John 5:1 After this there
was a feast of the Jews, and Jesus went up to Jerusalem.
2 Now there is in Jerusalem by the Sheep Gate a pool, in
Hebrew called Bethzatha, which has five porticoes.
3 In these lay a multitude of invalids, blind, lame,
paralyzed.
4
5 One man was there, who had been ill for thirty-eight years.
6 When Jesus saw him and knew that he had been lying there a
long time, he said to him, "Do you want to be healed?"
7 The sick man answered him, "Sir, I have no man to put
me into the pool when the water is troubled, and while I am going another steps
down before me."
8 Jesus said to him, "Rise, take up your pallet, and
walk."
9 And at once the man was healed, and he took up his pallet
and walked. Now that day was the sabbath.
10 So the Jews said to the man who was cured, "It is the
sabbath, it is not lawful for you to carry your pallet."
11 But he answered them, "The man who healed me said to
me, `Take up your pallet, and walk.'"
12 They asked him, "Who is the man who said to you, `Take
up your pallet, and walk'?"
13 Now the man who had been healed did not know who it was,
for Jesus had withdrawn, as there was a crowd in the place.
14 Afterward, Jesus found him in the temple, and said to him,
"See, you are well! Sin no more, that nothing worse befall you."
15 The man went away and told the Jews that it was Jesus who
had healed him.
16 And this was why the Jews persecuted Jesus, because he did
this on the sabbath.
17 But Jesus answered them, "My Father is working still,
and I am working."
18 This was why the Jews sought all the more to kill him,
because he not only broke the sabbath but also called God his Father, making
himself equal with God.
19 Jesus said to them, "Truly, truly, I say to you, the
Son can do nothing of his own accord, but only what he sees the Father doing;
for whatever he does, that the Son does likewise.
20 For the Father loves the Son, and shows him all that he
himself is doing; and greater works than these will he show him, that you may
marvel.
21 For as the Father raises the dead and gives them life, so
also the Son gives life to whom he will.
22 The Father judges no one, but has given all judgment to the
Son,
23 that all may honor the Son, even as they honor the Father.
He who does not honor the Son does not honor the Father who sent him.
24 Truly, truly, I say to you, he who hears my word and
believes him who sent me, has eternal life; he does not come into judgment, but
has passed from death to life.
25 "Truly, truly, I say to you, the hour is coming, and
now is, when the dead will hear the voice of the Son of God, and those who hear
will live.
26 For as the Father has life in himself, so he has granted
the Son also to have life in himself,
27 and has given him authority to execute judgment, because he
is the Son of man.
28 Do not marvel at this; for the hour is coming when all who
are in the tombs will hear his voice
29 and come forth, those who have done good, to the
resurrection of life, and those who have done evil, to the resurrection of
judgment.
30 "I can do nothing on my own authority; as I hear, I
judge; and my judgment is just, because I seek not my own will but the will of
him who sent me.
31 If I bear witness to myself, my testimony is not true;
32 there is another who bears witness to me, and I know that
the testimony which he bears to me is true.
33 You sent to John, and he has borne witness to the truth.
34 Not that the testimony which I receive is from man; but I
say this that you may be saved.
35 He was a burning and shining lamp, and you were willing to
rejoice for a while in his light.
36 But the testimony which I have is greater than that of
John; for the works which the Father has granted me to accomplish, these very
works which I am doing, bear me witness that the Father has sent me.
37 And the Father who sent me has himself borne witness to me.
His voice you have never heard, his form you have never seen;
38 and you do not have his word abiding in you, for you do not
believe him whom he has sent.
39 You search the scriptures, because you think that in them
you have eternal life; and it is they that bear witness to me;
40 yet you refuse to come to me that you may have life.
41 I do not receive glory from men.
42 But I know that you have not the love of God within you.
43 I have come in my Father's name, and you do not receive me;
if another comes in his own name, him you will receive.
44 How can you believe, who receive glory from one another and
do not seek the glory that comes from the only God?
45 Do not think that I shall accuse you to the Father; it is
Moses who accuses you, on whom you set your hope.
46 If you believed Moses, you would believe me, for he wrote
of me.
47 But if you do not believe his writings, how will you
believe my words?"
16 kai.
dia. tou/to evdi,wkon oi` VIoudai/oi to.n VIhsou/n( o[ti tau/ta evpoi,ei evn
sabba,tw|Å
17 o`
de. ÎvIhsou/jÐ avpekri,nato auvtoi/j( ~O path,r mou e[wj a;rti evrga,zetai(
kavgw. evrga,zomaiÅ
18 dia.
tou/to ou=n ma/llon evzh,toun auvto.n oi` VIoudai/oi avpoktei/nai( o[ti ouv
mo,non e;luen to. sa,bbaton( avlla. kai. pate,ra i;dion e;legen to.n qeo,n i;son
e`auto.n poiw/n tw/| qew/|Å
19 VApekri,nato
ou=n o` VIhsou/j kai. e;legen auvtoi/j( VAmh.n avmh.n le,gw u`mi/n( ouv du,natai
o` ui`o.j poiei/n avfV e`autou/ ouvde.n eva.n mh, ti ble,ph| to.n pate,ra poiou/nta\
a] ga.r a'n evkei/noj poih/|( tau/ta kai. o` ui`o.j o`moi,wj poiei/Å
20 o`
ga.r path.r filei/ to.n ui`o.n kai. pa,nta dei,knusin auvtw/| a] auvto.j poiei/(
kai. mei,zona tou,twn dei,xei auvtw/| e;rga( i[na u`mei/j qauma,zhteÅ
21 w[sper
ga.r o` path.r evgei,rei tou.j nekrou.j kai. zw|opoiei/( ou[twj kai. o` ui`o.j
ou]j qe,lei zw|opoiei/Å
22 ouvde.
ga.r o` path.r kri,nei ouvde,na( avlla. th.n kri,sin pa/san de,dwken tw/| ui`w/|(
23 i[na
pa,ntej timw/si to.n ui`o.n kaqw.j timw/si to.n pate,raÅ o` mh. timw/n to.n
ui`o.n ouv tima/| to.n pate,ra to.n pe,myanta auvto,nÅ
24 VAmh.n
avmh.n le,gw u`mi/n o[ti o` to.n lo,gon mou avkou,wn kai. pisteu,wn tw/|
pe,myanti, me e;cei zwh.n aivw,nion kai. eivj kri,sin ouvk e;rcetai( avlla.
metabe,bhken evk tou/ qana,tou eivj th.n zwh,nÅ
25 avmh.n
avmh.n le,gw u`mi/n o[ti e;rcetai w[ra kai. nu/n evstin o[te oi` nekroi.
avkou,sousin th/j fwnh/j tou/ ui`ou/ tou/ qeou/ kai. oi` avkou,santej zh,sousinÅ
26 w[sper
ga.r o` path.r e;cei zwh.n evn e`autw/|( ou[twj kai. tw/| ui`w/| e;dwken zwh.n
e;cein evn e`autw/|Å
27 kai.
evxousi,an e;dwken auvtw/| kri,sin poiei/n( o[ti ui`o.j avnqrw,pou evsti,nÅ
28 mh.
qauma,zete tou/to( o[ti e;rcetai w[ra evn h-| pa,ntej oi` evn toi/j mnhmei,oij
avkou,sousin th/j fwnh/j auvtou/
29 kai.
evkporeu,sontai( oi` ta. avgaqa. poih,santej eivj avna,stasin zwh/j( oi` de. ta.
fau/la pra,xantej eivj avna,stasin kri,sewjÅ
30 Ouv
du,namai evgw. poiei/n avpV evmautou/ ouvde,n\ kaqw.j avkou,w kri,nw( kai. h`
kri,sij h` evmh. dikai,a evsti,n( o[ti ouv zhtw/ to. qe,lhma to. evmo.n avlla.
to. qe,lhma tou/ pe,myanto,j meÅ
31 eva.n
evgw. marturw/ peri. evmautou/( h` marturi,a mou ouvk e;stin avlhqh,j\
32 a;lloj
evsti.n o` marturw/n peri. evmou/( kai. oi=da o[ti avlhqh,j evstin h` marturi,a
h]n marturei/ peri. evmou/Å
33 u`mei/j
avpesta,lkate pro.j VIwa,nnhn( kai. memartu,rhken th/| avlhqei,a|\
34 evgw.
de. ouv para. avnqrw,pou th.n marturi,an lamba,nw( avlla. tau/ta le,gw i[na
u`mei/j swqh/teÅ
35 evkei/noj
h=n o` lu,cnoj o` kaio,menoj kai. fai,nwn( u`mei/j de. hvqelh,sate avgalliaqh/nai
pro.j w[ran evn tw/| fwti. auvtou/Å
36 evgw.
de. e;cw th.n marturi,an mei,zw tou/ VIwa,nnou\ ta. ga.r e;rga a] de,dwke,n moi
o` path.r i[na teleiw,sw auvta,( auvta. ta. e;rga a] poiw/ marturei/ peri. evmou/
o[ti o` path,r me avpe,stalken\
37 kai.
o` pe,myaj me path.r evkei/noj memartu,rhken peri. evmou/Å ou;te fwnh.n auvtou/
pw,pote avkhko,ate ou;te ei=doj auvtou/ e`wra,kate(
38
kai. to.n lo,gon auvtou/ ouvk
e;cete evn u`mi/n me,nonta( o[ti o]n avpe,steilen evkei/noj( tou,tw| u`mei/j ouv
pisteu,eteÅ
39 evrauna/te
ta.j grafa,j( o[ti u`mei/j dokei/te evn auvtai/j zwh.n aivw,nion e;cein\ kai.
evkei/nai, eivsin ai` marturou/sai peri. evmou/\
40 kai.
ouv qe,lete evlqei/n pro,j me i[na zwh.n e;chteÅ
41 Do,xan
para. avnqrw,pwn ouv lamba,nw(
42 avlla.
e;gnwka u`ma/j o[ti th.n avga,phn tou/ qeou/ ouvk e;cete evn e`autoi/jÅ
43 evgw.
evlh,luqa evn tw/| ovno,mati tou/ patro,j mou( kai. ouv lamba,nete, me\ eva.n
a;lloj e;lqh| evn tw/| ovno,mati tw/| ivdi,w|( evkei/non lh,myesqeÅ
44 pw/j
du,nasqe u`mei/j pisteu/sai do,xan para. avllh,lwn lamba,nontej( kai. th.n
do,xan th.n para. tou/ mo,nou qeou/ ouv zhtei/teÈ
45 mh.
dokei/te o[ti evgw. kathgorh,sw u`mw/n pro.j to.n pate,ra\ e;stin o` kathgorw/n
u`mw/n Mwu?sh/j( eivj o]n u`mei/j hvlpi,kateÅ
46 eiv
ga.r evpisteu,ete Mwu?sei/( evpisteu,ete a'n evmoi,\ peri. ga.r evmou/ evkei/noj
e;grayenÅ
[These comments are largely derived from my book, John’s Apologetic Christology]
John
chapter 5 provides an excellent example of the character of the Fourth Gospel as
apologetic. In this chapter of the Gospel, one finds numerous indications
both of some of the points at issue in the christological controversy, and of
the ways the Fourth Evangelist sought to respond to them. Under the guise of
‘the Jews’, the contemporary opponents of the Johannine Christians
are
allowed to raise their objections.[i]
As Loader
points
out, the accusations brought in this chapter ‘are doubtless...real accusations
hurled at the Johannine community by Jewish critics.’[ii]
The Johannine Jesus then provides a response to these Jewish objections, a
defense or legitimation of Christology. These features have led a number of
scholars to see an apologetic thrust here: the beliefs of the community are
being ‘put on trial’ by Jewish objectors, and what is being mounted here is
a defense of their understanding of Jesus, which is coupled with a denunciation
of their opponents’ unbelief (5.37-47).[iii]
There is much to support the conclusion that the whole passage (John 5.19-47)
represents one of the clearest examples in John of the Evangelist engaging in
legitimation, in the defense of his community’s beliefs about Jesus.
In
order to ascertain exactly what is at issue in the conflict with ‘the Jews’
in John 5, we must consider the relationship between earlier tradition and the
miracle story which John recounts in this chapter. As has already been
emphasized, the relationship between the Johannine conflicts and those attested
in earlier New Testament writings is crucial for our model of development.
The similarity between this Johannine miracle story and that found in
Mark
2.1-12
(and parallels) is noted by most commentators.[iv]
These similarities do not necessitate that we posit a direct literary dependence
by John on one or more of the Synoptic
Gospels,
but do at least suggest that here the Fourth Evangelist is dependent on a very
similar tradition, and perhaps an independent version of the same basic story.[v]
There is in fact much evidence to support this conclusion.
(1)
In the Johannine narrative we have an invalid, someone who may well have been a
paralytic in view of the reference to paralytics immediately prior to his being
introduced, and also of his difficulty in getting into the water (John 5.3-7;
cf. Mark
2.3).
(2)
Jesus heals him by telling him to get up, pick up his mat and walk (John 5.8;
Mark
2.9-11).
The two Greek sentences are practically identical, the only difference between
them being an additional kai£
in the Marcan version.
(3)
In John this occurs on a Sabbath (John 5.9-10; cf. Mark
2.23-28;
3.1-4; Lk.13.10-16, which are not part of the same story but which nonetheless
show that controversy concerning healing on the Sabbath is also a traditional
motif rather than a Johannine creation).[vi]
(4)
Jesus is accused of blasphemy and/or of doing what only God
can
do (John 5.16-18; Mark
2.7).
(5)
He speaks with the man about sin and being made well (John 5.14; Mark
2.5-11).
(6)
It may also be significant that both Mark
2.10
and John 5.27 speak of the authority of the Son of Man.[vii]
John
thus seems to be familiar, if not with the same story as is narrated in Mark
and
the other Synoptics, then at the very least with a similar tradition.
Nevertheless, some commentators feel that the differences outweigh the
similarities. For example, Brown
considers
that, apart from the basic fact that a lame man is told to stand, pick up his
mat and walk, the two stories have almost nothing in common. He mentions three
differences which he considers decisive in leading to the conclusion that the
Johannine narrative and the Synoptic
narratives
do not refer to the same incident. These are the differences
(1) In setting: Capernaum vs. Jerusalem.
(2) In local details: a man brought to a house by his friends and lowered
through the roof vs. a man lying at the side of a pool.
(3) In emphasis: a miracle illustrative of Jesus’ power to heal sin vs.
a healing with only a passing reference to sin (5.14).[viii]
To
this list may be added several additional points noted by Sanders (although
Sanders only feels that these differences preclude direct literary dependence
between John and Mark
, and not the sort of dependence on divergent
forms of the same original tradition which we are proposing):
(4) In Mark
the
man has four friends, in John nobody.
(5) In Mark
they
take the initiative, in John Jesus does.
(6) In Mark
Jesus
sees their faith, in John faith is not mentioned.
(7) In Mark
Jesus
forgives the man before healing him, in John Jesus heals him and then warns him
not to go on sinning.
(8) In Mark
Jesus
gives offense by telling the man he is forgiven, in John by breaking the Sabbath
(not mentioned in Mark 2) and making himself equal to God
(although
Sanders notes that this last point is at least implied in Mark 2.7).
[ix]
Points
(1) and (2) are rather easily explicable as changes made in order to allow the
incident to occur in Jerusalem, as do the other Johannine accounts of conflicts
with ‘the Jews’; indeed, nearly the whole of the Fourth Gospel is set in
Jerusalem. The third point (3) is weak, inasmuch as it is a similarity as much
as a difference: although John’s emphasis differs from that of the Synoptic
story,
not only does he mention sin and healing in connection with one another, but
there is in addition a fundamental continuity in the issue being addressed by
both the Johannine and Marcan narratives, namely the issue of whether Jesus
blasphemously claims to do what only God
can
do. Dodd
, in contrast to Sanders (point 6), feels
that the Johannine account’s discussion of the man’s will to be healed, and
participation in the healing process by responding to Jesus’ call for him to
get up and walk, parallels the calls for or discussions of faith in Mark
2
and other similar healing narratives.[x]
Further, as Brown
notes
(point 3; compare Sanders, point 7), the question of the relationship between
sin and suffering is addressed, albeit
differently.
In connection with a number of the points raised, it should be noted that
neither Brown
nor
Sanders considers the possibility that here John may perhaps be drawing on more
than one traditional story, which he is then altering or conflating in order
to be used as a foundation for a theological discourse. Lindars
and
Witkamp
have
argued that John is familiar not only with the story in Mark
2.1-12,
but with the whole section Mark 2.1-3.6, which may have already been linked in
pre-Marcan tradition.[xi]
The Synoptics combine stories, and we should not be surprised to find the Fourth
Evangelist doing so as well.
It is also likely that John will have edited his source
material,
rather than simply incorporating it in
toto into his Gospel.[xii]
This may account for the remaining differences, since there is no reason to
think that John’s dependence upon tradition here can only be demonstrated if
he made no alterations to the tradition which he inherited. As Barrett
points
out, ‘disagreement does not prove lack of knowledge; all it proves is
disagreement, and it often presupposes knowledge.’[xiii]
John’s version, where the man complains that he has no one to help him into
the water (John 5.7), reads like an intentional contrast to Mark
2.3-4,
where the man has friends to help him. Lindars
rightly
notes that the mention of the man’s pallet (krabatton)
comes unexpectedly and is somewhat redundant in John, whereas it is central in
the Markan narrative. Its presence is best explained by supposing that John
preserved it from a tradition he inherited, in which it was an essential part of
Jesus’ pronouncement.[xiv]
Given that John is setting up a contrast with the healing story in chapter 9,
many of the differences are explicable in terms of Johannine editorial activity
aimed at bringing out the parallels between the two narratives. Culpepper notes
the following as points of contact between the healing stories in John 5 and 9:
Jesus taking the initiative, the presence of a pool, the Sabbath issue, the
invitation of belief subsequent to the healing and the topic of the relation
between sin and suffering. Given that these are key areas of difference between
John and Mark
, these elements are probably best regarded
as the result of the editorial activity of the Fourth Evangelist.[xv]
None of the objections raised proves that John was not dependent on a
tradition akin to that preserved in Mark
. The differences probably suggest that there
was no direct literary dependence, but do not preclude an original common
tradition lying behind both.[xvi]
Thus given that, as Lindars
notes,
‘The verbal similarity between 5.8-9a and Mk. 2.9, 11-12a is so close that it
can scarcely be doubted that an almost identical source
lies
behind them both’,[xvii]
it seems best to follow the majority of scholars in regarding John as dependent
on traditional material similar to that found in Mark 2, and very probably
traditions akin to those found elsewhere in the Synoptics as well.
The reason for discussing the relationship between John and earlier
tradition at such length is that certain scholars regard the issue which is
addressed here in John, in connection with the Sabbath healing, as fundamentally
different from that addressed in John’s source
and
in the Synoptics. In the view of Bultmann
and
Neyrey
, for example, the earlier concern was with
the sin of Sabbath breaking, whereas the Fourth Evangelist’s concern is with
blasphemy.[xviii]
In other words, in the Synoptics, and in the pre-Johannine tradition known to
the Fourth Evangelist, the concern is with a humanitarian principle, whereas the
focus in John is christological. However, this line of argument ignores the
fundamental similarity between the issue addressed on the basis of the miracle
account in both John and the Synoptics. In the Marcan version (and parallels),
Jesus is accused of blasphemy because he is claiming to forgive sins, something that in
the objectors’ opinion only God
can
do. In John, through the inclusion of the Sabbath motif, the issue is brought
into focus by means of a claim that Jesus, like God, can work on the Sabbath.[xix]
The basic claim being made is essentially identical, namely, that Jesus is
capable of doing what only God can do, which ‘the Jews’ find objectionable.[xx]
This element is an essential part of the tradition, and does not
represent a Johannine alteration of an earlier tradition that did not address
the question of Jesus claiming divine prerogatives.[xxi]
What is different from the Synoptics is the fact that John provides a lengthy
response to the objections, whereas in the Synoptics the miracle itself is
deemed sufficient to silence opposition and legitimate Jesus’ actions.[xxii]
It seems likely, then, that the difficulties which some had with the claims made
for Jesus by Christians, as are reflected already in the Synoptics, became even
more problematic as time went on, so that John needed to address the issue in a
fuller way.
Before
we can proceed, we must consider further the accusation that is brought by
‘the Jews’.[xxiii]
Commentators seem to be more or less unanimously agreed that the phrase in 5.18,
patera i¦dion e¦legen
ton qeon i¦son eauton poiwªn twª
qewª, means something like, ‘He was caalling God
his
own Father, thereby making himself
equal with God.’[xxiv]
However, while this is obviously a possible translation grammatically,
from the perspective of cultural anthropology it is extremely difficult to
maintain. In first century Jewish and other Mediterranean cultures, a claim to
sonship would immediately imply obedience and dependence, not equality.[xxv]
We may note the following important texts as evidence. Epictetus, the
first century Stoic philosopher, wrote, ‘Bear in mind that you are a son. A
son’s profession is to treat everything that is his as belonging to his
father, to be obedient to him in all things, never to speak ill of him to anyone
else, nor to say or do anything that will harm him, to give way to him in
everything and yield him precedence, helping him to the utmost of his power’.[xxvi]
Ben Sira 3.6-16 says, ‘Whoever glorifies his father will have long life...he
will serve his parents as his masters...Do not glorify yourself by dishonoring
your father, for your father’s dishonor is no glory to you...Whoever forsakes
his father is like a blasphemer’.[xxvii]
In a similar vein Philo
asserts
that ‘men who neglect their parents should cover their faces in shame...For
the children have nothing of their own which does not belong to the parents, who
have either bestowed it upon them from their own substance, or have enabled them
to acquire it by supplying them with the means’.[xxviii]
The Hebrew Scriptures share similar assumptions concerning sonship, as we see in
Deuteronomy 21.18, where ‘a rebellious son’ is one ‘who will not obey the
voice of his father or the voice of his mother.’
To make an assertion of sonship would thus imply submission and
obedience, and to make oneself equal to one’s father (i.e. to claim the unique
prerogatives of one’s father and thereby detract from one’s father’s
honor) would be to make oneself a rebellious son, one who was behaving in a way
totally inappropriate to a son.[xxix]
It is thus better to take the participle poiwn
in John 5.18 as a concessive participle, which would mean that the phrase as a
whole be given a sense something like, ‘He claimed that God
was
his[xxx]
Father, although [he was] making himself equal with God’.[xxxi]
Jesus has claimed to be God’s son; the Jews are accusing him of not behaving
in a way appropriate to sonship, because he is claiming for himself his
Father’s unique prerogatives. In other words, what ‘the Jews’ find
objectionable is not Jesus’ claim to be God’s son per
se. Rather it is the fact that, while claiming this designation appropriate
for one who submissively obeys God, he has nonetheless put himself in the place
of God. ‘The Jews’ are thus accusing Jesus of behaving in a way that
discredits or tells against his spoken claims. This suggestion fits well with
what we find elsewhere in John. Similar accusations, which appeal to the actions
of Jesus in order to discount his claims, can be found, for example, in John
8.13; 9.16,24; 10.33.[xxxii]
The interpretation we have suggested not only fits with the first century
Mediterranean cultural context, as we have already seen, but as we shall
demonstrate shortly, also coheres with the response which the Johannine Jesus
goes on to give to the Jews’ accusation.
Before proceeding, we may note some of the evidence that is available
concerning Jewish views on human beings claiming equality with God
. Even in the Old Testament, to grasp at
equality with God was regarded as sinful hubris (cf. Gen. 3.5-6; 2 Chr.24.24;
Isa.14.13-15; 40.18,25; Ezek. 28.2; 29.3). Philo
expresses
a similar opinion, as does the author of 2 Maccabees, who places these words in
the mouth of a repentant Antiochus: ‘It is right to be subject to God, and no
mortal should think that he is equal to God.’[xxxiii]
On the other hand, Beasley-Murray notes the Rabbinic discussion of Pharaoh,
where Moses
is
made ‘as God’ to Pharaoh, whereas because Pharaoh makes himself as God he
must learn that he is nothing.[xxxiv]
He concludes that ‘It would seem that in their eyes God could exalt a man to
be as God, but whoever made himself as God called down divine retribution on himself. They
saw Jesus in the latter category.’[xxxv]
To summarize, it appears that for any
son to place himself on an equal standing with his father would be regarded as disrespectful. Thus for Jesus to claim
to be God
’s
son while also apparently making himself equal with God would have been wholly unacceptable to
his Jewish interlocutors.[xxxvi]
The key issue does not appear to have been equality with God per
se, but whether Jesus is making
himself equal with God. That is to say, ‘the Jews’ do not regard Jesus
as someone appointed by God, who would thus bear God’s authority and speak and
act on his behalf, but as one who seeks his own glory, a messianic pretender who
blasphemously puts himself on a par with God.
We
now turn to the Johannine response to these objections, in the first part of
which the Evangelist makes use of the imagery and categories of sonship and
agency
.[xxxvii]
The presentation of Jesus as God
’s Son and agent was already part of
Christian tradition prior to John, as we have already seen in chapter 2. It
would seem that John is here drawing out the implications of the agency concept
in a much fuller way than any of his predecessors, making the principle of
agency (that the one sent is like the one who sent him) a central christological theme in a way that earlier writers did not
do or did not do as fully. This motif is combined with the generally accepted
idea in contemporary culture that an obedient son will imitate his father and do
what he sees his father doing.[xxxviii]
The Evangelist argues on the basis of these concepts that Jesus is not a
disobedient or rebellious son; the fact that he does what his Father does
demonstrates not rebelliousness, but rather obedience.[xxxix]
The implication which is then drawn out of the traditional motifs which John
uses here is that, as Son and Agent, Jesus can legitimately be regarded as
carrying out functions which were traditionally considered to be divine
prerogatives: working on the Sabbath, giving life, judging, and so on.[xl]
And whereas for a son to usurp the honour due to his father would be to become a
rebellious son, because the son has been appointed as the father’s agent, he
is to be honored, respected and obeyed as if he were the father himself. The one
sent is to be regarded and honored as the one who sent him.[xli]
John emphasizes these aspects of the Jesus tradition to make the point that
Jesus resembles an agent appointed by God rather than a rebel against God,
because he is constantly pointing attention away from himself to the Father who
sent him.
In addition, John can reinforce the legitimacy of the attribution of
various divine prerogatives to Jesus through appeal to the fact that, as many of
his contemporaries would acknowledge, God
had
on occasion delegated the authority to carry out at least some of these acts.
Prophetic figures like Elijah in the Hebrew Scriptures were believed to have
restored the dead to life through God’s power,[xlii]
and the apocalyptic figure of the Son of Man was thought of as judge.[xliii]
The Fourth Evangelist does not appear to be arguing his point here strictly on
the basis of certain unique christological claims, but also appeals to what is
true in general of father/son relationships, and which could (in theory, at
least) also apply to others, although the Evangelist would certainly have
regarded Jesus as God’s Son and Agent par
excellence.[xliv]
Yet although Jesus has been delegated an authority which may at least in theory
be delegated at times to others, the Evangelist is broadening the area of
authority being claimed for Jesus by including the idea of work on the Sabbath,
which does not appear to have been claimed for any other figure in Israel’s
history anywhere in the extant literature.[xlv]
Even if the Evangelist’s argument is based on a broad principle, there is
nonetheless in this passage an accentuation and extension of earlier use of
sonship and agency
categories
in relation to Jesus. The Evangelist is appealing to traditional images and/or
generally accepted ideas, and although his argument would carry more weight for
those who already accepted the Christian position that Jesus is God’s Son and
agent, the fact that the Fourth Evangelist bases his argument on general
principles of agency and/or sonship suggests that even some non-Christian Jews
may have found him persuasive, and at least concluded that there is nothing
blasphemous or scandalous in the claims being made by the Johannine Christians
for
Jesus.[xlvi]
The clearest indication that the Fourth Evangelist’s appeal to
tradition also represents a development of that tradition is to be found in the
links between his conception of Jesus in terms of agency
, and his understanding of Jesus as the Logos
‘become
flesh’. Although it may seem to some inappropriate to relate the concept of
Logos, mentioned only in the prologue
, to the imagery used in the present chapter,
in fact there are a number of important conceptual links between them.[xlvii]
It must also be stressed that, inasmuch as the Gospel in its present form is
concerned, the Evangelist would have expected his readers to be familiar with
the prologue and the theology expressed therein. As Barrett
and
others have rightly stressed, John intends the whole of his Gospel to be read in
light of the prologue.[xlviii]
The Fourth Evangelist would expect readers of this passage to think of Jesus not
only as God
’s human
agent, but also as God’s unique agent, the Logos, ‘become flesh’.
Even as early as Deutero-Isaiah,
we find agency
language
associated with God
’s Word (Isa. 55.11). In later Jewish
literature, Wisdom
is
presented in terms that are rightly regarded as falling within the sphere of
agency categories, and the association is particularly close in connection with
creation.[xlix]
That the role of the Logos
in
Philo
can
also be correctly brought under the heading of agency seems clear from the
designations which Philo uses, such as ‘mediator’, ‘angel
/messenger’, ‘ruler’ and ‘governor or
administrator’.[l]
That many aspects of these contemporary Jewish portraits of God’s Word or
Wisdom in agency categories were familiar to the Evangelist is clear from the
prologue
.
Although there is no evidence that the Evangelist and his readers knew
Philo
’s writings directly, nonetheless the
similarities between what is said by Philo concerning the Logos
and
what the Fourth Evangelist writes in the prologue
are
so striking that most scholars consider the parallels to be significant and
worth noting. The concepts, language and imagery are so similar that, even if
there is no direct interdependence
between the two, there is at the very least a shared ‘world of ideas’, a
connection of environment or milieu, culture or tradition, which the two share
in common with one another. This same point also applies to Philo’s Logos
concept as it relates to John 5. Most worthy of mention is Conf. 63, where the Logos is described as follows:
‘For the Father of the universe has caused him to spring up as the eldest son,
whom, in another passage he calls the firstborn; and he who is thus born, imitating
the ways of his father, has formed such and such species, looking to his
archetypal patterns’. The significance of this statement is heightened still
further when one also considers passages such as Cher.
77, where Philo
writes,
‘Who...could be a more determined enemy to the soul than he who out of
arrogance appropriate[s] the especial attributes of the Deity to himself? Now it
is an especial attribute of God
to
create, and this faculty it is impious to ascribe to any created being’.[li]
It is of course true, as so much recent research has stressed, that the
Logos
is
for Philo none other than God
himself
in his interaction with the created order, depicted through means of
personification.[lii]
Nonetheless, this in no way diminishes the significance of the fact that Philo
has
chosen to describe the Logos as fulfilling this divine prerogative in terms of a
son obediently imitating his father.
It is not impossible that the Fourth Evangelist and his community were aware of
this (or some other similar) earlier use of father/son imagery in connection
with the Logos, although this cannot be proved. However, it is at least clear
from this passage that the principle that a son imitates his father was widely
accepted - Philo does not argue for it, but simply appeals to it as the basis
for his assertion about the creative activity of the Logos.[liii]
Philo’s use of this principle in this context at the very least shows that to
argue on this basis for the legitimacy of a particular figure’s participation
in divine activities or functions would not have appeared ludicrous, and would
perhaps even have been reasonably convincing to those who shared certain
presuppositions.
Thus, to sum up, the Fourth Evangelist has in this chapter taken up an
element of earlier tradition, namely the idea that Jesus is God
’s Son and agent
. In his use of it to defend the Christian
view that Jesus carries out divine functions, the Evangelist has developed the
motif(s) in a number of ways:
(1)
In emphasizing that Jesus does these things precisely as God
’s agent
and
obedient Son, the Evangelist has stressed at the same time both the obedience
and submission of the Son to the Father, and the equality of the authority of
the Son (as agent) to that of the Father. The resulting portrait sets up a
tension between equality language and subordination language that would exert a
great influence on the course of later christological development. It also lays
much greater stress on Jesus as life-giver and judge than did earlier works.
(2)
The Evangelist has also brought the idea of the human Jesus as God
’s agent
into
connection with the idea of Jesus as the one as whom God’s supreme agent, the
Logos
, has ‘become flesh’. The concept of the
Logos as agent was known in the community, and this would have lent still more
weight to the Evangelist’s argument: because the human being Jesus is one with
the Logos, the attribution of divine activities to Jesus is not to be considered
in any way more problematic than
the similar assertions made by many Jews about God’s Word/Wisdom/Spirit
. This line of argument would have been most
convincing to Christians, who already accepted that Jesus was the Messiah
in
whom God’s Spirit, Word or Wisdom dwelt. Nonetheless, Jews who accepted the
truthfulness of contemporary Jewish portraits of the Messiah as indwelt by
God’s Spirit or Wisdom may also have found John’s portrayal convincing. At
any rate, in John the agency motif is expanded and developed, and moved onto
another plane by being integrated into the Evangelist’s Logos Christology.
Just how well integrated it was, and whether John had thought through in any
detail the relationship between the sending of Jesus and the sending of the
Logos from heaven, are interesting and important questions which we shall
address later (in chapter 15 below).
We
may now proceed to consider the development made in this passage of another
important motif, namely the use of the designation ‘Son of Man’. Once again,
we have already seen that John is aware of and has inherited aspects of earlier
Jewish and Christian thought concerning the ‘Son of Man’. On one level, it
may seem that what the Evangelist does with the Son of Man motif here, while an
attempt to legitimate a certain belief, is not particularly significant. The
line of argument, on first reading, appears to be as follows: the apocalyptic
Son of Man was widely accepted to carry out the role of judge, and if Jesus is
the Son of Man, then he is rightly regarded as occupying the role of judge.[liv]
This is certainly part of what the Fourth Evangelist is arguing here, since the
Evangelist is clearly appealing to the well-known apocalyptic traditions
concerning the ‘Son of Man’. This can hardly be denied, as in the immediate
context we find:
(1)
The use of ‘son of man
’ (the anarthrous form of which, in the
view of some scholars, is a direct allusion to Daniel 7.13).[lv]
(2)
Reference to his being given authority (to judge).[lvi]
(3)
Mention in the immediate context of the resurrection of some to life and others
to condemnation.[lvii]
This
makes it seem quite likely that the Fourth Evangelist has in mind the Danielic
figure as he was understood in contemporary Judaism and Christianity, to which
he could appeal to defend his belief that Jesus rightly and legitimately
fulfills the divine prerogative of judgment.[lviii]
However, there may be a further aspect to John’s usage, as we shall now see.
E. M. Sidebottom
and
Robert Rhea
have
both made the interesting suggestion that John 5.27 shows knowledge of the
Jewish work known as the Testament of
Abraham
.[lix]
In this work, Abel the ‘son of Adam (= Man)’ is presented as ‘the
frightful man who is seated on the throne...he sits here to judge the entire
creation, examining both righteous and sinners.’ The reasoning behind Abel
fulfilling this role is given in the form of a statement attributed to God
: ‘For God said, “I do not judge you, but
every man is judged by man”’ (T. Abr.
A 12.2-3). The attempt to relate the Johannine use of the phrase
ui¥o\j
a)nqrw¢pou in this passage
specifically to Abel, ben Adam, ‘the
Son of Man/Adam’, seems unnecessarily far-fetched, given that there is no
other evidence for the idea of Jesus as ‘Abel reincarnate’ in the Fourth
Gospel.[lx]
Nonetheless, the principle that human beings shall be judged by a human being
appears to antedate this work, since it is cited by the author not only as
authoritative, but also as a divine oracle. The author of Acts may also show an
awareness of this idea in Acts 17.31, where we find a similar emphasis on God
demonstrating his justice by appointing a human being as judge.[lxi]
Perhaps also relevant is Heb. 2.17, where Jesus’ high priesthood is related to
his humanity, which makes him able to sympathize with those for whom he
intercedes. In Heb. 4.15-16, the enthroned Jesus is explicitly mentioned in connection with this
idea, perhaps suggesting that the author was aware of a tradition concerning the
human Jesus as righteous and merciful judge,
which he has, for the most part, adapted to his own portrait of Christ
in
high priestly categories. It thus becomes plausible that the Evangelist may also
have in mind here the most basic meaning of the designation ‘son of man
’, i.e. human being, and be alluding to a
tradition which held that God would judge humankind justly by allowing one of
their own kind to judge them.[lxii]
This suggestion need not be understood to preclude the possibility that
the phrase here also refers to the figure of the ‘Son of Man’ known from
apocalyptic literature.[lxiii]
In fact, in the case of Testament of Abraham
, the reference to Abel as ‘that...man’
seated on a throne as judge surely intends to identify Abel with ‘that Son of Man’, i.e. that specific, enthroned human figure of
apocalyptic expectation. These were not two mutually exclusive traditions;
rather, Testament of Abraham has
Abraham ask the identity of the one Daniel and Enoch
saw,
and the answer which he is given is that ‘that Son of Man’ is Abel, the Son
of Adam.[lxiv]
The Fourth Evangelist frequently used words and phrases with more than one shade
of meaning, and thus it would not be surprising to find him doing so here, using
‘Son of Man’ with overtones of both apocalyptic expectation and humanity.[lxv]
This would also explain the lack of the definite article, so distinctive of this
verse, and a feature that a few scholars have interpreted to indicate an
emphasis on Jesus’ humanity.[lxvi]
The background which we have posited would also explain the fact that there is
an imbalance in v27: whereas all the other functions mentioned in John 5.19-30
are shared by both Father and Son,
judgment is delegated wholly
to the Son.[lxvii]
The best explanation for this fact is our suggestion that John knew a tradition
which said that God
would
not judge, but would entrust the judgment of human beings to a human being.
Thus while John has not excluded (and had no wish to exclude) the concept
of the apocalyptic ‘Son of Man’ as judge, the Evangelist also appears to
wish the reader to recall the principle that God
will
show his justice by appointing a human figure as judge. This would serve to
further demonstrate the legitimacy of claiming such a role for Jesus: as a human
being, and as that particular human being mentioned in Daniel 7 and subsequent
writings, Jesus can rightly be regarded as God’s designated judge. To claim
that the human being Jesus will judge in no way represents an illegitimate
appropriation by him of a divine prerogative, because Jewish tradition provides
justification for a human figure being appointed as judge, and one stream of
tradition emphasizes that by doing this God demonstrates his justice.[lxviii]
In Carson
’s view, it is the fact that Jesus is both
the apocalyptic Son of Man and a genuine human being which are here regarded as
making him uniquely qualified to judge.[lxix]
It may be worth noting the echoes that are found in John 5.27 of other
important New Testament christological statements. Showing particular affinity
are Philippians
2.6-11
and Matthew
28.18.[lxx]
The former is close in particular because it is the only
other New Testament occurrence of the terminology of equality with God
.[lxxi]
The latter is significant inasmuch as it also echoes the language of ‘giving
authority’ found in Daniel 7.14.[lxxii]
For our purposes we may simply note that the Fourth Evangelist is here probably
indebted to a strong current in earlier Christian tradition, one which
emphasized that Jesus did not grasp at authority, but was given authority by
God.[lxxiii]
Thus John’s portrait, while distinctive in important ways, is also strongly
traditional. Were this not the case the Fourth Evangelist’s attempt to
legitimate his community’s beliefs using these motifs would have been far less
effective.[lxxiv]
To sum up, John has used the single phrase ui¥oV
anqrw¢pou
to make a double appeal: the author
brings together two strands of authoritative tradition which could be used to
defend the Christian standpoint that presented Jesus as carrying out the divine
function of judgment. Perhaps the most significant development which is made in
the process is the emphasis on the humanity
of the one whom John elsewhere describes as pre-existent,
and the connecting of these two emphases to the single designation, ‘Son of
Man’.[lxxv]
This development, while closely linked to earlier ideas about the Son of Man,
nonetheless brought into sharp focus an uncertainty or difficulty which existed
in this conceptuality, and which later christological formulations would need to
seek to resolve. The Evangelist also uses motifs traditionally associated with
the state of the exalted Jesus to defend the authority attributed to the earthly
Jesus, thereby making another alteration to the tradition which represents a
subtle but nonetheless significant development.[lxxvi]
John
has thus far emphasized the legitimacy of the attribution of particular
functions to an agent
appointed
by God
. In 5.31-47 the Evangelist seeks to present
arguments that Jesus is in fact God’s agent. Witnesses are thus called in.
John appeals to the witness
of
John the Baptist (who was apparently widely respected among Jews in the first
century) and that of the Father (whose works Jesus does, thus making this an
appeal to signs/miracles as evidence of his agency, as is also done in Mark
2.6-12).
The testimony of the Scriptures is at the same time part of the witness of the
Father (whose revelation it is) and of Moses
(who
wrote it). John thus seeks to shift the onus back onto his opponents: have they
taken seriously enough the evidence of the miracles attributed to Jesus, of the
arguments from Scripture provided by Christians and of the positive witness
which John the Baptist bore to Jesus? At least for the Johannine Christians
, who already accept these testimonies, these
points would strengthen the argument made here. Not only are the status and
functions attributed to Jesus by Christians not blasphemous if attributed to
God’s appointed agent, but a sufficient number of witnesses attest to the fact
that Jesus was in fact God’s agent, thus – as far as the Evangelist is
concerned - clinching the case and proving that Jesus is in fact who the
Johannine Christians believe him to be.
To
sum up our argument in this chapter on John 5:
(1)
First, we examined the traditions which form the background to John
5.1-18, the narrative which provides the starting point for Jesus’ monologue
in 5.19-47, and found that the issue in the earlier traditions is essentially
the same as that being discussed in John, namely that of Jesus doing what it has
traditionally been believed that only God
can
or should do.
(2)
Second, we considered the Johannine response to the objections raised by
‘the Jews’, and found that in them the traditional motifs of Jesus as God
’s Son and Agent, and of Jesus as the Son
of Man, were developed in a number of distinctive ways. Aspects of these
concepts were intensified. The idea of Jesus as agent
was
brought into connection with the idea of Jesus as the Word-made-flesh, and the
agency aspect of this latter conceptuality was brought to the fore. Humanity and
pre-existence were brought into direct relation with one another through their
mutual connection with the designation ‘Son of Man.’
(3) Third, we noted points of connection between the issue being addressed in this part of John and the specific developments made by the Evangelist. Given that these distinctive developments occur in the context of a response to Jewish objections, it is logical to conclude that the developments are the result of the process of legitimation. The distinctive way John uses the traditions he inherited, the way he combines various traditional motifs and ideas, and the implications he draws from them, are the result of his use of them as part of an attempt to defend his community’s beliefs about Jesus.
[i]
Cf.
Lindars, Gospel of John,
p.219;
Martyn,
‘Glimpses’, p.162; History,
p.123; L. Th. Witkamp,
‘The
Use of Traditions in John 5:1-18’, JSNT
25 (1985), 33; Meeks, ‘Equal to God
’,
p.309;
Loader, Christology,
p.161.
This is not to say that this is a symbolic portrayal of an actual event in
the community’s history; rather, like Plato’s account of the trial of
Socrates, ideas are being defended via an ostensibly historical narrative.
On ancient biographies and apologetic see Burridge, ‘About People’,
pp.122,135-137.
[iii]
Dodd, Interpretation,
p.327;
Jürgen Becker, Das Evangelium des
Johannes. Kapitel 1-10, Gütersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn/Würzburg:
Echter-Verlag, 1979,
p.249;
Beasley-Murray, John, p.80;
Talbert,
Reading
John, p.130; Witherington, John’s
Wisdom
, p.
134. See also Carson, John,
pp.90-92;
Pryor, John,
p.27;
Francis J. Moloney, Signs and Shadows:
Reading John 5-12, Minneapolis: Fortress, 1996,
pp.12,28.
On the trial motif in John see further A. E. Harvey, Jesus on Trial. A Study in the Fourth Gospel, London: SPCK, 1976;
also
Brown, Community,
pp.67-8;
Loader, Christology, p.165.
[iv]
So e.g. Brown,
Gospel,
pp.208-9;
Lindars, Gospel of John,
pp.52-3,209; Joachim Gnilka, Johannesevangelium,
Würzburg: Echter, 1983, p.39; Beasley-Murray, John, pp. 71-2; Perkins, ‘Gospel’,
p.959;
Painter, Quest, pp.220-1
; Frans Neirynck, ‘John and the
Synoptics: 1975-1990’, in Adelbert Denaux (ed.), John
and the Synoptics, (BETL, 101), Leuven University Press, 1992, pp.54-5;
Pryor, John,
pp.25-6;
see also Dodd, Historical Tradition,
pp.174-177; D. M. Smith, Johannine
Christianity, pp.116-122; Witkamp, ‘Use of Traditions’
; Peder Borgen,
Early
Christianity and Hellenistic Judaism, Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996,
pp.106-7.
[vi]
Peder Borgen,
Philo
,
John and Paul
.
New Perspectives on Judaism and Early Christianity
(BJS, 131), Atlanta: Scholars, 1987, p.88; Early
Christianity, pp.140-144 notes that the Johannine Sabbath controversy in
John 5 has the same form as is found in the Synoptics. Lindars
(Gospel
of John, p.209) suggests that John was dependent on the whole section
Mark
2.1-3.6,
which was already known as a unit in the pre-Markan tradition.
[vii]
See also the parallels of phraseology noted by Borgen,
Early
Christianity, pp.143-4. See too Neirynck, ‘John and the Synoptics’,
p.54.
[x]
Dodd, Historical Tradition,
p.
177. See however Beasley-Murray, John,
p.74, who apparently interprets Dodd’s meaning differently than I have.
[xi]
Cf. Lindars, Gospel of John,
pp.209-10;
Witkamp, ‘Use of Traditions’
. See also D. M. Smith, Johannine Christianity, p.117; Joanna Dewey, ‘The Literary
Structure of the Controversy Stories in Mark
2:1-3:6’,
in William Telford (ed.), The
Interpretation of Mark, London: SPCK, 1985, p.109-118.
[xii]
Cf. the discussion in Witkamp,
‘Use
of Traditions’; Borgen, Early
Christianity,
pp.148-9.
On John’s creative use of his sources see also George L. Renner, ‘The
Life-World of the Johannine Community: An Investigation of the Social
Dynamics which Resulted in the Composition of the Fourth Gospel’, Ph.D.
dissertation, Boston University Graduate School, 1982,
pp.157-8,
162.
[xiii]
C. K. Barrett, ‘The Place of John and the Synoptics in the Early
History of Christian Tradition’, Jesus
and the Word and Other Essays, Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1995, 120.
Whereas Barrett is here arguing for John’s direct literary dependence on
Mark
, a suggestion I still find unconvincing,
he is nonetheless right to emphasize that it is the character of the
similarities rather than the differences which are crucial in determining
dependence. Even if John is
directly dependent on one or more of the Synoptics, this in no way weakens
our case, and perhaps strengthens it even further.
[xv]
R. Alan Culpepper, Anatomy of
the Fourth Gospel. A Study in Literary Design, Minneapolis: Fortress,
1983,
pp.139-40.
[xviii]
Rudolf Bultmann, The
Gospel of John. A Commentary, Oxford: Blackwell, 1971, p.247; Jerome H.
Neyrey, ‘“My Lord and My God
”: The Divinity of Jesus in John’s
Gospel’, SBL Seminar Paper Series,
25, Atlanta: Scholars, 1986, pp.154-5; Ideology,
pp.15-18. See also D. M. Smith, Johannine
Christianity, p.121; Painter,
Quest,
pp.221-2; Herold Weiss, ‘The Sabbath in the Fourth Gospel’, JBL
110/2 (1991), 311; Pryor, John,
p.26.
[xix]
The background to this idea is discussed in sufficient detail
elsewhere. See e.g. Dodd, Interpretation,
pp.320-322; Lindars, Gospel
of John,
p.218;
Moloney, Johannine Son of Man,
pp.69-70;
Talbert, Reading John,
pp.123-4;
Borgen, ‘John and Hellenism’,
pp.106-7.
Primary sources include Gen. Rab.
11.10; Exod. Rab. 30.9; Philo
, Leg.
All. 1.5-7,16-18; Cher. 86-90;
Mig. 91; Quis Her. 170. An
accusation of blasphemy is not explicitly made in John 5, although it is
made elsewhere in John in passages closely related to this one (cf. 10.33;
also 8.58-9). See further Fennema, ‘Jesus and God
’,
p.266,
and our treatment of these passages in chs. 5 and 6 below.
[xx]
On the
similarity between John and Mark
in
the question of Jesus’ authority cf. Lindars, Gospel
of John,
pp.218-9.
See also G. H. C. MacGregor, The
Gospel of John, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1928,
pp.173-4;
de Boer,
Johannine
Perspectives,
p.59;
and Harvey, Constraints, p.171 on
the charge of ‘blasphemy’ as a point of continuity between John and
earlier Christian writings.
[xxii]
On appeal to miracles to justify halakhic positions see Weiss,
‘Sabbath’, 314; Talbert,
Reading
John, pp.123. John does not completely reject this approach: see
10.37-8. The issue in both Mark
and
John is Jesus’ authority or authorization
by God
to
do what he has done.
[xxiii]
Much of the following section has been published in another form as
James F. McGrath,
‘A
Rebellious Son? Hugo Odeberg and the Interpretation of John 5.18’, NTS
44 (1998), 470-473.
[xxiv]
Brown, Gospel,
p.212;
Martyn, ‘Mission’,
p.310;
Painter, Quest,
p.221.
See also Lindars, Gospel of John,
p.219;
Beasley-Murray, John, p.74; Meeks,
‘Equal to God
’,
p.310;
Carson, John,
p.249.
[xxv]
Cf. Davies, Rhetoric,
pp.129-131; Bruce J. Malina, Windows
on the World of Jesus. Time Travel to Ancient Judea, Louisville:
Westminster John Knox, 1993,
pp.2-4;
also Harvey, Constraints, p.159.
See also Philo
, Conf.
63, which is of great significance for our discussion (see further p.84
below).
[xxviii]
Philo
, Dec.
118. The similarity between what is asserted here and John 5.19,30 is also
significant.
[xxix]
Odeberg, Fourth
Gospel,
p.203
claimed to cite rabbinic parallels which demonstrate that the rabbis
designated a rebellious son as ‘making himself equal to his father’.
However, this phrase does not actually appear anywhere in the early rabbinic
corpus. For further discussion of this topic see McGrath, ‘A Rebellious
Son?’
.
[xxx]
In Koine Greek i¦¢dion
was often used in a reduced sense to mean simply ‘his’. Cf. J. N.
Sanders, John, pp.99 n.3, 164 n.3.
[xxxi]
John 10.33 is an example of the use of a participle in a very similar
way in a similar context. Even if the participle in 5.18 is taken as
adverbial, it may have the sense of a temporal clause, meaning something
like ‘He made God
his
own Father while making himself
equal to God’, in which case the two may still be understood as in
contrast to one another. See also John 19.7, where the same language is used
as in 5.18 and 10.33: Jesus is accused of ‘making himself’, that is to
say, of ‘claiming to be’ or ‘putting himself in the place of’,
God’s Son and agent
, when in fact ‘the Jews’ are
convinced that he is not (see further Meeks, ‘Equal to God’,
p.310).
[xxxii]
Note also 7.27,41-42,52, where accusations of a similar sort are
made, based on a contrast between what seems to be implied by Jesus’
actions/words, and his background.
[xxxiii]
2 Maccabees 9.12; Philo
, Leg.
All. 1.49. Leg. 114 is also of
some relevance. See also Josephus, Ant.
19.1-16.
[xxxv]
Beasley-Murray, John, p.75.
See also Carson, John,
p.249;
Craig R. Koester, Symbolism in the
Fourth Gospel.
Meaning, Mystery,
Community, Minneapolis: Fortress,
1995,
p.87.
[xxxvi]
For a pagan parallel see Apollodorus (1.9.7), who writes concerning
the hero Salmoneus, he ‘was arrogant and wanted to make himself equal to
Zeus, and because of his impiety he was punished; for he said that he was
Zeus’. However, ‘god-equal’ can also have a positive sense in some
non-Jewish literature; see Dodd, Interpretation,
pp.325-6.
[xxxvii]
Cf. Meeks, Prophet-King,
pp.303-4;
Harvey, Jesus on Trial, pp.88-92;
Létourneau, Jésus,
pp.233-255,324.
[xxxviii]
Some useful background texts are discussed by C. H. Dodd
in
‘A Hidden Parable in the Fourth Gospel’, More
New Testament Studies, Manchester University Press, 1968, pp.32-38. See
also Harvey, Constraints, p.160,
and Philo
, Conf.
63, which is quoted and discussed on p.84
below.
[xl]
On giving life as a divine prerogative cf. R. H. Lightfoot, St. John's Gospel: A Commentary, Oxford University Press, 1956,
p.142;
Meeks, Prophet-King,
p.304;
Lindars, Gospel of John,
p.222;
Gnilka, Johannesevangelium,
p.42;
Beasley-Murray, John, p.76. See
also e.g. 2 Kgs. 5.7, and Midrash on Psalm 78.5 (cited Meeks, Prophet-King, p.304 n.1). On judgement as a divine prerogative cf.
Brown, Gospel,
p.219.
This of course refers to judgment in an ultimate, eschatological, final
sense; the idea that human beings act as judges in a more limited sense is
not at issue. See also Deut. 1.17, and n.56
below.
[xli]
See the discussion of sonship and agency in ch.2 above. The Johannine
argument has been summarized well by a number of scholars: Jesus does not make himself equal with God
, but he is equal (in authority) to God
because God has made him so, by
appointing him as his agent
and
sending him (so e.g. Brown, Community,
p.47
n.80; C. K. Barrett, ‘“The Father is Greater than I” (John 14:28).
Subordinationist Christology in the New Testament’, Essays
on John, London: SPCK, 1982, 24; Neyrey, ‘My Lord and My God’,
pp.155-159; Loader, Christology,
pp.160-1;
Pryor, John,
p.27;
Ashton, Studying,
p.72;
de Boer,
Johannine
Perspectives,
p.59).
See also Koester, Symbolism,
p.87.
[xlii]
Although this was an exception rather than a rule; cf. Lindars, Gospel of John,
p.222.
Neyrey
notes
later Jewish traditions that God
granted
to Elijah and Elisha three keys that he normally reserved to himself: the
rain, the womb and the grave (Ideology,
p.75; cf. b. Ta’an 2a; b.
Sanh. 113a; Midr. Ps. 78.5; also Barrett, Commentary,
p.260).
Figures to whom God delegated his own prerogatives are the only ones of whom
the term ‘agent
’ (Heb.
shaliach) is used by the later rabbis.
[xliii]
Already in the Old Testament the Messiah
had
begun to be thought of as (eschatological) judge: see e.g. Isa. 11.1-5. Note
also 1QSb 5.24-5 (cited by E. Earle Ellis, ‘Deity-Christology in Mark
14:58’,
in Joel B. Green and Max Turner (eds.), Jesus
of Nazareth: Lord and Christ
.
Essays on the Historical Jesus and New Testament Christology,
Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994, p.196 n.22). We shall return to the
Evangelist’s use of the designation ‘Son of Man’ in 5.27 below.
[xliv]
Dodd, ‘Hidden Parable’,
pp.31-2.
Contra Beasley-Murray, John,
p.75, although a combination of the two approaches may be best: the
Evangelist is using imagery which is true of sonship in general, but is
clearly using it to argue a specifically christological point.
[xlv]
Note the argument on the basis of David’s action in Mark
2.23-28.
Nonetheless, there is no hint of David having been thought to work on the
Sabbath because God
does.
Cf. Weiss, ‘Sabbath’, 313.
[xlvi]
So rightly Michael Theobald,
Die
Fleischwerdung des Logos
.
Studien zum Verhältnis des Johannesprologs zum Corpus des Evangeliums und
zu 1 Joh, Münster:
Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1988, pp.377-8. See also Robin Scroggs,
Christology
in Paul
and
John: The Reality and Revelation of God
, Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988, p.68.
[xlvii]
Note esp. Peder Borgen,
‘Creation,
Logos
and
the Son: Observations on John 1:1-18 and 5:17-18’, Ex Auditu 3 (1987), 88-97, who discusses a number of such aspects,
including links with Jewish interpretations of Genesis, creation, agency
, participation in divine activity and
seeing God
. So also Cadman, Open Heaven, p.79; Paul
S.
Minear, ‘Logos
Affiliations in Johannine Thought’, in Robert F. Berkey and
Sarah A. Edwards (eds.), Christology
in Dialogue, Cleveland: Pilgrim, 1993, pp.143-4. Borgen (p.92) also
suggests that 1.1-18 may be understood as a demonstration that Moses
wrote
about Jesus (i.e. in Gen. 1-2; cf. John 5.46). For other connections between
the prologue
and
the present passage see Eldon Jay Epp, ‘Wisdom
, Torah
, Word: The Johannine Prologue and the
Purpose of the Fourth Gospel’, in Gerald F. Hawthorne (ed.), Current Issues in Biblical and Patristic Interpretation. Studies in
Honor of Merrill C. Tenney Presented by his Former Students, Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1975, p.142, who notes similar themes and material in
connection with the following topics (among others): the witness
of
the Baptist, the contrast between Moses/Torah
and
Jesus, and God being unseen by human beings. Thomas L. Brodie
(The
Gospel According to John: A Literary and Theological Commentary, Oxford
University Press, 1993, p.242) sees three divisions in both the prologue and
the discourse in 5.16-47, namely creation, witness and glory, and even goes
so far as to describe the latter as ‘a variation on the prologue’.
[xlviii]
Barrett, Commentary,
p.156;
Pryor, John,
p.7;
Moloney, Signs and Shadows,
p.8.
See also Minear, ‘Logos
Affiliations’,
p.142 and p.83
above.
[xlix]
See e.g. Wisd. 7.22; 8.4-6; 9.2. See further Hurtado, One God
,
pp.42-44.
Cf. too the depiction of Wisdom
in
Prov. 8.22-31.
[l]
Cf. Quaest in Ex. 2.13; Quaest in Gn. 4.110-111; Fug.
94-105,109; Det. 54. On Logos
as
agent
in
Philo
see
the helpful and brief discussion in Hurtado, One
God
,
pp.44-50.
[liv]
Cf. Joseph Coppens, La Relève
Apocalyptique du Messianisme Royal. III. Le Fils de l'Homme Néotestamentaire
(BETL, 55), Leuven University Press, 1981, pp.68-9. See also Létourneau, Jésus,
pp.324-5
on the connections between Sonship-Agency and Son of Man ideas here.
[lv]
Many commentators take the anarthrous ‘Son of Man’ to be a direct
allusion to Daniel 7.13; so e.g. Brown, Gospel,
p.220;
Barnabas Lindars, ‘The Son of Man in the Johannine christology’, in
Barnabas Lindars and Stephen S. Smalley (eds.), Christ
and
Spirit
in
the New Testament, Cambridge
University Press, 1973, pp.51-2; Moloney, Johannine
Son of Man,
p.81;
Martyn, History,
p.139; Margaret Pamment,
‘The
Son of Man in the Fourth Gospel’, JTS
n.s. 36 (1985), 60; Perkins, ‘Gospel’,
p.960;
Ashton, Understanding,
p.361;
Carson, John,
p.259;
Davies, Rhetoric, p.190; Painter,
‘Enigmatic’,
pp.1873-4;
de Boer, Johannine Perspectives,
p.152.
Ashton (p. 357) notes that the allusion to Daniel 7.13 would be clear even
if the designation ui¥o\j
a)nqrwpou
were not used. See also Smalley,
‘Johannine
Son of Man’,
292.
[lvi]
Cf. Martyn, History,
p.139;
Painter, ‘Enigmatic’,
p.1872.
Ashton
(Understanding,
p.358) rightly notes that Daniel itself does not explicitly say that the
authority which is given to the (one like a) son of man
is
authority to judge, and thus the
Evangelist shows signs of awareness of the Synoptic-type tradition, in which
this is made explicit, and perhaps also other Jewish traditions and writings
(so also Smalley,
‘Johannine
Son of Man’,
292-3;
Moloney, Johannine Son of Man,
pp.81-2;
de Boer, Johannine Perspectives,
pp.152-3).
After reviewing the evidence, Ashton cautiously concludes that there is
sufficient evidence to warrant the view that by the end of the first century
B.C.E. Judaism (and Christianity) had begun to coalesce the Danielic figure
of the ‘son of man’ and the Messiah-redeemer (Understanding,
pp.358-361).
[lvii]
Lindars, ‘Son of Man’,
p.52
notes allusions to Danielic imagery (Dan.12.2) in the two following verses,
as do Moloney, Johannine Son of Man,
p.81;
Painter, ‘Enigmatic’,
p.1872;
de Boer, Johannine Perspectives,
p.152.
[lviii]
Cf. Martyn, History,
p.139,
who regards John 5.27 as ‘In some respects...the most “traditional”
Son of Man saying in the whole of the New Testament’; see also de Boer, Johannine
Perspectives,
p.153.
In the light of these allusions, Hare
’s view (Son
of Man, p.92) that there is no evidence of Danielic influence anywhere
in John, much less in this context, cannot be sustained, although he may be
correct that the anarthrous form of the phrase is not used specifically to
allude to Daniel 7.13. See also Ragnar Leivestad, ‘Exit the Apocalyptic
Son of Man’, NTS 18 (1972), 252.
[lix]
E. M. Sidebottom,
The
Christ
of
the Fourth Gospel, London:
SPCK, 1961, pp.94-5; Robert Rhea
, The
Johannine Son of Man, Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 1990, p.71.
[lx]
So rightly Delbert Burkett, The
Son of the Man in the Gospel of John (JSNTS, 56), Sheffield Academic
Press, 1991, pp.25-6, criticizing the view of Wolfgang Roth, ‘Jesus as the
Son of Man: The Scriptural Identity of a Johannine Image’, in Dennis E.
Groh and Robert Jewett (eds.), The
Living Text: Essays in Honor of Ernest W. Saunders, Lanham: University
Press of America, 1985, pp.11-26
. It should also be considered possible
that T. Abr. has formulated its view of Abel in response to Christian claims
for Jesus. See further E. P. Sanders, ‘Testament of Abraham
’, in James H. Charlesworth (ed.), The
Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Volume I: Apocalyptic Literature and
Testaments, New York: Doubleday, 1983, pp.875,888 n.11b, who notes that
T. Abr. shows evidence of familiarity with some parts of the New Testament,
while being nonetheless ‘unmistakably Jewish’.
[lxi]
F. F. Bruce, The Book of the
Acts, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988, pp.
340-1 notes a three-way connection
between John 5.27, Acts 17.31 and Dan.7.13.
[lxii]
It is perhaps also significant and worth noting that in both T. Abr.
A 13.8 and John 5.31ff (see also 8.17-8) there is a discussion of the legal
requirement for the number of witnesses needed to confirm a legal matter.
Hare
, in rejecting the connections argued for
here (Son of Man, p.95), speaks of
‘son of man
’ as a poetic
way of saying ‘man’, but this is not correct: there is nothing
intrinsically poetic about the phrase. Rather, ‘human being’ is its
normal sense. See the examples cited in Maurice Casey’s article, ‘The
Use of the Term (a)vn(a) rb
in the Aramaic Translations of the Hebrew Bible’, JSNT
54 (1994), 87-118
. Another interesting point of contact
between T. Abr. and John is the use of descent
/ascent language (cf. Talbert, Reading
John,
pp.270-1;
Ashton, Understanding,
p.352
n.47). Cf. also Leivestad, ‘Exit’,
252.
[lxiv]
Cf. John 9.36; 12.34, where the Evangelist likewise addresses the
contemporary question, ‘Who is this Son of Man?’
[lxvi]
So e.g. Burkett, Son of the Man,
p.42;
Hare, Son of Man,
pp.90-96;
Leivestad,
‘Exit’,
252; MacGregor, John,
p.179;
Pamment,
‘Son
of Man’, 60-1; Sidebottom, Christ
,
p.93.
Carson
accepts
this as at least partially true. Contra
Brown
, Higgins
, Lindars
, Strachan
.
[lxvii]
In John 5 at least. The issue is complicated slightly by the
apparently contradictory point in 8.15,50.
[lxviii]
John’s legitimation in this section is probably better understood
when read in conjunction with the legitimatory/polemical thrust in
8.15,17-8: whereas God
’s righteousness is shown through his
appointing of Jesus as judge, and Jesus’ righteousness is stressed through
the description of him as wholly submitted to and obedient to the Father,
‘the Jews’ are presented in terms that sharply contrast this: they judge
wrongly, by human standards, and by misjudging the righteous judge, condemn
themselves. Cf. also Moloney, Signs
and Shadows,
p.28.
[lxx]
I am indebted at this point to a paper by Walter Moberly entitled
‘The Way to Glory: Matthew
and
Philippians
2:6-11’,
read at the Durham Postgraduate New Testament Seminar on 28.04.97.
[lxxi]
Cf. Morna D. Hooker, From Adam
to Christ
.
Essays on Paul
, Cambridge University Press, 1990,
p.97; Meeks, ‘Equal to God
’,
p.309.
[lxxii]
So e.g. W. F. Albright and C. S. Mann,
Matthew
, Garden City: Doubleday, 1971, p. 362;
David Hill, The Gospel of Matthew
, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans/London:
Marshall, Morgan and Scott, 1972, p.361; France, Matthew:
Evangelist and Teacher,
pp.291-2
(citing W. D. Davies); Ulrich Luz, The
Theology of the Gospel of Matthew
, Cambridge University Press, 1995,
p.139.
[lxxiii]
The authority given to the Son at the end of Matthew
is
to be contrasted with the authority he refuses to take from Satan at the
start of the Gospel (so Moberly, in the paper just cited above n.70). See too our discussion in ch.5
below.
[lxxiv]
A key difference is that John uses this imagery not in relation to an
authority that Jesus receives after his exaltation, but rather to the
authority he wields even during his earthly life. Cf. the helpful discussion
of Hartman, ‘Johannine Jesus-Belief’,
pp.90-1.
[lxxv]
The pre-existence of the Son of Man is not mentioned here, but is
clearly part of John’s understanding of who the Son of Man is (cf. 3.13;
6.62). The emphasis on Jesus being a human being through the use of the same
words is thus clearly a linking of pre-existence and humanity which raises
numerous difficult christological questions. On the paradox of humanity and
heavenly origins in relations to the designation ‘Son of Man’, see
William O. Walker, Jr., ‘John 1.43-51 and 'The Son of Man' in the Fourth
Gospel’, JSNT 56 (1994), 31-42
.
[lxxvi]
This is not, however, simply a move from an emphasis on futurist to realized eschatology, but also marks a transition
from a Christology which emphasizes Jesus’ authority as the exalted one to
one which emphasizes his authority as the pre-existent one and in his
earthly life as well. On Johannine eschatology see further Moloney, Johannine Son of Man, pp.79-80; Kysar, ‘Pursuing the Paradoxes’,
pp.198-201; Nils A. Dahl, ‘“Do Not Wonder!” John 5:28-29 and Johannine
Eschatology Once More’, in Robert T. Fortna and Beverly R. Gaventa (eds.),
The Conversation Continues. Studies in
Paul
and
John in Honor of J. Louis Martyn,
Nashville: Abingdon, 1990, pp.322-336.