JJRI

THE JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU INSTITUTE

A Project for Democratic International Relations and for the security of Europe

 

 


The JJRI papers / 1

 

Facts, information and position papers from the Jean-Jacques Rousseau Institute, Paris

 

ANTI-SEMITISM IN FRANCE

 

A Report and a Warning

 

by Michel Gurfinkiel

 

 

 

There is currently an upsurge of anti-Semitism all over Europe. In France,  the European country with the largest Jewish community (600 000 to 1 million, or 1 to 1,5 % of a global population of 60 millions), it is reaching alarming proportions. According to a recent poll, one French Jew out of three feels threatened enough or unsure enough about the future to be considering leaving the country or advising his children to leave the country.

 

A few preliminary remarks:

 

1.      The French crisis is not a case of “petty anti-Semitism”, as we may have known it for about fifty years in North America and in most of Western Europe. It is not a tale of marginal incidents being carried on by fringe extremists but a development that affects the entire nation.

 

2.      It is not a case of “mere anti-Zionism” either. Jews and Judaism, not “Zionists”, are explicitly targeted as such by the contemporary French anti-Semites. There is no decoupling, neither in their doctrine nor in their action, between the Jewish people at large or the Jewish community in France or Europe and the State or the government of Israel.

 

3.      This is not a case where anti-Semitism is derived from a lack of information about Judaism and the Holocaust. On the contrary, Judaism has been playing an important and visible national role in France throughout the last decades of the 20th century; and Holocaust awareness or pieties about the Holocaust are deemed to be part and parcel of the contemporary national culture of France. The Sixteenth of July, the anniversary of the infamous round-up of Parisian Jews in 1942, is now a National Day. Every school where Jewish pupils were arrested either by the German Gestapo or the Vichy France police has been turned into a national landmark. Yet, it doesn’t prevent the new anti-Semitism to gain ground day by day.

 

 

 

WHAT ARE THE FACTS?

 

1.      Rampant violence

 

-         Since 2000, anti-Semitic violence is rampant in France. According to the Interior Ministry, anti-Jewish violence has dramatically increased, from a yearly average of about ten incidents throughout the nineties to a yearly average of about one hundred twenty incidents in the 2000-2002 period. 80 % of all racist incidents in mainland France (the island of Corsica being excluded), are anti-Semitic.

 

-         Some twenty synagogues, schools and other communal facilities have been destroyed either by arson or utter vandalization in the 2000-2002 period. A further case of synagogue utter vandalization has occurred in 2003. It is worth noticing that no synagogue or communal facility had hitherto been destroyed in a criminal, pogrom-like, manner in France, at least since the Middle Ages. Even at the peak of the Dreyfus Affair or even under the Vichy regime and German occupation, synagogues as buildings were spared. The only exception is the destruction of the Great Synagogue in Strasbourg in 1940, carried out by the Germans (Strasbourg had then been incorporated into the German Reich proper and was under direct Nazi rule).

 

-         Several Jewish shops have been attacked in a similar way.

 

-         Jewish people are routinely being molested or harassed in some areas, especially on their way to synagogue or school, or at school.

 

-         Commando style attacks against Jews have been reported. Jewish youths have been attacked while exercising at public sports facilities. Jewish school bus have been stoned or even shot at.

 

-         No murder so far but one reported case of abduction and one reported case of near lynching in the street.

 

 

2.      Explicit anti-Jewish climate

 

-         Murderous anti-Jewish slogans (“Death to Jews!”) are routinely being shouted at large scale pro-Palestinian or pro-Iraqi or Left-wing demonstrations in Paris and other major cities. By the beginning of 2003, it reached such a level that it could not been ignored anymore or dismissed as insignificant, and that pro-Palestinian, pro-Arab and Left-wing organizations had to issue guidelines prohibiting such slogans in order to escape being prosecuted for hate and murder incitement.

 

-         Explicitly anti-Jewish books have been published by major publishing houses, including books intended for children and teenagers, a market that is strictly regulated by law in France ( “Carnet de route en Palestine Occupée” by Danielle Sallenave, Stock; “Est-il permis de critiquer Israël ?” by Pascal Boniface, Robert Laffont; “Rêver la Palestine” by Randa Ghazi, Flammarion).

 

-         Jews have been routinely ascribed the role of defenders or even convicts at debates on Israel and the Middle East conflict, either at school or in the media.

 

-         Jews have been pressured into disavowing “Jewish extremism”, a codeword for expressing serious concern about anti-Semitism in France or siding with Israel. Roger Cukierman, the current chairman of CRIF (the Representative Council of Jewish Organizations in France), who has been outspoken on both issues, is routinely described as “an extremist”. Muslims, however, are not being pressured into disavowing extreme anti-Jewish or anti-Israel rhetoric.

 

-         According to various reports and at least two recently published books (“Les Territoires perdus de la République”, edited by Emmanuel Brenner,  Mille et Une Nuits; “La République et l’islam”, by Michèle Tribalat and Jeanne-Hélène Kaltenbach, Gallimard), schools and universities are becoming major hotbeds of anti-Semitism in France. In some cases, both pupils and parents insist for rewriting the textbooks in a more anti-Jewish or anti-Israel way or for programs or debates about Judaism or the Holocaust, which are part of the government-enforced curriculum, to be dropped. Jewish students, teachers or academics feel are physically or verbally threatened or abused in many places and get precious little support from principals or teachers or colleagues. It is more and more frequent for Jewish students or teachers or academics not to admit publicly or privately being Jewish, even in a non-committed way.

 

-         Various groups and even elected officials (for instance the communist mayor of Seclin in Northern France) are campaigning for a global boycott of Israeli and “Israeli-related” (i. e. Jewish) goods, a move prohibited under French law.

 

-         Various groups or officials are campaigning for the suspension or the termination of academic cooperation with Israel or even with individual Israeli scientists, a move prohibited under French law.

 

 

3.      Unwillingness to react

 

-         By and large, the Jewish community has reacted with a remarkable level of courage and unity to the new anti-Semitism. Watchdog committees have been established. The major Jewish organizations of France have committed personnel and money to various investigative programs. They have approached the government on these issues and not refrained from rebuking some officials for their passivity or lack of interest. They have been effective in getting more coverage in the media and more accuracy in coverage.  They have been instrumental in the passing of a new legislation against racist and anti-Semitic violence (the so-called “Lellouche Law”, championed by the UMP Jewish MP for Paris 9th, Pierre Lellouche).

 

-         For about more than one year, from October 2000 to November 2001, the French media – with some marked exceptions - were reluctant to report about an anti-Semitic crisis. Since then, they have taken a more objective and realistic approach. Even so, some media keep referring to “intergroup friction”, as if Jews were engaging in racist violence as well or retaliating, which is not the case.

 

-         The French political class has reacted in a even more awkward manner. It has not raised the return of anti-Semitism as a major, national, concern. Major political parties or NGO’s have neither called for demonstrations against anti-Semitic violence (as was the case on prior, more singular cases in 1980, 1982 and 1988), nor associated, on April 7, 2002, with a mass rally against anti-Semitism and terror sponsored by CRIF (the Representative Council of Jewish Organizations in France). The Catholic Church has expressed some sympathy for the plight of the Jewish community but has not acted, so far, against some priests publicly indulging in anti-Semitic fantasies.

 

-         Most government officials have either denied or downplayed the crisis under the socialist government of Lionel Jospin. The April 7, 2002, rally against anti-Semitism, which attracted a crowd of 150, 000 in Paris, was marred by isolated violent incidents allegedly involving “Jewish extremists”. There is a strong suspicion that undercover “agents provocateurs” acted in order to discredit most French Jewish organizations.

 

-         Things have improved in that respect since the 2002 elections, with the new conservative government led by Jean-Pierre Raffarin. Until 2002, the conservative president of the Republic himself, Jacques Chirac, would dismiss reports about anti-Jewish violence or harassment as a dark anti-French campaign. He is now assuring Jewish leaders he will always “stand against anti-Semitism”.

 

-         Under the socialists, the Interior Ministry was eager to downplay most anti-Jewish incidents and crimes. Even under the conservatives, it tends to be very cautious in his estimates. In a similar way, the Ministry is reluctant to enforce existing antiracist laws. No government action has been taken, for instance, regarding “Rêver la Palestine”, a anti-Semitic book intended for a teenage audience, or regarding boycott campaigns against Israel and Jews. As a matter of comparison, the French government made sure to suspend overnight, in June 2003, the sale of a book by Eva Joly, the nation’s most famous investigative judge, that raised embarrassing questions about several cases of politically-related corruption.

 

-         Very few people have been actively prosecuted or indicted for anti-Semitic offenses. Those who have have not been sentenced as heavily as the law would have permitted. More often than not, French courts have turned down complaints for anti-Semitism. There is even a case of a Jewish family who has been sentenced to a 3000 euros fine for just having lodged such a complaint.

 

 

 

WHO ARE THE ANTI-SEMITES?

 

1.   A Lebanon in the making

 

-         Unprecedented demographic changes are currently taking place in France. In one word, immigration from the Islamic world, both legal and illegal is reshaping the country and turning it into a 21st century Lebanon. Conservative estimates – in the absence of reliable race or religion-related statistics, which are not allowed under French law - put the current Muslim population of France at 6 millions, for a global population of 62 (almost 10 %). There is some reason to think that the actual Muslim population may be closer to 8 millions (about 12 %). Over 50 % of the Muslims are French citizens rather than aliens, either by naturalization or by birth: the French Republic bestows full citizenship to every child born on its soil, whatever the nationality of the parents (Jus Solis).

 

-         The non-Muslim population is ageing and declining: its actual fertility rate is said to be close to 1.4 children per woman, just like in most neighboring European countries (Germany: 1.3; Italy and Spain: 1.2). The Muslim population is young and rising: its average fertility rate is said to be of 3 or 4 children per woman and is reinforced by the practice of polygamy and “importation” of foreign-born women. When it comes to the youngest age bracket, residents under the age of 25, the overall ratio of Muslims rises significantly (25 to 30 %). Muslim influence is accordingly to strengthen in education, in the economy, in the professions, in the Civil Service, in the police and the military forces, in politics. The “Muslim vote” is likely to be an important factor in coming elections.

 

-         There is evidence that intermarriage is common between non-Muslims and Muslims and that most interfaith families tend to associate with Islam rather than with Christianity. There is evidence that conversion to Islam in rising all over France, whereas Christian faith and practice is plummeting. Several of the French Islamist militants involved with terrorism over the recent years are converts. Islam may thus develop soon into a fully all-French religion and culture, and replace Christianity as the main religion of the land.

 

-         Anti-Semitism is politically incorrect but robust in old, non-Muslim, France. It is politically correct and virulent in the new, Muslim, France. Both brands of anti-Semitism are reinforcing each the other. Many authors see this development as the key to the present crisis.

 

 

2.   Old Anti-Semites

 

-         Radical anti-Semitism – the philosophy according to which Jews are intrinsically unreliable or evil and should be either marginalized or annihilated – has been a strong minority opinion in traditional French culture and politics for the last two hundred years. It was the background to the Dreyfus case under the Third Republic and was turned, with comparatively little effort, into a State policy under the pro-German Vichy regime, from 1940 to 1944. Even after it was suppressed as thoroughly politically incorrect in the post-Holocaust era, it has retained tacit or not so tacit acceptance in many milieus.

 

-         General de Gaulle, the man who headed the French Resistance against the Germans and Vichy, and then founded the Fifth Republic, shockingly described the Jewish people in 1967, in a public speech delivered in the wake of the Six Days war, as “an elite, self-conscious and domination-oriented nation”. One year later, he alluded to “noteworthy Israeli influences” in French public life. All his successors are reported to have resorted to similar radical anti-Semitic clichés, albeit in private. Including François Mitterrand, the socialist president of France from 1981 to 1995, who was close to radical anti-Semitic circles as a young man and then remained for all of his life a close (and devoted) friend of Pierre Bousquet, the head of the Vichy police during the war and as such one of the main organizers of the Holocaust in France.

 

-         It comes as no-surprise that the lesser ranks of French politics and public administration routinely engage in radical anti-Semitic discourse or practice of one sort or the other. Vilification of Israel as an illegitimate “Rogue State” or even as a “little shitty State” is common among senior Civil Servants, especially at the Quai d’Orsay, France’s Foreign Office. Compliance with the “secondary” Arab boycott of Israel, a blatantly racist and anti-Semitic operation, was forbidden by law in the 1970’s but nevertheless upheld by special derogatory provisions issued by the conservative Prime Minister Raymond Barre.  

 

-         There are two subcurrents in French radical anti-Semitism. One is Right-wing and rooted in a conservative Roman Catholic or Protestant tradition: its classic exponents were the royalist authors Viscount Louis de Bonald and Edouard Drumont in the 19th century and the neo-royalist author Charles Maurras in the 20th century. The other one is Left-wing and secular: its most famous (and most extreme) exponent was the 19th century socialist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who advocated “either sending back the Jews to Asia or exterminating them”.  They frequently overlap. In fact, both subcurrents trace back to a single vision of France as a “continental” disciplined and centralized society, immune from capitalism and Anglo-Saxon influence. Whereas opposition to anti-Semitism is usually stronger in more “Atlantic”, pro-Anglo-Saxon, milieus.

 

-         Left-wing anti-Semitism was very strong throughout the 19th century, if not even stronger than Right-wing anti-Semitism. The Dreyfus case brought about a significant change in this respect, however: Left and Right were instantly redefined in terms of either siding with a Jew in the name of justice or rejecting him in spite of justice; and the Left had henceforth a vested interest in keeping with its pro-Jewish stand. Still, Left-wing anti-Semitism gained ground again in the 1930’s, both among the communists and the socialists, and was an essential catalyst in the formation of two fascist parties, ex-communist Pierre Doriot’s French People’s Party (PPF) and ex-socialist Maurice Déat’s People’s National Rally (RNP). According to a recently published book, many if not most of the surviving Left-wing supporters of Dreyfus reverted to anti-Semitism in the 1930’s and sided with Vichy and Germany in the early 1940’s. After the war, Stalinist-style anti-Semitism was ripe among Communists, while anti-Zionism provided the New Left and Ultra-Left anti-Semites with a respectable façade.

 

-         Two major post-war political parties, the Poujadists in the 1950’s and the National Front since the 1980’s, have expressed radical anti-Semitic views. Softer anti-Semitic views have been circulating at times among Gaullists and other conservatives (especially after 1967), the communists, the Far Left, the Greens, the socialists.

 

 

3.   New Anti-Semites

 

-         It is a sad fact that traditional Muslim culture, both at popular and scholarly level, is deeply contemptuous of Judaism and the Jews. It is another sad fact that contemporary Muslim culture – either strictly religious or semi-secular - is permeated not just by anti-Jewish prejudice but radical anti-Semitism as well.

 

-         Muslim immigrants come from countries where radical anti-Semitism is nurtured by religious education, political discourse, the educational curriculum and the media. Once in France, they keep in touch with their countries culture and biases in many ways. Until the draft was abolished in France, immigrant Muslim young men were tacitly allowed to serve in their original countries’ armies rather than in the French army. Most of the Muslim religious leaders are provided by, and on the payroll of, foreign Muslim governments or brotherhoods connected to them. Most Muslim families are connected to Arab television networks.

 

-         The same considerations apply, to a large extent, to the French citizens of the Muslim faith, who are just the brothers and sisters, or the sons and daughters, of the immigrants.

 

-         French Muslims thus live in a cultural enclave and are well-equipped to dismiss those parts of the dominant French culture that do not fit their own culture. This is especially true of the politically correct rejection of radical anti-Semitism.

 

-         The more numerous, powerful and influential the Muslims are becoming in France, the more devastating is the impact of their particular culture on the global French culture. Muslim imperviousness to the politically correct rejection of radical anti-Semitism is helping non-Muslim radical anti-Semites to voice their views more confidently.

 

-         As a rule, the more committed to Islam and Arab culture they are, the more anti-Semitic French Muslims tend to be. Conversely, the less committed they are, the more likely they are to reject anti-Semitism. This translates into ethnic lines. French Muslims of Arab descent are usually religious Muslims and unreconstructed anti-Semites. French Muslims of Berber descent (especially the Kabyle community) are usually more secular and more prepared to reject radical anti-Semitism and engage into good relations with Jews. Militant Berbers or Kabyles tend to be frankly friendly with Jews and to entertain positive views about Israel.

 

 

 

WHAT IS TO BE DONE

 

First and foremost, the present anti-Semitic crisis in France should be addressed by the citizens of France.

 

Quite naturally, the present situation should elicit appropriate reaction from the French Jewish Community and Jewish communities in the rest of the world.

 

The fact that an important, democratic nation in Western Europe is so quickly and so thoroughly undermined by anti-Semitism should also be matter of concerns for other European or Western nations.

 

Some practical recommendations:

 

-         Information or analysis on anti-Semitism in France should be widely disseminated.

 

-         Both the French government and French society at large should be reminded that anti-Semitism is not to be tolerated or minimized and must be suppressed.

 

-         The European Union should be reminded about these matters as well.

 

-         Special attention should be devoted in this respect to fields pertaining to education, science, culture, religion, publishing, and the media.

 

-         Special attention should be devoted in this respect to the Muslim groups or individuals that resist anti-Semitism within their own communities.

 

 

Paris, September 12, 2003.

 

© Michel Gurfinkiel and The Jean-Jacques Rousseau Institute (JJRI).

 

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