Sources |
Irish Aspects of the Spanish Civil War
Contents
Acknowledgements. This work is dedicated to the people who have fought for justice, liberty and equality. No Pasaran!
Introduction.
One sleeps where Southern
vines are driest The outbreak of the Spanish
Civil War was to have repercussions throughout the entire world. To
many on the left it was seen as a battle between the forces of democracy
and fascism and rich versus poor. The Right had seen it as a battle
of Christ versus the atheistic hordes, a stand against the spread
of world communism and the restoration of law and order. For both
sides it was a battle between good and evil. It would become a war
that few people could feel neutral or apolitical about. Ireland, like
many other countries was to become embroiled within this conflict.
Ireland had close ties with
Spain and the agrarian question played a predominant role in the politics
of each country. The political and religious ties went back as far
as the seventeenth century to the flight of the Earls, and De Valera
was also to recognise Catalan's call for national independence. As
Bowyer Bell states Ireland had long and often intimate ties
with the Spanish people... sentiment and tradition were the prevailing
factors in Irish Spanish relations.’ (Bell, 1965, p137)
Leading up to the outbreak
of the Spanish Civil War on the 17th of July 1936 Spain had undergone
a variety of political regimes in a relatively short period. These
ranged from a seven year dictatorship under Primo de Riveria (Cook,
1991, p31. de Rivera assumed support with the help of the Military
and Landowners from December 14th 1930.) the declaration of the second
Spanish Republic on the 14 of April 1931, the reversal back to a right
wing Government in November 1934 (Kenwood, 1993, p IX) and the eventual
victory of the Popular Front in February 1937.
This period of transition
was marred by various attempted uprisings by both sides with the most
notable being that of the Asturian miners. (This revolt occurred on
October 1934 when Asturias miners attempted to turn a general strike
into a nation wide revolt. The rising was crushed by Franco and the
foreign Legion. Accompanied with this rising was the declaration of
Catalan national independence which was also severely repressed.)
The general atmosphere was one of growing unrest with street clashes
between the Left and Right, selective assassinations and frequent
attacks on church property and its role in society. (The religious
Reform Bill of March 1931 proposed lay education and the closure of
schools. The Catholic Church had been dis-established in 1931.) These
attacks on the Catholic Church enabled the right to masquerade as
the defender of Catholic Spain and law and order, a role that was
to be of vital importance in regard to Ireland’s reaction.
The deteriorating situation
led to the elections of February 1936. The left with the blessing
of the VII Comintern Congress had united in a popular front. The Popular
Front included Socialists, the Republican Left, Republican Union,
the Communist Party and the Catalan separatists. The election was
fought under five main principles: land reform, amnesty for political
prisoners, constitutional reform, reform of tax and labour legislation
and educational reform. Of the 480 seats in the Cortes the Popular
Front occupied 269. (O'Riordan, 1979, p12)
The election results were
as follows:
Popular Front 4,176,156
Center group 681,047
National Front 3,783,601
Basque Nationalists 130,000
Source: MacEoin, U., Survivors,
2nd Ed., Dublin, 1987, P 17.
It must be noted that the
Basque Nationalists quickly aligned themselves with the Popular Front
during the Civil War. This electoral victory was seen as the legitimisation
for continued land seizures and attacks on property especially that
of the Church. With the breakdown of law and order, political assassinations
and internal bickering within the Popular Front the Army issued various
ultimatums. (On June 12th Jose Costillo, an officer in the Republican
Assault Guards was murdered and on the 13th of July Calvo Sotelo,
head of the Monarchist Party, was assassinated.)
Over the 17th -20 of July
exiled army officers staged military uprisings in Morocco under Franco
and on the mainland led by General Mola. With the help of German military
intervention the rising from Morocco quickly spread to the southern
part of Spain. Foreign intervention was a factor of primary importance
on both sides of the Civil War’ with the Nationalists insurgents
receiving help from among others Germany and Italy, while the Republicans
received help primarily from the Soviet Union and Mexico. (Bowyer
Bell, 1963, p138. He states that Italy sent 70,000 troops and Germany
14,000 from the condor Legion. The Nationalists also got troops from
the Portuguese regular army and Moorish troops from the Spanish Foreign
legion.)
Each side in Spain was now
acting in the shadows of external events, with the weakness of democratic
systems being evident in Italy and Germany and the threat of an emerging
Soviet Union and its ideology in the east.
As Bell claims "Hardly
a European faction or creed was without representation so when the
rebellion began in July much of Europe was almost at once emotionally
involved." (Bell, 1963, p138) The Spanish Civil War was now no
longer an internal affair as one poet of the time, Cesar Vallejo,
was to claim that if Spain fell then the whole world fell. (O'Loughlin,
1987, p7)
The three years of the Spanish
Civil War were seen as a dress rehearsal for World War Two as it was
the first time the two emerging ideologies came into competition and
conflict in open warfare. Indeed the Civil War was seen as the testing
ground for the military techniques that characterised the second World
War particularly the attack on Madrid, the inauguration of mass aerial
bombing of urban targets i.e. Guernica.
The Spanish Civil War had
four important aspects to it :- religion, class, region and external
intervention. To the Right the main point of contention was of religious
freedom against the atheistic reds’ while to their opponents
in the Popular Front the issues at stake were regional autonomy and
redistribution of wealth.
Apart from the violence of
the Asturias revolt day to day coverage of Spanish politics before
the election of February 1936 was scarce. The main channel of information
was the printed media. Irish papers had to rely on agency reports
and also from the coverage given to Spanish events from English daily
newspapers. This lack of direct reporting led to the news reports
being treated with a certain amount of skepticism by both the left
and the right especially when it came to the issue of atrocities being
committed by either side. The respective sides either dismissed some
reports outright or considered them to be gross exaggerations of the
truth. Initial reports were clouded by a fog of controversy regarding
the nature of the military coup, the composition of the Popular Front
Government and the extent of foreign intervention.
The Irish Times, which
was considered to represent the views of the middle class and the
Protestant ascendancy, came out against the Asturias revolt and claimed
that communism was a very real danger. However it shifted its view
in regard to the right wing insurrection and the Civil War for two
reasons. Firstly on both occasions the Irish Times backed the
legitimate Government and secondly the Asturias revolt was not expected
to upset the European balance of power. After the February elections
the paper foresaw a possible revolt from the defeated right in that
they might try to obtain by armed force and treason what they
failed to accomplish at the polls.' (Irish Times, 20th February
1936) The initial coverage of the Nationalist rising was given in
the Irish Times in a non-partisan way, It is of no great
importance to us in Ireland whether Spain decides to throw in her
lot with Communism or Fascism; for either alternative is equally detestable
to people of a liberal tradition." (20th July 1936)
In contrast to this the Irish
Independent, regarded as the paper of Fine Gael, presented the
conflict in stark contrasts; "All who stand for the ancient faith
and the traditions of Spain are behind the present revolt against
the Marxist regime in Madrid." (22nd July 1936) The position
of the Independent was to become the dominant one in the Irish
Free State. The paper presented an apocalyptic interpretation of the
war with regard to religion.
The Independent group
of newspapers came in for particularly fierce attacks from the left
for its alleged one sided coverage of Spanish events and its ultra
conservative opinion where they "excelled themselves with banner
headlines and extra special horror stories." (O'Riordan, 1979,
p26)
The Irish Press on
reporting the conflict emphasised its religious undertones "It
is a question of whether Spain will remain as it has been for so long
a Christian land or a Bolshevist and anti God one." (2nd September
1936) Following the Irish Press report on the bombing of Guernica
the war could no longer be portrayed as a Catholic crusade against
the forces of darkness.
Northern papers such as the
Derry Journal and the Irish News took an openly pro-Franco
stance due to the fact that they relied on a Catholic readership.
The letter page of the Irish News became an important outlet
for pro-Nationalist views in the North where a running battle ensured
between Harry Midgley, pro republican, and the papers readers. In
contrast the Belfast Telegraph took a neutral stance to the
situation. "On the whole it would not be right for any power
to take sides openly with either of the combatants." (31st July
1936)
The Belfast News Letter
criticised direct intervention on either side of the conflict and
seemed indifferent to the plight of the Catholic church. This view
emphasises the fact that for the Northern Protestants the Spanish
Civil War did not involve any complicated religious issues only internal
political problems. Overall the press made little attempt to explain
the complicated and often tangled web of internal Spanish politics
while the pro Franco press highlighted the religious aspect of the
war and portrayed the insurgents as either rebels’, patriots’,
or insurgents’ involved in an uprising’ or revolt’.
These were indeed emotive and loaded terms in Ireland, considering
the first twenty years of Irish politics in the Twentieth century.
The role of the press shall be further examined in subsequent chapters.
The two main political parties
of the 1930’s in Southern Ireland were Fianna Fail and Cumann
na nGaedheal. Although both parties had a common origin in Sinn Fein
and split over the Anglo-Irish Treaty they were now considerably different
in political outlook and support base.
Cumann na nGaedheal had been
in power from 1921 to 1932 and was seen as representing the interests
of big farmers and industry. In terms of economic and social policy
they had an orthodox and conservative outlook and were seen as a respectable
middle of the road party. In their dealings with the Church, the Church
was treated with the utmost respect and their favour was often looked
for. However due to the Eucharistic Congress of 1932 De Valera was
to overtake this position and treated the Church with deferential
respect. The Eucharistic Congress was an important event in the church
calendar as it was the coming together of various Bishops, for Ireland
it was a chance for the nation to celebrate its religious identity
and its closeness to Rome.
With the help of the I.R.A.,
Fianna Fail was to gain victory in the 1932 election with 44.5 per
cent of the vote. (Bew, 1989, p33) Fianna Fail considered itself to
be more Irish and indeed more republican than any of its opponents.
They accused Cumann na nGaedheal of promoting sectional interests
in society divided by a civil war the previous decade. Fianna Fail
received its support from the lower classes of society namely from
labourers, small farmers and industrial workers.
When in power the Republican
Party’ concerned itself with a programme of political and economic
independence from Britain and embarked on a programme of economic
self- sufficiency. State expenditure on agricultural in the period
increased from 1.6 per cent of agricultural output in 1930 to 15.7
per cent in 1935.(Lee, 1985, p186) This in reality meant dismantling
the final remnants of the treaty, tariffs, land annuities, treaty
ports and constitutional links.
Fianna Fail were to engage
in a policy of agrarian radicalism’ (Bew, 1989, p41) with
a break up of large farm holdings and a call for a decrease in rents.
Fianna Fail refused to pay the British Government land annuities which
amounted to £3 million. (O'Riordan, 1979, p43) This situation lead
to a trade war with Britain and brought Anglo-Irish relations and
relations with the North and South to an all time low. With the withdrawal
of annuities Britain imposed a 20 per cent, tariff on Irish imports
of livestock and livestock produce. (Lee, 1985, p181) In return De
Valera increased import rates on British coal and other goods. The
decline in the British cattle market and the trade war was felt mast
acutely by large farmers.
Opposition to De Valera's
trade policies was crystallised by the emerging Blueshirt movement.
The Blueshirts' originated from an ex-servicemen’s association
with an anti-republican ethos, the Army Comrades Association. This
at its height claimed a support of 100,000. (Bradley, 1996, p24) Following
De Valera’s election victory of 1932 and increase in support
the Garda Commissioner General Eoin O’Duffy was sacked by De
Valera and joined the A.C.A. renaming it the National Guard and adopted
the fascist salute and blue shirt as it’s uniform. (Fianna Fail
increased its seats to 77 and its votes to 49.7%. Lee, 1985, p179)
In September 1933 Fine Gael
- United Ireland Party was formed from Cumann na nGaedheal, the Blueshirts'
and the Center Party. The Blueshirts' engaged in a campaign to withhold
rate payments from the government in retaliation for the loss of the
British export market which adversely affected the economic situation
of the Blueshirts' power base, large farmers and their families. Violence
between the Blueshirts' and republicans namely the I.R.A. was common
place with thirty three people hospitalised in Limerick alone in September
1933. (Bew, 1989, p53)
Lyons claims that the conflict
between the I.R.A. and the Blueshirts' was the termination and final
battle of the Civil War.
"The coshes and knuckle-dusters,
the programmes and slogans, the posturing of O’Duffy, the
gang warfare between the Blueshirts' and the I.R.A., these were
not the death-agonies of a Gaelic Weimar, they were rather the last
convulsive spasms of fever that had been walking the land since
1922. They were the nemesis of civil war." (Lyons, 1985, p535)
The emerging street violence
enabled De Valera to consolidate his position by getting rid of private
armies and political opponents.
The Garda were seizing I.R.A.
and Blueshirt propaganda in 1934, military tribunals convicted 102
I.R.A. members and 349 Blueshirts. Following the introduction of the
Army Volunteer Reserve in 1933 the I.R.A. received another blow with
its proscription in 1936. These political maneuvers by De Valera now
meant that Fianna Fail could now pose as the protector of law and
order and were now moving away from being slightly constitutional’.
De Valera introduced sweeping powers against the I.R.A. throughout
the 1930’s.
At the beginning of the thirties
there was a climate of fear which became known as the Red Scare’.
This atmosphere was propagated by both Cumann nGaedheal and the Catholic
Church. The United Irishman, newspaper of Cumann na nGaedheal
claimed that "..Mr. De Valera is leading the country straight
into Bolshevik servitude....he is proceeding along the Bolshevik path
as precisely as if he was getting daily orders from Moscow."
(O'Riordan, 1979, p47 quoting UI, 10/12/36)
The initial years of the 1930’s
were characterised by attacks on left wing groups and the deportation
of Jim Gralton, a Leitrim socialist, in 1933. These were often carried
out with religious zeal. Despite Fianna Fail being in power the Blueshirts'
and Fine Gael stood at the vanguard of this ultra conservatism and
directed their energies in to the perceived communist threat. This
red scare’ of the early years was to leave an indelible
mark on the zeitgeist of Irish politics in the decade. Propaganda
from the pulpit and newspapers led O’Duffy to enlist his crew.
Reactions.
of the Irish Right
The word came from Maynooth
support the fascists. One of the main factors of
the Spanish Civil War and its effects on Ireland was that of the role
of religion and in particular the role of the Catholic Church. The
Church was one of the apex’s in the triangle of power in Spain,
with the other two elements being the Army and the Grandee, the land
owning class.
The Church held a dominant
economical position in society and its riches were estimated to be
one third of the countries national wealth (O'Riordan, 1979, p11)
and "the Hierarchy was rightly regarded as the ally of the upper
classes." (Thomas, 1990, p56)
The Church had also exercised
considerable control over the education system in Spain. Despite this
"strangle hold of Catholicism over education and culture"
(Thomas, 1990, p56) over twenty Spanish provinces had a literacy rate
of fifty per cent or over. (Thomas, 1990, p56) It was against this
background that attacks on church property and assassinations of the
clergy took place during the civil war. Thomas details the number
of religious persons murdered as 6,832 (sic) of which there were 12
Bishops, 283 Nuns, 4,184 Priests and 2,365 Monks. (Thomas, 1990, p270.
Attacks on church property and personnel were commonplace in Spanish
society prior to the Civil War.)
With the nationalist insurgents
claiming to be fighting for Christianity and indeed the Catholic concept
of Christianity it was inevitable that Irish Catholics would be drawn
into the conflict that was unfolding on the Iberian Peninsular and
identify Franco's political interests as religious interests of their
own. As Whyte verifies "to many Catholics, General Franco was
a Christian crusader rescuing Spain from Communist revolution."
(1980, p90)
Parallel to today the Catholic
Church in the 1930s held a considerable amount of power and its influence
went largely unchallenged by any political group which wished to maintain
a following. With The Spanish Bishops’ having stated their position
in the Joint Letter to the Bishops of the World to gain world
wide Catholic support the Church in Ireland soon responded.(3 Spanish
Following a meeting in Maynooth on 13 October 1936 the Irish Hierarchy
issued the following statement,
"..Spain at this moment
is fighting the battle of Christendom against the subversive powers
of Communism. In that fateful struggle it has, we believe, the prayers
and good wishes of the great body of Christians throughout the world,
and nowhere more than in Ireland, which is not unmindful of Spain’s
kindness to our ancestors..." (O'Riordan, 1979, p213)
The statement continued on
congratulating the laudable zeal’ of the ICF and called
for a collection in every parish on the 25 October 1936. (Ibid.) The
collection which eventually raised £43,331 was to be used to alleviate
the suffering of Spanish Catholics. (Bell, 1963, p150)
During the initial stages
of the conflict the Church had shown intense concern about the reported
atrocities but had also shown intense partisanship. The Church was
to use every avenue available, meetings, newspapers and the pulpit
to rally support for the Spanish nationalists. In one such instance
the monthly publication Ireland Today was to come under considerable
pressure. The magazine, which ceased publication in March 1938 partly
due to clerical pressure, had published articles which were critical
of Franco, questioned atrocities and portrayed an objective view if
the unfolding situation. The July 1937 issue claimed that it had been
"submitted to a violent series of ... attacks delivered in the
name of religion." (Whyte, 1980, p92) The Irish Press
also came under pressure for its objective reporting but withstood
the attack. Papers which supported the Nationalist cause were openly
backed by the Catholic clergy. (Bishop Fogerty of Killaloe praised
the editorial position of the Irish independent on August 18th 1936)
On the non-clerical religious
front a significant event was the publication of Aodh de Blacam’s
pamphlet For God and Spain. The Truth About the Spanish Civil War.
This publication detailed alleged religious atrocities and added that
the struggle was not only one of religion but also a battle against
the alleged encroachment of Moscow and international communism. On
the massacre of Babajoz’, a scene of a particular fierce
and brutal street to street battle, the pamphlet reported that "as
soon as the insurgents entered the city the churches’ were immediately
filled to offer thanks to God for delivery from tyranny and from extermination."
(O'Riordan, 1979, p40)
The Catholic Church’s
overall view with regard to communism was that it was Mexico yesterday,
Spain today and Ireland tomorrow. On 22 August 1936 the Irish Independent
called for the formation of a committee to help the stricken people
of Spain in their fight. These calls for support physically manifested
themselves into the Irish Christian Front (I.C.F.). The ICF held its
inaugural meeting in the Mansion House in Dublin on the 31 August
1936. President of the ICF was a Mr. Patrick Belton, Vice-President
Dr J.P. Brennan and Organising Secretary Mrs. Eileen O’Brien. (Belton
was then a Cumman na nGaedheal TD and had formerly been a member of
Fianna Fail, the Center party and had stood as an Independent. At
his time of ICF membership he was Lord Mayor of Dublin and chair of
Dublin County Council. Brennan was Dublin City Coroner and an executive
committee member of Cumman na Poblachta ne hEireann. O'Brien was a
prominent member of the Catholic group, Pro Deo.) The aims and objectives
of the ICF were as follows:
To organise a united front
of all those who refuse to allow their religious and economic
independence to be filched from them by Communism and its allies
in Ireland.
To mobilise the intelligence
and good will of the Irish people for the creation in Ireland
of a social order worthy of our Christian principles.
To send medical aid and
supplies to the patriotic soldiers of Spain and to assist the
refugee victims of the red Government
(These aims are listed in
an ICF pamphlet in Canavan, 1980, p96)
With a Pro-Franco feeling
in Ireland generated by the Church, the Press and Fine Gael, the ICF
developed at an astonishing rate and organised meetings throughout
the country. In September 1936 the Independent reported 5,000
applications for membership. At meetings held by the ICF in provincial
towns in Ireland atrocities perpetrated against nuns and priests in
Spain would be highlighted. During meetings members would raise their
arms in the shape of a cross and chant Long Live Christ the
King in an Orwellian fashion. (Foley, 1992, p161)
On ICF platforms would stand
local sympathisers, priests, Bishops and local T.D.s usually from
Fine Gael but some from Fianna Fail and the Irish Labour Party. At
a Galway meeting declarations were read declaring the ICF’s militant
anti-communism, sympathy for the people of Spain, congratulations
to Franco and his Generals, support for the Spanish clergy and calls
for an economic system based on the Papal Encyclicals. At several
ICF rallies there were calls supporting the regimes of Italy and Germany.
At Drogheda in December 1936 Father O’Connell was reported to
have claimed;
"Italy and Germany
today would be communist but for Mussolini and Hitler, Hitler persecuted
the church to a certain extent but that was no reason for running
him down!!" (The Worker, 12th December, 1936)
The Irish Times reported
the General Secretary of the ICF, Desmond Bell, congratulating Hitler
on setting up concentration camps and keeping the communists away
from decent workers. (Irish Times, 15th December 1936) Belton
went even further to the right;
"When our organisations
work is complete we will make Ireland a very hot spot for any communist
to live in...if it is necessary to be a fascist to defend Christianity
then I am a fascist and so are my colleagues." (Irish Independent,
12th October 1936)
The jewel in the crown of
the ICF came in its monster rally organised in College Green on the
25th October, the feast of Christ the King. the crowd was estimated
at 30,000. (Foley, 1990, p214. The Irish Times and the Irish independent
gave differing estimates of 40,000 and 120,000 respectively, on 26th
October 1936) Among the supporters on the platform was T.J. Campbell
of the Northern Ireland Nationalist Party.
This mass mobilisation of
people by the ICF served two important functions, firstly to raise
money for Spanish Catholics and secondly to rededicate Irish people
to the cause of anti-communism. On the financial front over £30,000
was raised. (Bell, 1963, p151) In November 1936 Belton left Ireland
to visit Franco held positions and to arrange for medical supplies
to the Spanish nationalists and O’Duffy's Brigade. The first
of these medical supplies, an ambulance unit left Dublin on the 15
March 1937. At an ICF rally in Balbriggan P.J. Curran exclaimed from
the platform that "Communism had approached very close to Balbriggan."
(Irish Times, 12 September 1936) The ICF considered that aid for Spain
was secondary to the fight against communism in Ireland.
There was no doubt that there
was the existence of communism in Ireland, Armstrong gives the figure
that communist parties in Ireland received 5,000 vote in the 1932
election. (Armstrong, 1984, p13) Other sources claimed that there
were between fifty-three and over 40,000 active communists in Ireland,
some working to control the Orange Order. (Bell, 1963, p145) The problem
with the calls for action against native communists was that few in
Ireland could locate or even identity the red menace’.
The ICF undoubtedly did create
and add to an atmosphere of intolerance in its years of existence
as following a meeting of the ICF in Cork one individual who questioned
the stance of the ICF was deposited in the river Lee. (Carroll, 1993,
p213-4)
Also when one member of the
clergy Father Ryan of Queens University challenged the exaggeration
of atrocities by the ICF Belton wrote demanding to know when he had
"joined the communists". (O'Riordan, 1979, p30)
In local councils members
introduced what became known as the Clonmel Resolution’.
This motion was introduced usually by members of Fine Gael and supported
by sympathetic members of the ICF in the chamber. Its aim was to break
relations with the Spanish Republic and to recognise the Franco regime.
Following its peak in success
at its formation the ICF became plagued by allegations that it was
a political front for Fine Gael and that the movement itself had wider
political aspirations as evident from its stated aims and objectives.
Bell emphasises this point, "Belton's new ICF looked to some
like the old Blueshirts clad in tweed", a reference to the support
both movements received from large farmers. (Bell, 1963, p145)
The Irish Press accused
Fine Gael of attempting to "come in on the ground floor and annex
control of the ICF." The ICF tried to counter these allegations
and show a united front at a meeting in Longford, the local Fine Gael
TD Sean Mac Eoin claimed that he and his Fianna Fail counterpart were
present not as politicians but as Catholics. (Irish Times,
12 October 1936)
In the pro-Nationalist movement
division came in two forms, internal division within the ICF and division
between Belton and O’Duffy. At the ICF’s first annual conference
in February 1937 members from Drogheda opposed Belton for chairperson
claiming;
"Some members are putting
politics before Catholicism and are doing more harm to the movement
than many communists. It is very hard to convince many people that
that the movement is non-political when some heads of the movement
are politicians." (O'Riordan, 1979, p99, quoting TP Clarke)
Belton and other supporters
of nationalist Spain claimed that the important battle was to be fought
at home and not in Spain. The Irish Press (26 November 1936)
quoted Belton's disaffection at O’Duffy's foreign adventures,
"I did not agree with the wisdom of Irishmen going out to Spain."
O’Duffy and Belton were to become involved in a bitter dispute
over each others tactics and O’Duffy claimed that he and his
volunteers received little of the money raised by the ICF.
While the ICF started as a
mass movement of people it could not capitalise on its grassroots
support and did not develop into an effective political organisation
as hoped by Belton. The ICF was unsuccessful on political issues such
as recognition for the Nationalist Government. The ICF failure was
evident when Belton lost his seat in the 1937 general election., which
was primarily contested on domestic and constitutional issues. Belton
lost his seat to G.C. McGowan of the Labour Party.
In a letter to the Irish
Independent (10 August 1936), General Eoin O’Duffy aired
his views on the conflict in Spain,
"In Madrid Priests
are battered to death on the alter and their heads stuck on the
railings outside the Churches by howling mobs of youths armed by
the Government. In Barcelona Convents are sacked, the nuns stripped
of their clothing and forced to walk naked before the mob. Men,
Women and Children are being hung up alive and fires lit under them."
O’Duffy continued on
with the suggestion that a volunteer unit of Irish fighters should
be raised. His call was answered when a prominent Spanish Monarchist,
El Conde de Ramirez De arellano, contacted the head of the Catholic
Church in Ireland, Cardinal MacRory in anticipation that Ireland could
play a more direct role in Spain against "the destructive and
nihilistic actions of the godless." (Letter of the Spanish
Bishops, 1938, p14)
On the 6 August the Primate
replied that he could do nothing personally and that the best person
to contact would be O’Duffy. Several days later on the 12 August
the Count wrote to O’Duffy:
"You will be pleased
to know that your splendid Cardinal Primate has written me a glorious
letter.., Oh please God that we may be able to do something. What
a glorious example Ireland would be giving the whole of Christendom."
(Bell, 1963, p148)
This call for action provided
the opportunity for O’Duffy to step back into the limelight and
concentrate on his primary political motivation in that; "Here
before his very eyes the conflict between the forces of Christianity
and communism was being played out in bloody battle for the possession
of one of the oldest countries in Europe." (Manning, 1971, p200)
Prompted by enthusiasm from
the pulpit and the press, O’Duffy and his recently established
National Corporate Party set about recruiting on a nation wide basis.
Similar to the ICF, O’Duffy's Brigade initially received overwhelming
support. O’Duffy claimed that in a space of several days he had
over 5,000 willing volunteers, a week later they had increased by
1,000. (Ibid. p201)
Having previously been in
Spain, O’Duffy returned on the 21 September 1936 where he met
Generals’ Mola and Franco and organised the logistics for the
forthcoming journey. (He had been a guest of Jose Antonia Primo de
Riveria in 1934) For O’Duffy there was no question as to his
motivation for going to Spain; "Ireland is behind the people
of Spain in their fight for the faith. Irish Volunteers are making
ready to leave home to fight side by side with the nationalist forces,
convinced that the cause of Franco is the cause of Christian civilisation."
(O'Duffy, 1938, p11)
On 16 October 1936 the Domino
was due to arrive in Passage East. The ship failed to arrive and this
was to be the first of many disappointments. (Manning, 1971, p204)
Following this mishap ten volunteers left Dublin aboard the Lady Lenister
for Liverpool on 13 November as civilian passengers. Two weeks later
the first organised group of eighty four volunteers left Liverpool
aboard the S.S. Avoceta for Lisbon accompanied by Father J. Mulrean,
Chaplain. (Keogh, 1988, p81)
The main body of volunteers,
600, left from Galway upon the Dun Aengus (Stradling, 1995,
p45), accompanied to the tune of Faith of our Fathers’. (MacKee,
1938, p11-12) The Dun Angus was to wait in the harbour over
night until the German ship, Unter Den Linden, arrived complete
with Nazi swastika. (Foley, 1990, p165) After waiting through the
night and in rough weather conditions thirty-five volunteers dropped
out and returned to shore. Another attempt to transport more volunteers
to Spain in January 1937 failed as once again the ship did not arrive.
Out of a reported six thousand
volunteers just under 700 arrived in Spain. (Tierney, 1972, p37) The
Irish Brigade were to form the 15th Bandera Irlandesa Del Tercio Extranjero
(15th Irish Brigade of the Foreign Legion). O’Duffy was given
the rank of Brigadier General answerable only to Franco. The Brigade
serving under the flag of a red cross on a emerald green background
with the inscription In Hoc Signo Vinces was to serve for six months
or the duration of the war, which ever was shorter. The Brigade was
to fight under the strict condition that they were not to fight against
|the Basque Catholics’ who supported the republic.
Morale and discipline of the
Brigade became severely strained due to the conditions on the front
and the fact that there were several pro-Republican elements in the
group who's objective was to incite mutiny.
Following training by German
officers at Caceres the first action the Brigade saw was on the road
to Ciempozuelos on the Jarama front near Madrid. Ironically this action
was against fellow Nationalist troops. The Brigade was fired upon
by troops of the Canary Islands’, killing five, who thought they
had came across an International Brigade.
On the 13 March 1937 the Brigade
launched an attack on a republican position and following fatalities
retreated, despite direct orders O’Duffy refused to lead his
Brigade back into action. The Brigade was then transferred to the
La Maronosa section of the front. Here the Brigade suffered more casualties
and fatalities not through military action but from conditions in
the trenches and a poor diet.
When the Brigades’, six-month
tour of duty was over a second tour was discussed. This opinion was
put to a vote and 654 decided to return while only nine opted to stay.
(O'Duffy, 1938, p239) The Brigade set sail on 17 June 1937 from Lisbon
aboard the Mozambique and arrived in Dublin on 21 June 1936.
Following their disembarkation rival groups formed and marched independently
of each other to the Mansion house.
While O’Duffy's Irish
Brigade were little or no military use to Franco they were of propaganda
value. Although they were the only organised group of International
volunteers Franco claimed world wide support. While it would be unfair
to claim that members of the Irish Brigade were genuine fascists,
they were devoutly religious and eager to represent Ireland in what
was seen as the battle against world communism. O’Riordan claims
that "members of O’Duffy's’ Brigade were victims of
a great ...propaganda campaign who wanted to die for Christ."
(O'Riordan interview, 7 December 1996) These two factors of religious
fervour and anti-communism were exploited by O’Duffy who had
a history of fascist links.
Pro-Republican support .
So comrades come rally During the 1930's support
for the Spanish Republic came from the left of Irish politics. The
left consisted of a small number of organisations and their supporters.
These organisations were the Communist Party of Ireland (C.P.I.),
the Republican Congress, the Northern Ireland Labour Party (N.I.L.P.),
the Northern Ireland Socialist Party (N.I.S.P.) and elements of the
I.R.A. The Irish Labour Party (I.L.P.) which contained pro-Republican
elements officially adhered to the policy of non-intervention. Of
the various groups on the left the Republican Congress was to become
the pivotal organisation in rallying support for the Spanish Republic.
The Republican Congress was
born from the 1934 I.R.A. Army Convention. At this convention on 17-18
March 1934 left wing members of the I.R.A., George Gilmore, Frank
Ryan, Michael Price and Peadar O’Donnell, moved a motion believing
that the I.R.A. had outlived its usefulness as a military organisation.
The essence of this motion was that the I.R.A. should transform itself
from a secret clandestine organisation to a mass popular movement.
The motion received support from the majority of the floor but was
opposed by the Executive Committee of the I.R.A. and lost by one vote.
Following this defeat O’Donnell, Ryan, Gilmore and Price left
the Convention and the I.R.A.
The dissidents called for
a conference in Athlone on the 7-8 April 1934 and issued the following
call:
"We believe that a
Republic of Ireland will never be achieved except through a struggle
which uproots capitalism on its way. We cannot conceive of a free
Ireland with a subject working class; we cannot conceive of a subject
Ireland with a free working class." (Gilmore, 1979, p30)
Following this call a newspaper
The Republican Congress, entitled The Northern Worker
in the North, was launched to drum up support. In June 1934 at the
annual Wolfe Tone commemoration in Bodenstown a group of protestant
workers, representing the Republican Congress, from Belfast were attacked
by a contingent of the I.R.A.. The Republican Congress convened its
first conference at Rathmines Town Hall on 29-30 September 1934. The
meeting attracted delegates representing Congress branches, Trade
Unions, Trades Councils, the N.I.S.P., the C.P.I. and individual members
of the I.L.P., in all 183 delegates. (Byrne, 1994, p39)
Debate was centered around
the creation of a new political party or the formation of a broad
based united front. The vote was 99 to 84 for the united front resolution.
This division prompted a walk out by Michael Price, Roddy Connolly,
Nora Connolly O’Brien and others. Almost at once the Republican
Congress had split over the very issue that it was convened for. Support
from sections of the Trade Union movement and other organisations
drifted away and the predominant movement in the Congress was to become
the C.P.I..
At the outbreak of the conflict
in Spain the joint Secretary of the Republican Congress, Peadar O’Donnell,
had been on holiday and on return rallied support for the Spanish
Republic. (O'Donnell had been described by Hogan in 1935, p40, as
a 'communist in every sense of the word.' Hogan's book outlined the
'threat' to Ireland from World Communism.)
The pro-Republican lobby played
down any suggestion of a religious dimension to the war and claimed
that the conflict was a struggle of democracy versus fascism. The
Worker, paper of the C.P.I., also played down any allegation’s
of the government in Spain being riddled with Communists; "The
paper’s tell the people that the Spanish Republic is a red or
communist government. The Government of Spain is a moderate republican
liberal Government in which there is not one Socialist or Communist."
(22 August, 1936)
This represented a thaw in
the politics of the CPI. They were no longer proposing class war but
were operating a moderate popular front policy. The Republican Congress
was to use every possible means open to them to enlist support for
the Spanish Republic. On 17 of September 1936 Ryan claimed that the
front line trenches of Spain are right here.’ (Cronin, 1980, p76)
Unsurprisingly this prompted a strong reaction from the Church, where
Cardinal MacRory replied; "There is no room any longer for any
doubt as to the issues at stake in the Spanish conflict....It is a
question of whether Spain will remain as she has for so long, a Christian
and Catholic land or a Bolshevist and anti-God one." (Ibid. p79)
In reply, Ryan confirmed his
fusion of both Republicanism and Catholicism saying I will take
my religion from Rome, but as an Irish Republican I will take my politics
from neither Moscow nor Maynooth. (Ibid., p80) For the Left there
was certainty no religious aspect of the conflict. An important figure
in the pro-Republican lobby was Father Michael O’Flannagan. O’Flannagan
openly criticised the Hierarchy’s position on the conflict and
once again urged people not to take their political lead from the
Church.
At a meeting in the Gaiety
Theatre, organised by O’Flannagan and the Republican Congress
in January 1937, Father Ramon La Borda spoke on the situation in Spain.
Father La Borda, a Basque Priest had previously been in Ireland for
the Eucharistic Congress. Although speaking with little English his
speeches were translated in the pages of the Irish Democrat. La Borda
reiterated the view of the Left that the conflict was not one of religion
and that 13 Basque Priests had been murdered by Nationalists, They
(Franco’s troops) shot Priest’s and Workmen to the accompanying
cries of Long Live Christ the King’. (Carroll, 1993, p218)
Father La Borda, while in
Ireland highlighted internal opposition to Franco from the Spanish
Church. La Borda pointed out that the Bishop of Vitoria resigned his
dioceses over disagreement with the Church’s pro-Franco stance
and that the rector of the Irish College at Salamanca, Monsignor McCabe
was compiling a critical journal on the forces aligned with Franco.
Carroll claims that, "Monsignor
McCabe seemed well aware that the perception of the war disseminated
in Ireland by the ICF... was far from accurate. Presumably Monsignor
McCabes’ views were known to some Irish Bishop's.." (Ibid.
p219)
As expected, due to the general
pro-Franco sympathies in Ireland, Father Laborda was to run in to
opposition and was banned from a meeting organised by the N.I.L.P
in Queens University, Belfast. He was also met by opposition at a
meeting organised in the Ulster Hall in Belfast. (Cronin, 1980, p87)
Father O’Flannagan had
travelled to London and America in order to further the cause of the
Spanish Republic. However he was most active at home in organising
various committees to provide medical aid and food supplies to Spain.
Various aid committees were set up in Ireland both north and south.
In the North Harry Midgley, MP for the N.I.L.P, played a predominant
role. The most significant of these was the Irish Food Ship for Spain
Committee which raised over £12,000 in its first month. In March 1938
lorries left Dublin for Belfast with supplies destined for Spain.
The pro-Republican lobby was also able to send two medical workers
as part of a joint Irish-Scottish ambulance unit. (Fred McMahon and
Charles Ewart Milne. Milne was to serve with the Canadian Blood transfusion
service in Barcelona and Valencia). [ Editors note. June 1999. There
was an additional Belfastman who served with the medical service in
Spain, Joseph Boyd.]
The Irish Democrat,
which was launched in March 1937 and supported by the Republican Congress,
CPI and the N.I.S.P had collapsed by the end of 1937. This was largely
due to the papers poor circulation, disputes over editorial policy
and the N.I.S.P objecting to an article by Ryan attacking the P.O.U.M.(The
Irish Democrat replaced The Worker.) The left now
had to rely on the letter pages of other newspapers to promote an
alternative view of the Spanish conflict.
A significant development
in the anti-Franco campaign was the publication of a pamphlet by Harry
Midgley entitled, "Spain. The Press, The Pulpit and The Truth."
The pamphlet was launched by Midgley in reply to the coverage given
to the conflict by the Irish News. Midgley supported the democratically
elected government in Spain but was in disagreement with the position
of the CPI. Despite this conflict the pamphlet was distributed throughout
Ireland.
The Trade Union movement was
divided over the conflict. Only one Trade Union leader, John Swift
openly supported to the Spanish Government. When the Irish section
of the A.T.G.W.U sent £1000 to aid the Republic, branches dissolved
in protest after a campaign of clerical intimidation. Many Trade Union
were to adopt resolutions supporting Franco and the Workers Union
of Ireland prevented its members from speaking on pro-Republican platforms.
The issue of Spain did not even make it on to the agenda of the 1937
I.L.P conference. At the 1938 conference a delegate, Connor Cruise
O'Brien, who attacked Franco was criticised by his colleagues.
Despite the Pro-Republican lobby operating in a hostile environment
they were able to sent a group of volunteers to aid the Republic militarily.
(A pro-republican meeting in September 1936 in College Green, Dublin,
was attacked by "mobs flinging bottles and potatoes studded with
razor blades and as they attacked they sang hymns all the time.",
McInerney, 1974, p176)
In August to September 1936
the Comintern suggested the idea of sending military aid to the Spanish
Republic. (Thomas, 1990, p452-4) This aid was to take the form of
what later became known as the International Brigades. The total number
of volunteers was 35,000 which never exceeded 18,000 at any one time.
(Ibid, p282) The International Brigades represented over 53 countries.
(Ibid, p82) Of the International Brigades Ireland was to send over
150 of which 65 were to die in battle. (Interview with O'Riordan,
1996)
The total number of volunteers
in aid of the Spanish Republic is difficult to estimate for two reasons.
Firstly many Irish from London, Liverpool and other British cities
were to join the Irish in Spain. Also there were Irish volunteers
from Australia, America and Canada who did not fight with the Irish
in Spain but fought in their own countries Battalion. The second and
most important factor was that some who Irishmen fought on the Republican
side were conveniently written out of history. Captain J.R. White,
formerly of Connolly’s Irish Citizen Army (I.C.A), was with the
International Brigades at first and trained Spanish militia’s
in the use of fire arms but later joined the CNT. (, Meltzer, 1980,
p15. White is not listed in O'Riordans book.) The N.I.S.P were the
first to send military aid to the Spanish Republic with at least one
volunteer for the P.O.U.M, Patrick Trench. (Milotte, 1984, p170; Lysaght,
1981, also names Geoffrey Coulter as fighting in the International
Brigades, neither of these 2 volunteers are listed by O'Riordan.)
Bill Scott a member of the
CPI and formally of the IRA while in Spain was one of the first to
join an international anti-fascist column, the International Centuria.
In Correspondence to Sean Murray, General secretary of the CPI, Scott
outlined the situation in Spain and proposed the question of participation
on the Republican side .(Foley, 1990, p161)
The task of recruiting was
left to Bill Gannon of the CPI. Leadership for the volunteers was
to come from outside the CPI. The reason for this being that the CPI
was so small. With George Gilmore having a broken leg and Peadar O'Donnell being considered too old the obvious choice was Frank Ryan, an effective and dedicated agitator for the Left. The initial contingent of eighty
volunteers left Dublin on 11 December 1936. (Bell, 1989, p134)
This group consisted of men
from north and south of the border, Catholic, Protestant, Nationalist,
Republican and Unionist. The majority of the men were from the CPI,
Republican Congress and the IRA. In The Worker 9 December
1936 Ryan outlined reasons for the Brigades’ departure; "The
Irish contingent is a demonstration of revolutionary Ireland's’
solidarity with gallant Spanish workers and peasants in their fight
for freedom against fascism. It aims to redeem Irish honour besmirched
by the intervention of Irish fascism on the side of Spanish Fascist
rebels. It is to aid the revolutionary movement in Ireland, to defeat
the fascist menace at home and finally not the least, to establish
the closest fraternal bands of kinship between the Republican Democracies
of Ireland and Spain."
Here Ryan emphasised two reasons
for going to Spain. Firstly in reply to O’Duffy, who had smeared’
the name of Ireland and secondly to show international solidarity.
The Irish were attached to the mainly English speaking XV International
Brigade made up mainly of American and English volunteers. The Irish
formed the James Connolly Column of the Major-Attlee battalion. By
early 1937 a split had occurred among the Irish due to three reasons.
The British had failed to recognise a distinct Irish section and secondly
the Irish were under the leadership of George Nathan a former officer
in the Black and Tan’s. Thirdly and more importantly the English
paper the Daily Worker on reporting the deaths on the Madrid
front omitted the Irish fatalities. This disaffection led to a split
among the Irish with some remaining with the British at Cordova and
some with the Abraham Lincoln Battalion at the International Brigade
training ground. Division along national lines had taken precedent
over a show of international solidarity. The first action the Irish
saw was at the Cordova front in the defence of Madrid. Here the first
English speaking member of the International Brigade’s was to
fall along with nine other Irish, Tommy Patten from Achill who was
ironically a fluent Gaelic speaker. (O'Riordan, 1979, p162-3)
In February 1937 the Irish
took part in the battle of the Jarama valley, serving in the trenches
for a continuous period of seventy three days. At this battle the
young poet, Charles Donnelly, was to utter his last words "Even
the olives are bleeding." (O'Connor, 1992, p97) The next action
came at the battle of Brunete. The Irish were to engage in further
battles at Teruel and on the Aragon front where Frank Ryan was captured.
The last action the Irish saw was on the Ebro front on 23 September
1938. In all the Irish were to loose over sixty five men. (Bradley,
1996, p25)
In October 1938 in order to
de-internationalise the conflict the withdrawal of the International
Brigade’s was announced. The International Brigade’s had
served several useful purposes. Firstly they had raised the morale
of the Republic through their military action and provided a model
for the formation of the Republican army. The Brigades also served
as visible evidence of international support for the Republic.
Undoubtedly there would have
been more Irish volunteers for the International Brigades but certain
factors prevented this. The IRA had prohibited its members from enlisting
for Spain and the split in the Republican Congress would have limited
the number of possible recruits. The hostile environment created by
the Spanish conflict would have certainly discouraged people from
taking part. On their return home veterans of the International Brigade's
had difficulty obtaining work due to injuries sustained but more so
to political and religious intolerance. (See letters in the Marx Memorial
Library. T Flannagan to IB Association, Duff to IBA and Duff to Nan
Green.)
In recognition of the sacrifice
made by volunteers of the International Brigade’s survivors have
been granted honorary Spanish citizenship; among them the three remaining
Irish Volunteers, Michael O'Riordan, Peter O'Connor and
Eugene Dowling. (Gallagher, 1996, p6-8)
Recognition and Non-Intervention.
I write not of heroic
deeds; The eruption of the Spanish
conflict provoked a diplomatic response from the Popular Front Government
in France. Prompted by fraternal sympathies with the popular front
government in Spain and the possible threat of a Fascist state on
her southern boarder, France along with Britain were to provide the
genesis for the Non-Intervention Committee in September 1936.
Prior to the first meeting
of the Non-Intervention Committee the French minister in Dublin contacted
the department of Foreign affairs on 13 August 1936. Several days
later the Government Information Bureau issued an informal press statement
declaring the Governments' intention of non-intervention.
On the 25 August the Government
Information Bureau issued the following statement, "The policy
of non-intervention has been adopted in the conviction that it is
in the interests of Spain itself and....which will best serve the
cause of European peace... the Government of Saor Stat Eireann in
common with the Irish people and the Christian world are profoundly
shocked by the tragic events that have taken place in Spain."
(Canavan, 1980)
Ireland, along with fourteen
other countries, was represented by John Whelan Dulanty on the Non-Intervention
Committee in London. (Bell, 1963, p149) Despite the majority of the
work of the Non-Intervention Committee being carried out in smaller
sub-committees, Ireland was participating in a major political diplomatic
event. Ireland was to supply seventeen observers to the Non-Intervention
Committee, eleven at sea and six along the French border. The attention
of the Non-Intervention Committee was drawn to the increasing flow
of international volunteers to Spain, mainly on the side of the Republican
Government. Due to its commitment to non-intervention the Irish Government
drew up the Spanish Civil War (Non-Intervention) Bill. The Bill was
presented to the Dail in February 1936. On Presentation of the Bill
De Valera recognised the vast swell of pro-Franco public opinion,
There can be no doubt on which side is the sympathy of the vast
majority of the people of this country." (Dail Debates, Vol.
65, Col. 598)
Opposition to the Bill came
from Fine Gael and ICF elements in the Dail. While Fianna Fail members
were prepared to stand on ICF platforms and condemn the Spanish Government
and communism they were not prepared to criticise the Governments’
non-intervention policy. The Government had tried to separate any
religious or ideological issues from the diplomatic aspects of the
conflict. In opposition to the Bill the "Bogey of atheistic international
communism....was readily invoked by Fine Gael politician's".
(Keatinge, 1973, p259). Patrick Belton was to claim that "the
sympathies of the Fianna Fail party are entirely with the Red Government
in Spain." (Dail Debates, Vol. 65, Col. 745)
Another Fine Gael Deputy Mr.
McGovern wanted the Government to fall in behind the view of the Catholic
Hierarchy; "...The Church has spoken. All the Catholic Bishop’s
of Ireland and the Archbishop’s and Bishop’s of Spain have
spoken. What is the use of their speaking if we, the Catholic section
of this country are not prepared to accept their teaching." (Dail
Debates, Vol. 65, Co. 829)
J. O’Sullivan demanded
the severance of relations with the Spanish Government. The Irish
Independent had initially proposed this view on 12 August 1936.
In reply to the Independent, De Valera stated that severance
of links would serve no useful purpose and that diplomatic relations
was primarily between states and not governments. (Irish Press, 26
August 1936) For De Valera the main issue was the fear that the conflict
would spill over in to a major European war.
Despite intense and often
heated debate in the Chamber the Spanish Civil War (Non-Intervention)
Bill passed by 77 to 50 votes on 24 February 1937. The passage of
the Bill was ensured by the I.L.P voting with the Government. The
Bill declared that it was illegal for any citizen of the Free State
to participate in the civil war, an offence that would be punishable
by a fine not exceeding £500 or two years in jail. (Kennedy, 1996,
p232)
Despite Germany and Italy
adhering’ to the policy of non-intervention both countries
still provided war material and personnel for the Nationalist forces
rendering the Non-Intervention Committee virtually ineffective . Likewise
the Spanish Civil War (Non-Intervention) Bill was also virtually futile
as the majority of volunteers for both sides in the conflict had already
departed. In order to make the Spanish Civil War (Non-Intervention)
Bill effective the Merchant Shipping (Spanish Civil War) Bill was
passed in March 1937. The Bill enabled the Irish Government to prevent
shipping of materials and supplies to Spain and to remove the right
of Irish ships to carry war materials to Spain.
The main tactic of the pro-Nationalist
lobby was to get various organisations to pass what became known as
the Clonmel resolution’ calling for the severance of links
with the Republican government. This tactic was successful to some
extent with many Trade Union’s and local authorities adopting
this resolution. While opposing De Valera's’ non-intervention
policy Fine Gael wanted direct intervention on the side of the Spanish
Nationalists and recognition of the Franco regime. A factor that worked
to the advantage of De Valera was that the Vatican had continued to
recognise the Republican Government. De Valera used papal position
to neutralise domestic political criticism. The Irish Press
backing the Governments’ policy, attacked both Fine Gael and
the Irish Independent on their demands for the recognition
of Franco, "The ill considered and insincere criticisms which
it (Irish Independent) levels at the Government in this matter
might equally well be applied to the Vatican itself, which has so
far refrained from taking the step indicated. But the opposition often,
as on occasion and when it suits its own purpose does not hesitate
to be more Catholic than the Pope." (26 August 1936)
The governments’ policy
of not recognising the Franco regime was further justified by the
bombing of Guernica. Keogh warrants this claim in that the destruction
of the Basque capital "proved to be a forceful argument in support
of maintaining the status quo." (Keogh, 1988, p91)
On 11 February 1938 pending
Franco’s imminent victory Ireland became the fourteenth nation
to recognise the Franco Government. De Valera had bided his time over
foreign policy and was not prepared to align Ireland with a Fascist
power. The consequence of which would have meant that De Valera and
Ireland would have been openly associated with a German-Italian-Spanish
alliance. Diplomatic handling of the Spanish situation was the inauguration
of Irelands’ subsequent policy of neutrality. The situation provided
the opportunity for De Valera to place his stamp on the policy of
Irish neutrality, foreign relations, how the world and indeed Irish
politics perceived Ireland in general. As Kennedy states De Valera
showed complete mastery over external affairs in his handling
of the issue.’ (Kennedy, 1996, p232)
Despite opposition Fianna
Fail and De Valera remained resolute and immovable throughout the
whole period of the Spanish conflict.
Conclusion. The Spanish problem acted like a spotlight on Irish political parties. This glare of attention highlighted the potential, strength and efficiency of the parties involved. For the Right, the Church and the role of Irish Catholicism were the main factors determining their response. Catholic opinion was galvanised around the attack on the Mother Church. The Hierarchy and lay congregation were to confuse an attack on the political power of the Spanish Church as an attack on the spiritual role of the church, an attack they were to reflect at all cost. The view of the Right was obscured by the factor of religion and the conflict was to be interpreted in a subjective self-serving manner. The Right conveniently dismissed the fact that those defending the Spanish Republic were their fellow Catholics. For the ICF, while initially riding on the crest of fervent public concern and anger, they were unable to sustain this of potential level of support and consolidate their political position. Any attempts to move from the issue of Spain were rejected by supporters of the movement and by the electorate, as was evident from Belton’s defeat in the 1937 election. The pro-Nationalist movement was to contribute to an existing atmosphere of intolerance towards any dissent of opinion. While many Catholic’s were to accept the Church’s view on the conflict the general public were not prepared to accept O’Duffy’s or Belton’ calls for a militant form of Irish Catholicism. The Left in Ireland was severely affected by the Spanish conflict. Irish Socialism was to loose many potential leaders of idealism and dedication because of the war either through death in battle or as in the case of Harry Midgley through lack of support over the stance taken by N.I.L.P on the side of the Spanish Republican Government. Frank Ryan was also unable to make an inroad into the political arena when he stood as a candidate for a United Front Against Fascism and polled only 875 votes. The Spanish situation was to provide the Catholic Church with the opportunity to subdue an emerging work class movement. The pro-Republican lobby in Ireland saw the situation in Spain as an opportunity to achieve a progressive and egalitarian society, something, which was unattainable at home, due to the weakness of the left, Catholic opinion and De Valera's dominance over Irish politics. For many Irish volunteers in the International Brigade’s they went in search of a Republic. The Spanish civil war was a light in the fog of conservative Irish politics, which illuminated the ideals of justice, courage and the equality of the human race. Spain provided the testing ground for Ireland's subsequent policy of neutrality, which has lasted up to the present day. Overall the Spanish conflict was not to have a major effect on Irish politics in the period. The Irish electorate were more concerned with domestic political issues rather than major European events. During the 1937 election the electorate retreated into parochial domestic issues concerning the economic crisis and the enactment of a new Constitution Bibliography. Primary
sources
Belfast News Letter De Valera, E., Peace and War, Gill and Son, Dublin, 1944 Dail Debates. Volumes 64 (4
November 1936 - 12 December 1936) Secondary
Sources
Addison, P., Dudley Edward, O. and Aldgate, A., The Spanish Civil War,
British Universities Film and Video Council, 19??. Marx Memorial Library, International Brigade Catalogue 1986/1989.
Box A-3 File
K/69 Box A-14 File
D/3
Marx Memorial
Library, International Brigade Catalogue 1986/1989.
Box 24 File IR/1-31 |