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| . Sarawak and Socio-Politics |
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| Posted by Miri Man on November 06, 2004 at 21:37:25: In Reply to : So What?? posted by Kuchingite on November 06, 2004 at 09:33:04: Full of dumb people. The first thing when you meet a Kuchingite, you'll have to put up with the following; 1. Are you local ? (Translation, a Kuchingite has never been further than Serian, hence they wouldn't know what Sarawak is. That's why they ask !!) 2. Do you speak Bahasa Sarawak ?? (Kuchingites refer to Bahasa Sarawak as their national language, it's a rojak mixture of English, local javanese malay, and either hokkien, hakka or teochew. It's beneath them to communicate beyond this because if they do, they'll be seen as backward, which they are) 3. Kuchingites cannot say the following things without inserting the following words in their senteces "Konon, Bongok, Cibai, Lu, Mun Kitak, lepak, ......etc" 4. Kuchingites travel to 3 places. Damai to bring the lover/girlfriend/wife or friends, Singapore to open their BANK accounts, and Kuala Lumpur to do business (claiming to represent ALL SARAWAKIANS). Anywhere else, and it's beyond their IQ or level of understanding. 5. Kuchingites smell. They love their BODY ODOUR. They don't wash. It's a sad fact. 6. Kuching use to have a rail (way back, along time ago) but nowadays they either drive the following models, 1. Kancil, 2. Any Proton fuckup 3. Japcar. They haven't caught on to the fact that the rest of Sarawak drives high powered speedboats, Landcruisers or Range Rovers, BMW's and Mercs. 7. The food is okay, at a push. Miri has better and Bintulu as well. Local gastronomy at Sibu is better, but Kuching lags behind most on this. 8. Kuchingites claim to have the highest mortgages in the State. This is because its beyond them to build anything decent. They lead sad lives saving up for a sub standard house in Tabuan Jaya or Tabuan Desa, and when compared to the luxury in the rest of Sarawak, they are left speechless. 9. Young Kuchingites boast a lot. They are also highly migratory. A work placement to Kapit will kill them beyond their wits. That's why they're pleased to report back to us fellow Sarawakians where they work, be it Australia, Singapore, Vancouver, San Franciso, Kulal Lumpur or Hong Kong. They don't realise that Sarawakians do work in most of these places, and when they find out, their perceptions of the "rest of us" crumbles, revealing in most cases a sense of embarrassment at their lack of knowledge about SARAWAK. 10. Kuchingites are cheats. They cheat on theirwives/husbands/families/friends/whatever whenever they can. This is an ART FORM in Kuching. They live for this. Do try to understand. Not........ |
| Posted by When Sabah and Sarawak with Singapore joined Malay on December 08, 2004 at 23:27:12: When Sabah and Sarawak with Singapore joined Malaysia in 1963, it was on the understanding that they each would be one out of 4, i.e. Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah. But to date what has happened? They each became like one of the 14 states of Semananjung! Singapore was lucky to get out. See how prosperous it is today. Sarawak and Sabah were on the way to become multi-racial polities until Razak sent Syed Kechik after Singapore's separation in 1965 to subvert the Ibans and Kadazans and replaced them with Malay/Muslim leades. Hence Stephen Kalong Ningkan of Sarawak and Donald Stephens of Sabah had been toppled to be replaced eventually by Rahman Yakub and Tun Mustapha. The rest as they say is all history. The Ibans and Kadazans have been cheated of their land by Malay colonialists from the Semenanjung. Even if they subscribe to the racist policies of BN, they still could not be masters of their own lands, even though they are indigenous and form the majorities. Why? for the simple reason, they are non-Muslim indigenous, whether Christians or animists. They are considerd 2nd class bumiputras. Their leaders have either been bought over or intimidated by UMNO, especially Mahathir. It is indeed sad to see the Dayaks quarrelling among themselves when they should be fighting against Taib Mahmud, the nephew of Rahman Yakub, who is in power because of UMNO. Muslim Melanaus control Sarawak even though they are a minority. Dayak leaders like James Masing and Daniel Tajem, not to mention William Mawan make fools of themselves by fighting around while Taib folds his arms and smiles at all their stupid antics. Poor Stephen Kalong Ningkan would be rolling in his grave if he sees the present Dayak leaders fighting among themselves instead of uniting to fight the common enemy, ie the Malay colonialists from UMNO. Over in Sabah, PBS and Pairin Kitingan made the right move in 1985, but over the years have been bought over/intimidated by Mahathir. Pairin and Max Ongkili are today nothing but bodek ball carriers. Bernard Dompok and Joseph Kurup (Corrupt?) are no better, clowns fighting among themselves. Can we blame them, if we look at how Donald Stephens (by the way he converted to Islam and sold out his Catholic Kadazans)first played out his own community by succumbing to Mustapha Harun backed by UMNO? Sabah as a multi-racial and Kadazan land is no more, UMNO flooded the state with hundreds of thousands of illegal Muslim immigrants from Indonesia and Southern Philippines as revealed by Haris Salleh in 1985 such that today, Kadazans have become a minority in their own country! The last nail in the coffin of the Kadazans was hammered when UMNO spread its wings to Sabah in 1991 and 3 years later Pairins's PBS leaders jumped ship to join UMNO and forced him to give up control of Sabah. Sabah has been lost forever, but Sarawak can still be saved if the Dayaks unite and joined forces with the Chinese and kick out the Malay/Muslim minority colonialists. In short Sarawak and Sabah should not have joined Malaysia in 1963, but it is clear their leaders have been played out by UMNO.If Sarawak and Sabah had been independent today, the Dayaks and Kadazans would be in charge of their destiny and the Muslims would not control because they are in a minority and have no outside help from UMNO. And talking of outside help, that is the only way Sarawak can still be saved...Sabah is now lost forever...unless something drastic happens there like divine intervention wiping out the entire illegal(now legal) Muslim immigrants and return the land to its rightful owners, the Kadazans. |
| Posted by SarawakSarawak on December 09, 2004 at 00:00:40: The Malaysia Agreement, the basis of which Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak helped to form Malaysia was done under the auspices of the United Nations under the then Secretary-General U-Thant. The agreement has since been deposited with the Secretary general of the United Nations at its headquarters in New York. People in both Sabah and Sarawak often complained about peninsular not honouring the agreement but any violations to the agreement should be bought before the attention of the International Court of Justice. The Sabah and Sarawak state govts should have the courage to ask for advisory opinions from the ICJ. The ICJ has been known (based on its previous court decisions and being European orientated) to favour smaller and weaker nations in its judgement, particularly when it involves indigenous people. Another issue is that whether the agreement is revocable. Texas which is one of the states in the United States has an agreement with the US Federal govt that is revocable. Sarawak needs more experts in international laws to deal with that. |
| Posted by How Sarawak was won on December 14, 2004 at 00:33:23: How Sarawak was won As election fever grips Sarawak, and as the state’s independence anniversary on Sept 16 looms, Dr OOI KEAT GIN takes a timely look back at how this exotic Malaysian state gained its independence by joining with Peninsular Malaysia. WHEN I first arrived at Kuching airport in May 1983, I was ushered into the row for foreigners at the immigration checkpoint where my Malaysian passport was examined and stamped “Social Visit”, with an expiry date. I felt like an “alien” despite knowing full well that Sarawak was part of the Federation of Malaysia. My feelings of alienness were, however, short-lived, quickly overcome by the friendliness and warmth of the locals I encountered. Control over immigration was one of the numerous safeguards incorporated into the constitutional arrangements made when Sarawak, together with Sabah (then called North Borneo) and Singapore, joined the wider federation of Malaysia in 1963. The Malaysia Agreement On July 9, 1963, Temenggong Jugah anak Barieng, Datu Bandar Abang Haji Mustapha, and Ling Beng Siew, as Sarawak’s representatives, penned their signature to the Malaysia Agreement in London. The Federation of Malaysia was proclaimed on Sept 16 that year comprising the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo, and Sarawak. The last three territories had been British Colonies until they gained their independence through participation in the wider Federation of Malaysia. Sarawak is poised to celebrate its 38th anniversary of independence on Sept 16. Sarawak’s entry into Malaysia was a momentous event and a turning point in its historical development. A century of paternalistic governance by an English dynasty of White Rajahs (or kings, from 1841 to 1941), three years and eight months under Imperial Japanese military rule (1941 to 1945), and 17 years as a British colony did little to prepare the multi-ethnic population of Sarawak to face the challenges posed by the concept of “Malaysia”. Nonetheless, through the farsightedness of Sarawak’s leaders, the decisive decision was taken during those critical months between the announcement of the formation of Malaysia in May 1961 and its declaration in September 1963. Why Malaysia? But what motivated the federation’s first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj, to propose in 1961 that “it is inevitable that we should look ahead to this objective and think of a plan whereby these (five) territories can be brought closer together in political and economic co-operation’’? The initiative apparently came from the wishes of Singapore’s leaders. David Marshall, Chief Minister of Singapore during the mid-1950s, was keen for a merger but the Tunku then was reluctant. Then in 1959, when Lee Kuan Yew of the People’s Action Party assumed the chief ministership, he too proposed a Malaya-Singapore merger for economic and political reasons. The Tunku’s initial reaction was at best lukewarm. As the political Left in Singapore gained momentum, however, the Tunku began to warm up to Lee’s persuasive arguments of merger. Stephen Kalong Ningkan of the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) addressing an election gathering at a longhouse in the 1960s. Although the Tunku and his Malay colleagues in the United Malay National Organisation (Umno) did not want to have a Left-leaning Singapore as their neighbour, neither did they wish for a merger with Chinese-dominated Singapore that would mean upsetting the racial arithmetic in favour of the Chinese. The Borneo territories then became imperative components in the wider federation scheme. Nearly 70% of the nearly 1.3 million inhabitants (1960 census) of North Borneo, Brunei and Sarawak comprised Malay-Muslims and non-Muslim indigenous peoples, the Borneo territories were viewed favourably as a counterweight to Singapore’s Chinese majority. The racial factor, however, was not then publicly emphasised. This racial arithmetic, however, hinged on an assumption: “that in extreme racial issues the indigenous population of Borneo might choose to align themselves with the Malays (of Malaya), to whom they were racially akin, rather than to the Chinese”. But there was no guarantee that the Borneo indigenes would swing to the Malays in times of crisis. Awakening political awareness But what was the response from the peoples of Sarawak to Tunku’s Malaysia scheme? Post-war British governments were partial to the policy of disengagement from the colonies; if possible in an amicable and least traumatic manner. Against this background, the Tunku’s statement was received positively. In June 1961 Sir Alexander Waddell, Governor of Sarawak (1960-1963), and his counterpart in North Borneo, Sir William Goode (1960-1963), and D. C. White, High Commissioner for Brunei (1959-1963) were summoned for talks in Singapore with Lord Selkirk, Britain’s Commissioner General in South-East Asia (1959-1963). Aware of the metropolitan government’s stance on de-colonisation, the British Borneo leaders did not oppose Malaysia, but they did suggest a two-step process: Borneo Federation (North Borneo, Brunei and Sarawak) prior to entry to the Malaysia confederation. In spite of Brunei’s suspicions, serious consideration was given to the Borneo Federation, if necessary between North Borneo and Sarawak alone. Local Sarawak leaders like Datu Bandar Abang Haji Mustapha and Temenggong Jugah anak Barieng were also partial to a Borneo Federation. Therefore Tunku’s announcement took them by surprise. While others were in a state of bewilderment, Ong Kee Hui, Chairman of the Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) displayed forceful opposition towards Malaysia. Ong, together with A.M. Azahari, leader of the Parti Rakyat Brunei (PRB), and Donald A. Stephens, later leader of the United National Kadazan Organisation (UNKO) formed a United Front to denounce Tunku’s proposal as “totally unacceptable to the people of the three territories”. SUPP’s uncompromising stance received initial support from the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) led by Stephen Kalong Ningkan who maintained that, “Any attempt to put Sarawak under the influence and subjection of any foreign power would be strongly opposed.” But following the digestion of further explanations from Tunku, who paid brief visits to Sarawak in July-August 1961, those who initially were sceptical or had reservations were won over. Moreover, urged by Mustapha, Tunku invited leaders from Sarawak and North Borneo to visit Malaya on a fact-finding mission. The Borneo visitors were awed by Kuala Lumpur and were especially impressed with the Malayan Government’s achievements in rural development. Many returned convinced that entry into Malaysia was a good idea. Meanwhile, Waddell had sent local Sarawak leaders (members of Council Negri) to participate in the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association Conference in Singapore in July 1961. At this forum the Sarawak leaders had the opportunity to discuss the Malaysia proposal face-to-face with their Malayan and Singaporean counterparts. It was here that Sarawak leaders began to emphasise the need for conditions in the form of safeguards to protect the rights and interests of the peoples of Sarawak. Consequently, it dawned on the Sarawak leaders that they were directly involved in the deliberation of the fate of the territory – Sarawak – that they had long called their home. This awakening of political consciousness was further developed in the follow-up discussions at the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee which held meetings between August 1961 and February 1962. The growth of political awareness among the leaders of Sarawak accelerated the formation of political parties and the development of party politics. Prior to Tunku’s announcement in May 1961, only two political parties existed: the Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) established in June 1959, and Party Negara Sarawak (Panas) in April 1960. By the time local council elections were held in June 1963, four more parties were established, namely Sarawak National Party (SNAP, April 1961), Barisan Raayat Jati Sarawak (Barjasa, December 1961), Sarawak Chinese Association (SCA, July 1962), and Party Pesaka Anak Sarawak (Pesaka, August 1962). The political parties, despite claims by some to be multi-ethnic, were established on communal and geographical lines. All political parties adopted a pro-Malaysia stance except SUPP, which preferred self-government, Borneo Federation, and only then Malaysia. And so, the political parties took the pros and cons of the Malaysia proposal to the kampungs and longhouses. The Malay-Muslim communities (Malays and Muslim Melanaus) although split into two camps – Panas led by the traditional Kuching elite and Barjasa by the intelligentsia of the Sibu area – in general supported Malaysia. However, Malay-Muslim groups in Miri, Limbang and Lawas, together with the Kedayans, rejected Malaysia; instead they shared Azahari’s and the PRB’s aspirations. Traditional Iban leaders of the Rejang led by Jugah (Pesaka’s leader) were partial to Malaysia. Stephen Kalong Ningkan and his better-educated colleagues from Simanggang and the Saribas area stressed safeguards and conditions in considering Malaysia. The Kayans and Kenyahs opposed Malaysia. They were apprehensive of being dominated by their traditional enemies, the Ibans. The Chinese in SUPP that were influenced by Leftist elements forcefully rejected the Malaysia proposal as a neo-colonial scheme designed to perpetuate British hegemony in South-East Asia. Malay, Iban and Bidayuh members of SUPP also towed the party line. The SCA was a refuge for those Chinese who thought Malaysia was advantageous to Sarawak’s economy. But among the large majority of Sarawak’s multi-ethnic inhabitants, in particular those in the rural districts, there was little understanding of the Malaysia proposal and its implications. Of communism and predatory neighbours By the later half of 1961 British Prime Minister Harold MacMillan (1957-1963) had given full support to the Malaysia proposal. The two-step process (Borneo Federation then Malaysia) was discarded. In January 1962 a White Paper was published and European District Officers were instructed to emphasise to the local inhabitants the advantages of entry into Malaysia as against the uncertainties of the future, the dangers of communism, and the perils of predatory alien neighbours (Sukarno’s Indonesia). In a nutshell, the White Tuan “advised” the people that Malaysia “is good for you”. A Commission of Enquiry chaired by Lord Cobbold was entrusted with the task of ascertaining the opinion of the general population in North Borneo and Sarawak on the Malaysia proposal. The Cobbold Commission could not be said to represent a neutral body – three of its five members, including the chairman, were nominees of the British Government and the remaining two were nominated by the Malayan Government. The commission held hearings in camera (in order that the people shall speak openly) between Feb 19 and April 17, 1962. Members of the commission also attended to some 1,600 letters and memoranda submitted by individuals, organisations, and political parties. “Barang ko’ nuan, Tuan” (Whatever you say, sir) was the reply of a Dayak to a question posed by Lord Cobbold. This response singularly represented the perplexing state of mind for the majority of Sarawak’s indigenous inhabitants when asked of the Malaysia proposal. As pointed out by Puan Tra Zahnder, a member of Council Negri, most of the native population, “appear to know nothing or little about (the) Malaysia (proposal) but agree to it because they have been told that Malaysia is good for them.” The verdict The Cobbold Commission published its findings in Report of the Commission of Enquiry, North Borneo and Sarawak in August 1962. The report did acknowledge that “there are large sections of the population in the interior who have no real appreciation of the Malaysia proposals”. Overall, the results of the commission were summarised as follows: “About one-third of the population ... strongly favours early realisation of Malaysia without too much concern about terms and conditions. Another third, many of them favourable to the Malaysia project, ask, with varying degrees of emphasis, for conditions and safeguards varying in nature and extent ... The remaining third is divided between those who insist on independence before Malaysia is considered and those who would strongly prefer to see British rule continue for some years to come. Cobbold expressed a cautionary note: “It is a necessary condition that, from the outset, Malaysia should be regarded by all concerned as an association of partners, combining in the common interests to create a new nation but retaining their own individualities. If any idea were to take root that Malaysia would involve a ‘take-over’ of the Borneo territories by the Federation of Malaya and the submersion of the individualities of North Borneo and Sarawak, Malaysia would not, in my judgement, be generally acceptable or successful.” An Inter-Governmental Committee, as recommended by the Cobbold Commission, was set-up. It was in the committee that the details of constitutional arrangements incorporating the conditions and safeguards for North Borneo and Sarawak – as negotiated by their leaders – were worked out. Jugah and Mustapha played pivotal roles as representatives of Sarawak. The pertinent safeguards include: religious freedom, status of the English language, immigration, land, representations in the federal House of Representatives and Senate, special status and privileges of indigenes, and disbursement of development grants. Local council elections were held in June 1963. The elections, to all intents and purposes, were a referendum on the issue of Sarawak’s entry into Malaysia. The Sarawak Alliance formed in August 1962 comprising of Panas, Barjasa, Pesaka, SCA, and SNAP won on a pro-Malaysia stance. But despite standing on an anti-Malaysia platform and facing allegations of being infiltrated by Leftist elements, SUPP managed a commendable showing. Owing to pressure from the Philippines and Indonesia, another assessment of public opinion and a verification of the electoral results of December 1962 in North Borneo and of June 1963 in Sarawak were undertaken by the United Nations Malaysia Mission headed by Laurence Michelmore. The mission conducted its duties from Aug 16 to Sept 5, 1963. Once again the opinions of the general population of Sarawak were consulted on the issue of Malaysia. The United Nations Malaysia Mission Report made public on Sept 13, 1963, confirmed that the entry in the proposed Federation of Malaysia was “... the ‘result’ of the freely expressed wishes of the territory’s peoples acting with full knowledge of the change in their status, their wishes having expressed through informed and democratic processes, impartially conducted and based on universal adult suffrage”. Therefore, on Sept 16, 1963, Sarawak achieved its independence through Malaysia – and a new chapter in its history began. Dr Ooi Keat Gin is author of Japanese Empire in the Tropics Vol 1 and 2 (Ohio University Press, 1998) and Rising Sun Over Borneo (Macmillan/St Martin’s Press, 1999). He is a lecturer in Universiti Sains Malaysia’s School of Humanities and a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society of Britain. |
| Posted by A Concerned Sarawakian on December 20, 2004 at 05:33:50: General -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- December 20, 2004 17:48 PM Sabah, S'wak Asked To Review Agreements Signed When Joining Malaysia KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 20 (Bernama) -- The Sabah and Sarawak governments have been urged to take steps to review the Malaysia Act, the 20-point agenda and other rules and conditions agreed upon when they became part of Malaysia in 1963. The agreements should be re-looked to suit current needs, Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister's Department M. Kayveas said in the Dewan Negara, Monday. He said the two states needed to bring the matter before their state assemblies for amendment to forge closer relations between the people in Sabah, Sarawak and the peninsula. "They should act like the European countries in the European Union which have relaxed various regulations including the need for travel documents," he said in reply to senator Yaakub Mohammad during question time. He said that till today, residents from the peninsula wanting to enter Sabah and Sarawak had to furnish "identification documents" such as identity cards or passports while those from Sabah and Sarawak did not have to do so when entering the peninsular. Peninsular residents must also apply for work permits to work in Sabah and Sarawak but not vice versa, Kayveas said. Kayveas' reply got the attention of senator Datuk Abdul Karim Ghani who said that before changes were to be made to the agreements, the views of the people of the two states must be taken in account. He also said that there were laws and regulations, which were discriminatory against Sabahans and Sarawakians, including the five per cent oil royalty paid to the federal government and the non-eligibility of their heads of state to be appointed Yang di-Pertuan Agong. In his reply, Kayveas said the Yang di-Pertuan Agong was appointed among the state rulers and the heads of state of Melaka and Penang were also not eligible for appointment. -- BERNAMA MY COMMENT: which I trust many other Sarawakians concur with: In 1963 Sarawak and Sabah DID NOT JOIN The FEDERATION OF MALAYSIA. WE helped to form MALAYSIA. We agreed to form Malaysia because (1) Sarawak, Sabah,Sinapore and Malaya came together and agreed to form the Federation of Malaysia. Without Singapore(which the late Tunku when he was Prime Minister kicked out of Malaysia two years later), Sarawak and Sarawak should have been given the choice if they wanted to follow Singapore and LEAVE. That choice was NEVER GIVEN TO Sarawak and Sabah. We agreed to form Malaysia on the understanding that the four constituent parts of the new Federation would comprise Sarawak, Sabah, Singapore and Malaya (with its 11 'mosquito' States). We recognise that we ,Sabah and Sarawak, did NOT have Sultans like in other States in Peninsular Malaysia ,except for Penang and Malacca and therefore did not insist that the Head of State of Sarawak and Sabah could be appointed Yang diPertuan Agong. Wonder how the Yang diPertuan Agong could be King of Malaysia when only those States with Sultans could choose the Yang diPertuan Agong. Sarawak,Sabah and Malaya have about equal land areas in terms of sizes. With a comparatively small population, therefore the people of Sarawak and Sabah have many times more natural resources,including oil,gas,timber,etc Why the Deputy Minister in the PRime Minister's Department has asked Sarawak and Sabah to review the Malaysia Agreement is baffling. Without the Agreement, there would have been NO MALAYSIA TODAY. Will he,for example, ask that the HEad of State of Sarawak and Sabah also be considered when a Yang Dipertuan Agong is to be appointed? Travel formalities between the constituent parts of Malaysia were agreed to prior to the formation of Malaysia and should therefore not be disturbed in any way. If the Federal Government wants to change those terms, will they allow us to consider Independence as an option? |
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