, the leading one in the socialistic propaganda, was clearly seen and discussed by Campanella. More had seen the same problem and had advised such a social reorganization as would reduce the labor-day to six hours. It will be remembered that this idea was proposed before the machine had come to give its name to the age, to transform industry, and by augmenting the power of labor, to make possible a shorter labor-day with a still larger product. With Karl Marx the machine figured very largely, and made possible the shortening of the labor-day or the same length of day with an increased product, giving rise to surplus-value. Campanella drew his conclusions from a study of society still in the handicraft stage.

3. A fundamental proposition underlies Campanella's theory of the short day. It is necessary that all should labor if the task for some be lightened. When all the members of society share in its toils and sacrifices, then will the laborer be freed from his long hours and his irksome toil. It is the fact that the social drones are carried by the laboring masses that explains the hardship of labor. In Marxian terms, when none live from surplus-value, then can the labor-day be shortened. With Campanella, as with most socialists, it is the control of private property that creates a leisure class, and

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this leisure-class, thus controlling the product of industry, exploits labor and lives from surplus-value. Modern socialism has devised more refined means of meeting this problem; the method of Campanella was bold and crude. 1 He proposed to throw all the members of society back upon labor for their subsistence by destroying private property, by instituting a system of communism.

The foundation of the system of Campanella, then, was the crudest form of communism. In his ideal state all things were held in common, and dispensation was made by the magistrates. 2 His communism is, however, of a broad and rather noble type. It does not merely contemplate material wealth. It means the participation of all the members of the community in all the benefits of social progress, temporal, and spiritual. "Arts, honors, and pleasures are all in common and are held in such manner that no one can appropriate anything to himself." 3

4. The leading causes of the existence and accumulation of private property are clearly given. At the basis lies the need of gain, that a legacy may be left to wife and child. The home, then, is the leading fact in the

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1

"All things are common with them." -- City of the Sun, p. 225.

2

Ibid., pp. 225-226.

3

"But with them the rich and poor make up one community; they are rich because they want nothing, poor because they possess nothing." -- Ibid., p. 238.

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development of private property. Riches, dignity, and honor are of importance when there is a line of descent and the dignity of a family name to be maintained. The clergy, monks, prelates, etc., are less useful because of this inordinate love of wealth. 1

Campanella differs from Morelly and later writers in seeing a vital relationship between the family organization and private property. With him the home fosters the desire for acquisition and leads to the accumulation of property. This being his attitude to the problem, his theory of the family can be easily conceived. In the system devised by Campanella there was community of wives. He abandoned the monogamous family. The dwellers in his ideal city have all things in common, even the women. This custom they defend from the writings of the Apostolic Fathers, the writings of Clement, Socrates, Cato, and Plato. In brief but unmistakable terms the celibate monk advises the Platonic theory of community of wives; it is defended as scriptural, historical, and expeditious.

The union of the sexes, as treated by Campanella, must conserve the larger interests of the state in supplying society with a healthy, strong population. With

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1

"They say all private property is acquired and improved, for the reason that each one of us by himself has his own home and wife and children; from this self-love springs." -- City of the Sun, p. 225.

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severe satire he says: "Indeed they laugh at us who exhibit a studious care for our breed of horses and dogs, but neglect the breeding of human beings." 1 In this, as in all parts of his scheme, Campanella has the social view point. The pleasure, pride, and dignity of the individual life must yield and be subordinated to the welfare of the commonwealth. 2 "For they say that children are bred for the preservation of the species and not for individual pleasure, as St. Thomas so often asserts. Therefore the breeding of children has reference to the commonwealth and not to individuals except in so far as they are constituents of the commonwealth." 3

In no other respect does his artificial view of society make itself so apparent as in his regulation of the family in accordance with the above principle. The men and women were to have no choice as to each other's companionship. Emotion or natural affection plays no part in his scheme. Desire and impulse, he declares, are wrong principles by which the most important feature of social life is controlled. "And thus they distribute male and female breeders to the best natures according to philosophical rules." 4 Where Plato had

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1

Ibid., p. 224.

2

Cf. "A Discourse touching the Spanish Monarchy," English translation, 1654, p. 70.

3

City of the Sun, p. 236.

4

Ibid, p. 237.

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advised the use of the lot in mating, Campanella would have the matter adjusted by magistrates. In some instances regard was had for individual desire and choice, but in those cases alone where no harm could result to the state.

5. As a corollary to the foregoing proposition there was no room for a leisure class in the scheme of Campanella. As has been said, it was necessary that all should labor if the burden of the toiler be lightened. With one-fifth of the population of Naples employed and four-fifths idle, long days and heavy work were a grinding necessity; with all the population productively employed a reduced labor-day would follow. Provision was made for the indigent aged; they were public charges. There was to be no "sturdy vagabond" class, as these must engage in some industry. There was no chance for the growth of a beggar class, as labor was suited to the capacities of all.

Campanella saw the dangers arising from idleness in all three classes. The idle rich went to extremes in luxury and indulgence, and fell a prey to vice. The industrious were to spend their leisure in recreation, study, and self-improvement lest they degenerate. Efforts must be made to prevent the lame, blind, and unfortunate from becoming a public charge. Emphasis to-day is placed upon the dangers of the idle rich; Campanella called attention to the need of pre-

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venting an idle poor class. "No physical defect renders a man incapable of service except the decreptitude of old age, and even the deformed are useful in consultation." 1

His opposition to slavery, above referred to, rests largely upon this principle. Slavery, he says, corrupts the population and leads to idleness and degeneracy in the free population -- an argument used against this institution when it was struggling for its life in its last stronghold.

Thus, the labor-theory of Campanella, though very imperfect, contains several modern notions concerning the length of the labor-day. He advocated a shorter day. He advised schemes for self-improvement for the leisure time. Slavery was opposed because it led to idle, vicious habits. No moral standards are laid down. The problems are not discussed as having distinct ethical import, social utility being the sole test applied. No reference is made to any rights inhering in the laborer or in the slave. The main consideration is that the state be not harmed, nor the social manners corrupted. The criteria applied to actions are public welfare and social expediency.

6. The question of the demand and supply of labor is but briefly discussed. Of the nature of wants, the extent of the market, and kindred questions he has said

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1

City of the Sun, p. 239.

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little. Enough is said to show that he believed that labor employed four hours daily would supply all the necessities, but few of the luxuries of life. This is in line with sound socialistic doctrine. Reduce all society to the grade of ordinary labor and the demand for luxuries would be much lessened. 1

Labor is not employed to supply foreign markets. His theory involves a self-sufficing industrial state, -a state producing all it needs and little more. Hence commerce was little fostered in the "City of the Sun." Exchange, in so far as allowed, was a simple form of barter. Campanella was opposed to money and its use, and believed a system of natural economy with barter was preferable.

7. In speaking of the form of political organization advocated by Campanella, it is well to recall that he was a citizen of an Italian city, and that the structure most familiar to him was the Italian city-state. As in the earlier centuries the dramatic conditions in Italy had inspired Dante and furnished a theme to the great poetphilosopher Machiavelli, so in the seventeenth century conditions could well suggest the principles of government advanced by Campanella. Though an advocate of absolute social equality arising from common property he was devoted to absolutism in government.

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1

Rodbertus, "Overproduction and Crises." Introduction by Professor Clark, London, 1898, pp. 16-17.

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A feature of considerable interest was that within limitations the government was elective. The magistrates were elected, choice being limited to those whose training in the arts and sciences made them most competent to rule. The chief magistrates must be above thirty-five years of age. If eminently fitted, they held office for life. Citizenship was limited to men of over twenty years, who formed an assembly not unlike the Ecclesia of Clisthenes.

From what has been said, it will appear that the governing body in the state depended neither upon an aristocracy of wealth nor of birth. Some new principle, therefore, must serve as selective for the governing classes. This the author finds in the realm of science. Campanella wished to establish an aristocracy of education and put the control of society into their hands. The teachers of the arts and sciences, he urged, are best fitted to choose the rulers in the different departments. That higher education unfits men for practical duties and political services he denies, while at the same time he condemns the hereditary principle of selection. "We, indeed, are more certain that such a very learned man has the knowledge of governing than you who put ignorant persons in authority and consider them suitable merely because they have sprung from the rulers or have been chosen from a powerful faction." 1

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1

City of the Sun, p. 229.

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Campanella has the utmost confidence in the trained mind in public life, and has no confidence in heredity as a selective principle. 1

8. There has been perhaps no political principle more generally accepted nor more often acted upon than that of centralization of political power. Historical development has brought with it the suppression of local patriotism and local pride in view of a larger grouping. This principle has been recognized from the formation of the Delian Confederation down to the organization of the German Empire. In these instances, as in countless others, this spirit of particularism has been most destructive to perfect socialization and complete national unity. Advocates of a more liberal policy and of a larger social unity, from Miltiades down to Bismarck, have not hesitated to weaken or destroy this local spirit which was a foe to the centralizing process. Such friends of consolidation have, however, generally dealt with politically organized bodies such as small kingdoms, free cities, semi-sovereign states, and the like; few have had the hardihood to fall back of these and interfere with the socializing, or, as some say, the de-socializing force of the family-group.

The author of the "City of the Sun" did not overlook the fact that in the abandonment of private property, of family life, and the attendant desire for inheritance,

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1

Cf. The reasoning of Plato, "Republic," Bk. VI.

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he had undermined the foundations of society and broken some of the strongest bonds of social unity. In meeting this situation he reveals some interesting social philosophy. He has a definite theory of social unity. Campanella was too wise to propose the destruction of the existing social forces without meeting the inevitable question as to the motives necessary to industrial endeavor; he was too thoughtful to banish the common centres in which social interests might gather and not consider the probability of finding a new basis of social equilibrium.

In his theory of social unity, Campanella partly follows Plato. When discussing the family and its place in the state, Plato condemns the family as an obstacle to the perfect devotion of the citizen to the state. Banish family life and the citizen has no cause for pride, no object of devotion, no stimulus to effort and sacrifice except the state. The state, as an institution, is then without a rival. More than once has this principle had historical confirmation. It was evidenced in the unconquerable spirit of Sparta in Plato's day. It was in the plan of Hildebrand'when he enforced celibacy among the clergy of Germany; and to this general theory the Italian monk was no stranger. He had, indeed, given warning against the dissension and disunion that were weakening and threatening Italy and Spain. As a celibate monk he

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was devoted to the Holy Church only. The recent history of Italy was not wanting in examples, as Guelph and Ghibelline struggled for mastery, and great families with their unbridled ambitions threatened, even destroyed, the unity, and threatened the very existence of the Italian state.

It is, then, not much wonder that Campanella, devoted to one supreme organization, should have opposed those forces tending to disunion, and among them considered the family as an enemy to close social unity. He condemns the family as the source of self-love. Dishonesty arises in the state, since to acquire property and honor for the family statesmen will be led to grasp at the property of the state and misuse public office. One would think he wrote of the twentieth instead of the seventeenth century, and of the United States instead of Naples. He sums up his thought as follows, "But when we take away self-love, there remains only love for the state." 1

A second feature in his theory recalls an interesting part of the argument of Aristotle. It will be remembered that in his "Ethics," Aristotle places great emphasis upon friendship as a principle of social unity and coöperation. 2 Campanella, while briefly discussing the

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1

City of the Sun, p. 225.

2

"Ethics," Ch. IX. Cf. Adam Smith, "Theory of Moral Sentiments," expressing the same views.

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family, shows his sympathy with this theory. As has been stated, love based upon sex or filial devotion had no place in his system. There is, however, one type of affection which he considers a true social force. "Moreover that love born of eager desire is not known among them, only that born of friendship." 1

To the objection that with a society based on communism, mutual helpfulness, so often the basis of friendship and of social interdependence, would be lacking (people having neither the need nor the power to aid), Campanella wisely remarks that material interests are not the only ones in society, nor is their absence the destruction of friendship. "Friendship is recognized among them in war, in infirmity, and in the art contests whereby they aid one another." 2

The theory of Campanella was, moreover, open to another objection: the one which in ancient times Aristotle used with such force against Plato. Aristotle had urged that with selfish personal motives removed, under a system of common property, industry would suffer, and what was everybody's business would be nobody's business. 3 Campanella, in restating the position of Aristotle, expresses in a very modern form the chief objection to socialism: "Under such circumstances no one will be willing to labor when he expects

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1

City of the Sun, p. 237.

2

Ibid., p. 226.

3

Aristotle, "Politics," Jowett translation, Vol. I, p. 30.

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to live from the labor of others." 1 Admitting this difficulty, he believes that the consciousness of union with a larger social aggregate will supply motive, and that industry will not decline. "But I declare to you that they burn with so great a love for their fatherland as I could scarcely have believed possible." 2 Campanella urged that a society based upon common property had equal chances of success with one founded on private property.

The subject, however, may be approached from a different view point. The strength of the motive to labor need only be proportionate to the onus of labor. In the system of Campanella labor is considered neither severe nor dishonorable. All labor is honorable, and hence no class-distinctions can arise from the nature of the employment. The society described is one where all are employed, and where idleness alone is condemned. "Wherefore no one thinks it lowering to wait on table or to work in the kitchen or fields." 3 Labor, in its ideal state, is a part of civic duty, and obloquy attaches to idleness as it does to the neglect of civic activity. "Those occupations that require the most labor, such as working in metals and building, are the most praiseworthy among them." 4 Here, then, is a new type of nobility, -- a nobility based upon toil, an aristocracy of labor.

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1

City of the Sun, p. 225.

2

Ibid., pp. 225-226.

3

Ibid., p. 237.

4

Ibid., p. 246.

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9. This argument from Campanella rests upon that idea of labor which was so much enlarged on by the great French socialist, Fourier. Campanella hoped to so adapt employment to inclination and to capacity that labor would be freed of much of its pain and sacrifice. This was a part of his scheme for maintaining the efficiency of labor when the strong motive of individual gain had been removed.

This coördination of powers and occupation began in the schools where the youths were trained in those lines chosen because of fitness and inclination. Men of lesser intellect were kept in agricultural pursuits; those of peculiar powers were put at the arts and sciences. Those who at like age showed similar tastes and faculties were so classified industrially as to bring harmony to the state. 1 By this means, he hoped to avoid that anarchy in the industrial world due to a bad distribution of the supply of labor. According to Campanella, there is possible such an adjustment of the laborsupply that none will avoid labor because it is either dishonorable or distasteful. In this theory is expressed the hope of social unity, of individual satisfaction, and of industrial efficiency.

It will thus be seen that the theory of Campanella stands in marked contrast to the theory of selfishness or the theory based upon the concept of the "economic

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1

Ibid., p. 234.

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man." The "economic man" was man viewed clearly from the individualistic standpoint; Campanella's concept of man is gained by seeing him in his social attitude -- man a mere function of society. These characters are about equally mythical. A system of social philosophy built upon either idea is untrue to the facts. Man never has been, probably never will be, so egoistical as classical economics assumed. Man may never be so highly socialized as Campanella pictured him. Each theory has its lessons as to the possibilities of socialism. The theory of Campanella suggests many things concerning the possible limitations on human selfishness. His was a most attractive dream of a peaceful society, composed of very highly socialized members. The teaching of classical economics has its valuable warnings touching those obstacles to that happy state whose primary feature was an absence of selfishness.

10. The teachings of Campanella, thus briefly sketched, display a bold thinker, for his day and place, as well as a man of sound social and political judgment. For one writing from the cloister, he possesses clear insight into the facts of society and government. The romance, "City of the Sun," must be classed as one of the pioneer socialistic documents. What he has said is not great in quantity but is very rich in suggestiveness. He saw and appreciated certain principles

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since laid hold of and worked into the system of modern socialism. In his teachings on the possibility of social reorganization he follows that type of interpretation which had been dominant for two thousand years. He combined in an interesting manner a knowledge of practical affairs with a subtle philosophic insight and a keen metaphysical sense.

11. As has been intimated, there exist some interesting points of comparison between the social teachings of the two philosophers, Campanella and Bacon. What Bacon had to say on social life was left in his short but interesting fragment, the "New Atlantis." In this, he gave the general outlines of a perfect social state.

Bacon was a statesman, philosopher, man of affairs, and a contemporary of the Italian monk. From the first, he was inclined toward politics and statecraft. He believed a life devoted to the creation of a perfect social state was the loftiest type of life. After devoting himself for a time to social study, he turned toward philosophy and abandoned his social schemes. The "New Atlantis" was written at the same time as the "City of the Sun," though it seems improbable that their illustrious authors ever met or were aware of each other's theories or social studies.

It has often been lamented that for various reasons certain great writers did not complete the works they had begun; as when William Archer Butler left un-

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completed his history of philosophy, after writing two brilliant volumes; or when Henry Buckle laid aside his pen after writing his remarkable "Introduction to a History of Civilization in England," not having reached his main theme. The same regrets may be expressed that Bacon never finished, as he expected to do, a great political masterpiece. What he has left in "New Atlantis" shows what the nature of his thinking was, and illustrates the application of his philosophic thought to social science. 1

Bacon occupied much the same position in English thought as did Campanella in Italian. As the latter had opposed the method and teachings of Aristotle, so had Bacon stood out against the deductive, abstract reasoning of his time. In his social theory he advocated complete social reconstruction. He treated society as a structure and not as an organism; a thing to be controlled by social and not by natural law. He also exaggerated the influence of the social will, consciously ordering social progress. It was therefore natural that he should place a large importance upon knowledge. He advocated the creation of a social condition where the control should be in the hands of philosophers.

12. The opening of the " New Atlantis" recalls the

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1

It was the intention to treat fully the movement in England during the Commonwealth. The main character has been ably discussed by L. H. Berens in the "Digger Movement in the Days of the Commonwealth," London, 1906.

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features marking other works of its kind. Under the influence of an age of discovery, Bacon pictures a company driven to an unknown land. There the usual fear of the natives terrorizes them -- a fear born of the knowledge of the habits of civilization. The usual detail is indulged in describing the material aspects of this terra incognita. The same happy disillusionment occurs upon finding the barbarian life so mild and their manners so peaceable. "New Atlantis" is a city where ideal conditions exist. Nature, as pictured there, is most prodigal in her care for the physical comfort of the happy citizens. The formation is fitted to every need, the material conveniences standing in marked contrast to the London of Bacon's day, or even the modern city.

According to Bacon, the end of government is the welfare of the people. The king of the ideal state must rule by virtue of his ability and his inclination to rule for the commonwealth. The state should be, to a large extent, self-sufficient. Foreign influence must be carefully guarded lest the oft-recorded invasions of vice, luxury, and evil manners should here corrupt the population. In his discussion of the marriage relation, Bacon indulges in a bitter satire on the social morals of his age. He intimates that in the society of his day marriage was but a cloak for immorality; and that the family was only a corrupt bargain, "wherein is sought

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alliance or position or reputation with some desire (almost indifferent) of issue." 1 As in the "City of the Sun," the end sought through marriage is to supply a strong offspring to the state. Any union threatening social welfare is forbidden.

The "New Atlantis" presents the picture of a perfect social state viewed from a scientific standpoint. It is the philosophers' state. It is the dream of a philosopher who believed that the highest purpose of the state was to secure intellectual equality. Bacon's society was established, not upon a communism of wealth, but upon a communism of knowledge. He conceived of a cultural state, pure and simple. His highest concept of good was of the intellectual type. His communism meant the largest possible participation of all the members in the benefits of society. Society should be so reconstructed as to grant to all the blessings of general culture.

There is, moreover, a very decided materialistic color to the last part of his work. There is found there a very remarkable classification of those things which minister to the physical wants of man. The teaching of Bacon is more Epicurean than is that of Campanella. If the writings of Campanella are full of the doctrine of high thinking, Bacon's theories have room for the praise of good living. His interesting fragment is

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1

New Atlantis, Morley edition, p. 198.

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rich in practical wisdom; it abounds in suggestions touching almost every phase of useful science and progressive art. The great purpose, however, of all social effort of the "New Atlantis," Bacon sets forth in one sentence, showing the spirit and the high purpose of the writer. "But thus you see we maintain a trade, not for gold, silver, or jewels, not for silks nor for spices, nor for any commodity of matter, but only for God's first creature, light; to have light, I say, of the growth of all parts of the world." 1

13. This thesis pretends to be an introduction to the study of socialism, which comments on certain writers who appear as its precursors and pioneers. What importance, then, has Campanella in these incipient stages? Of him a French critic says: " Campanella, Harrington, and Fénelon are the successors of Plato, of the 'Republic,' of Savonarola, and of Thomas More, and the forerunners of Rousseau, Mably, Fourier, and of SaintSimon." 2 Sigwart calls him the forerunner and founder of a system of socialistic thought. 3 " Kirchenheim calls him the founder of radical socialism, who saw

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1

Ibid., p. 191.

2

Franck, "Réformateurs et publicistes, de l' Europe," Vol. II, pp. 150-151.

3

" Er ist derjenige der zuerst ein vollkommen socialistisches System wissenschaftlich begründet hat, an Geist und Consequenz den meisten seiner Nachfolger welt überlegen."-- Sigwart, op. cit., p. 151.

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clearly the conflict between the individual and society. 1

The "City of the Sun" is one of the clearest expressions of a radical type of social reform and is logical in the extremes to which it goes. 2 It is the clearest and most rational scheme for a perfect social state thus far written. 3 In the scheme of control suggested, Campanella has embodied most of the ideas of the hierarchy of Saint-Simon. Their schemes of organization are strikingly similar.

14. The social teachings of Campanella, then, may be briefly described in the first place as reactionary, a feature he had in common with Thomas More. He shows this attitude on various occasions. He had struggled to bring back the power of the Catholic clergy, as the Jesuits had done in the counter-reformation. The new and interesting feature of his plan was an attempt to bring the church up to the new demands and to fit it to meet the new economic conditions. This Campanella hoped to do by giving it a deeper social

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1

"Mais la pauvreté de l'ndividu doit avoir pour résultat la richesse de la collectivité, et c'est ainsi que Campanella a été défendu de nos jours par Fourier, Bebel, et d'autres, seulement aucun ne l'a surpassé en audace." -- Kirchenheim, op. cit., p. 99. Cf. Franck, op. cit., Vol II, p. 7, where he calls Campanella the founder of the system of Saint-Simon.

2

Sudre, "Histoire du Communisme," p. 198.

3

Lafargue, "Die Vorläufer des neueren Socialismus," p. 492.

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and economic significance. His was not state -- but like the Jesuits' scheme -- it was church socialism. These men saw a very important thing much emphasized to-day, the weight of economic causes; to some extent they appreciated the importance of the economic basis of society. They saw that attention must be paid to industrial and economic conditions, and that these form the foundations upon which a solid political structure must rest. 1

The communism of Campanella was not of a gross, material kind, so often and doubtless rightly condemned. It meant, as Schäffle remarks, more than a mere division of goods. It involved a general and equal participation of all in the products of culture and in the results of social progress. He taught that all should share alike in those social institutions, and that there should be social coöperation all along the line. Industries, he said, should be open to all, and this at a time when labor-castes ruled industrial society and narrow favoritism was dominant over Europe. All institutions were to be entered by those fitted for them by nature or by culture. His was a most comprehensive type of communism, including the communism of women. It was

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1

The same thing was true of the English writers of this time. "Alone of all his contemporaries, Harrington understood that the causes of the great upheaval which had been witnessed needed to be sought in the underlying social and economic transformation." -- Gooch, op. cit., p. 292. Cf. Kirchenheim, op. cit., p. 151.

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directed toward breaking up the home with its exclusiveness, the classes with their privileges, and absolute government with its oppressiveness.

Campanella advocated certain sane ideas on social organization. Some of these are to-day in force; some await fulfilment, others were but dreams. He advocated free and compulsory education for all classes. He advised changes in the school curriculum that would bring more practical results. He laid special emphasis on the need of care in the propagation of offspring. Therefore he abandoned marriage as based upon sentiment and provided for the social control of the family, whereby fitness and not capricious fancy should be the basis of sexual union. The underlying principle of his social scheme was that society can never be a success till the social will completely dominates the individual will. Egoism is a mortal foe of social welfare and harmony, and hence those institutions that foster selfishness and egoism, such as property and the family, must be sacrificed to the welfare of the larger social group.

Attention has also been called to his theory of the devotion to a larger social aggregate. This had been a part of the theory of the Papal See since the time of Gregory the Great in the eleventh century. The same reasoning had led to the system of celibacy among the German monks, established in order to free them

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from the limiting, narrowing influences of home life, and to keep them from entangling alliances, dangerous to Italian domination. 1 That Campanella drew much of his inspiration from this practice and tradition seems highly probable.

In the scheme of Campanella, then, the state invades the sphere of individual action and initiative in its minutest details. The importance of the individual arises from his attachment to the larger group; and he is most useful when he most completely conforms to the social will.

Campanella put forth few views that might be called economic. What he says is scattered throughout his works and is not of great interest. On the theory of distribution he has no clear ideas; indeed, with a system of communism, it would seem none is needed. As is the situation in connection with all similar schemes, however, the problem of distribution still perplexes. In fact, the further these writers depart from the natural laws governing in the economic world, the more difficult does the situation appear. Campa-

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1

On this reference may be made to the general works and to one work by Henry C. Lea. On this he says: "By the efforts of Gregory, the monk was, in theory at least, separated irrevocably from the world and committed to an existence which depended solely upon the church. Cut off from family and friends, the door closed behind him forever, and his only aspiration beyond his own wants could but be for his abbey and church," etc. -- Henry C. Lea, "Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy in the Christian Church," pp. 117-118.

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nella taught that the individual should be rewarded by society according to his capacity, and the work done was the test of capacity. In the last analysis, however, the wants of each were determined by society, as none could live in luxury and none should be allowed to want. In this respect, his theory was very similar to that of the later French socialists. 1

It may be very reasonably asked what all this mysticism and metaphysical theory contains that is of interest to the social student? Has not Campanella, in his way, laid hold of a great fact in social thought and interpretation? He has set forth the fact, hailed as an acquisition of the nineteenth century, that social development is only one phase of the general cosmical process. Obscured by much confusing symbolism, this idea appears in the teachings of Campanella. Mingled with much metaphysical and theological obscurity it is; lacking almost entirely in any clear inductive analysis it may be; yet his work foreshadows an attempt at a synthetic treatment of scientific thought. Take as an illustration a quotation from a sonnet: "The universe is a great and perfect animal, statue of God and made in his image.""We are on the earth which is a grand animal on a greater one still as the vermin on our bodies." 2

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1

Adolphe Franck, "Réformateurs," etc., Vol. II, p. 194.

2

Ibid. , p. 165.

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Campanella may be said to be the only philosopher in Italy to whom the liberation of the human mind in the sphere of religion and philosophy had an application to the conditions in society and the state. To some extent, at least, he attempted to apply the new thought to the social world. With him the Reformation issued in a more or less clear social scheme. As Thomas More had given a social direction to the new thought in England, so in Italy Campanella was the one man to whom a comprehensive scheme of social reform suggested itself.

Other philosophers were engaged in scholastic disputes; statesmen were struggling for the spoils of office; the Calabrian monk alone devoted his energies to creating a scheme of social reorganization. Among all the Italian states, oppressed by foreign rulers and exploited by despotic power, Calabria alone arose in revolt and demanded a new social and political organization. The soul of this struggle was the Calabrian monk -- Campanella.

Judged by ordinary standards, the life and teachings of Campanella may seem to mean little to social progress and amelioration. Few to-day know him or his work. The words of Royce, however, certainly apply to him: "Surely no statesman ever founded an enduring social order; one may add that no statesman ever produced even temporarily the exact social order that he meant to

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found. No human life ever attained the glorious dreams of its youth. But still the saints and sages are not failures, even if they are forgotten. There is an enduring element about them. They did not wholly die." 1

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1

Royce, "Spirit of Modern Philosophy," p. 6.

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