P  A  N  D  E  M  O  N  I  U  M
                                                  D O C U M E N T

                           THE MURDER OF PATRICE LUMUMBA   II



New African Nr. 382, UK- IC Publications Limited; London, February 2000, pages 22 - 25.

Lumumba: "We shall show the world what the black man can do when he is allowed to work in freedom"

Story by Osei Boateng

Patrice Lumumba was born in 1925 in Stanleyville (now Kisangani) in Congo’s Orientale Province. He was from the Batelela tribe, a sub-group of the Mongo tribe. In 1957, he was
employed in the Stanleyville Post Office, and later became the sales manager of the Bra-congo Brewery in Leopoldville.
In his early years, Lumumba was like any other Congolese evolué — the small African elite groomed by Belgium in the hope that they would look after its interests after independence. Lumumba, however, was different in one respect — he read widely and voraciously, and assimilated new ideas; his main interests being philosophy, economics and law.
Initially, the Belgians were reluctant to leave what was, and still is, potentially the richest country in Africa. By 1958, Congo was producing 50% of the world’s uranium (almost all of it bought by America), 75% of the world’s cobalt, 70% of the world’s industrial diamonds, and it was the world’s largest producer of rubber.

More than 80% of the uranium in the American atomic bombs dropped on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 came from Congo’s heavily guarded mine at Shinkolobwe. In terms of Western geo-political interests at the height of the Cold War, Congo was a very important country.
   Where else could they get rubber so cheap to manufacture the tyres of their military vehicles than Congo.
This is where the Congolese evolué mattered. They had to keep Belgium and its allies watered and fed at all times, even after independence. But Lumumba turned the plan on its head when he returned from the 1958 All-African Peoples Conference in Accra, Ghana, called by President Nkrumah. His radicalism made him enemy number one of the Western allies. And they called him a “communist”. It was a dangerous nickname to have in those days. But there was no turning back for Lumumba and his Movement National Congolaise (MNC).
Within a year of the Accra conference, Lumumba had transformed the MNC into a national movement with a mass base. It outshone all the other politcal movements in the country, including Joseph Kasavubu’s ABAKO and Moise Tshombe’s CONAKAT. These were more or less tribally-based groups. But the MNC stood out as a national movement. Later, one of the MNC stalwarts, Joseph Ileo, broke away with his followers to form the MNC-Kalonji. But that did not dampen the spirits of Lumumba.
His personal popularity alarmed the Belgians who arrested him in January 1959 for “inciting a riot” in Leopoldville. Fifty people died and 200 were injured in the revolt which started over the refusal by the Belgian authorities to grant an MNC request to hold a mass meeting. On the second day of the revolt, the colonial security forces shot dead 26 Congolese and wounded over 100.
Though there was no evidence that Lumumba had incited the crowds, he was yet sentenced to six months imprisonment. His trial coincided with a round table conference in Brussels on 20 January 1960 to discuss the constitutional future of the Congo. It was attended by the four leading movements in the country — MNC, ABAKO, CONAKAT and BALUKAT. All four, for once, presented a united front and demanded national independence and the release of Lumumba.
The writing was clearly on the wall, and Belgium had to play ball. Lumumba was immediately released and flown to Brussels to join his colleagues at the conference which demanded that 1 June 1960 be fixed as Congo’s independence day. Belgium agreed with a little amendment: independence day would be 30 June. The delegations flew home to prepare for the independence elections. It would mark the end of 80 years of King Leopold/Belgian rule in Congo.
While Belgium was losing its grip over Congo, American capital was surreptitiously creeping in. In fact big business had had a foothold in the Congo since 1908. Two of the companies that shaped the history of Congo were the Union Miniere de Haut-Katanga
founded in 1906 (mining copper, uranium, cobalt etc) and the Societe Internationale Forestiere et Miniere du Congo (Forminiere) which started mining diamonds in the Congo in 1907. By 1929, Congo had become the world’s second largest diamond producer, after South Africa. Forminiere also had gold and silver mines in the Congo, in addition to vast cotton, oil palm, cocoa and rubber plantations, cattle ranches, sawmills and a chain of shops.
Union Miniere was largely controlled by Belgian, French and British interests while Forminiere was controlled by American interests. But in 1950, the Rockefeller Group became a major shareholder of Union Miniere by buying into one of Miniere’s subsidiaries, Tanganyika Concessions. This opened the door for American interests in Union Miniere. It was therefore vital that Congo remained in the Western sphere of influence.
The plan was simple: either Belgium got the “right people” to run the country after independence, or Congo’s independence would be aborted! Sadly for Belgium, the “right people” did not win the independence elections, despite all attempts by Brussels and its Western allies, including the mining giants Union Miniere and Forminiere, to influence the outcome.

Over 100 parties contested the May 1960 parliamentary elections, but Lumumba’s MNC won convincingly, taking 33 of the 137 seats at stake. The MNC’s nearest rival, the Parti Solidaire African (PSA), led by Antoine Gizenga and Piere Mulele, won only 12 seats. Kasavubu’s ABAKO also won 12 seats and the PNP (Parti National de Progres led by Paul Bolya — the party formed by the Belgians in 1959 and on which they pinned their hopes to win the elections) won only 8 seats. Brussels was so embarrassed that it could not release the results and kept them secret for three years.
     In the meantime, the minister for Congolese affairs, Ganshof van der Meerch, tried to capitalise on the non-announcement of the results to appoint, first Joseph Ileo, then Cyrille Adoula to head the government. But Congolese public pressure finally forced Canshof to ask Lumumba to form the government.
     On 23 June 1960, Congo’s first nationally elected government was thus formed, with Lumumba as its first prime minister, and Joseph Kasavubu as the ceremonial president. King Baudouin of Belgium flew to Leopoldville to perform the official handover. It was here that Lumumba gave his “tears, fire and blood” speech that so angered the Belgians.
      Before King Baudouin’s arrival, Lumumba’s cabinet had decided that the country should present a united front at the independence celebrations, and that the titular president, Joseph Kasavubu should reply to the King’s speech. (Congo’s Loi Fundamentale, published by Belgium as the defacto national constitution for the country, had invested supreme power in the prime minister. The president, as in Israel, Germany and elsewhere, only played a ceremonial role, with no executive powers).

The King, the King

On independence day, 30 June, King Baudouin, then 30 years old, surprisingly (or was  the it?) chose to make one of the most undiplo matic speeches ever heard by the world.  Standing before millions of ecstatic Congolese in Leopoldville, the King said:
  “The independence of the Congo is the crowning of the work conceived by the genius of King Leopold II, undertaken by him with courage and continued by Belgium with per severance.[King Leopold and his agents had murdered an estimated 10 million Congolese between 1885 and 1908. Yet King Baudouin, enthroned in 1951, continued:]  “For 80 years, Belgium has sent to your land the best of its sons — first to deliver the Congo basin from the odious slave trade which was decimating the population, later to bring together the different tribes which, though former enemies, are now preparing to form the greatest of the independent states of Africa...
“Belgian pioneers have built railways, cities, industries, schools, medical services and modernised agriculture... It is your task, gentlemen, to show that we were right in trusting you.
“The dangers before you are the inexperience of people to govern themselves, tribal fights which have done so much harm, and must at all costs be stopped, and the attraction which some of your regions can have for for eign powers which are ready to profit from the least sign of weakness...”

   You could well imagine the long faces that greeted the King’s speech. Even the moderate
Kasavubu, who replied on behalf of the new Congo nation, had to drop the second half of his prepared speech praising the King. Lumumba, not scheduled officially to speak that day, could not hold himself any longer. And he was not known to be a waffler. He took the podium and went straight to the point:
  “Men and women of the Congo, who have fought for and won the independence we celebrate today, I salute you in the name of the Congolese government.
 “I ask you all, friends who have fought relentlessly side by side to make this 30th of June 1960 an illustrious date that remains ineradicably engraved on your hearts, a date whose significance you will be proud to teach to your children, who will in turn pass on to their children and grandchildren the glorious story of our struggle for liberty.
“For, while the independence of the Congo has today been proclaimed in agreement with Belgium, a friendly country with whom we deal on an equal footing, no Congolese worthy of the name will ever be able to forget that independence has only been won by struggle, a struggle that went on day after day, a struggle of fire and idealism, a struggle in which we have spared neither effort, deprivation, suffering or even our blood.
“The struggle, involving tears, fire and blood, is something of which we are proud in our deepest hearts, for it was a noble and just struggle, which was needed to bring to an end the humiliating slavery imposed on us by force.
 “Such was our lot for 80 years under the colonialist regime; our wounds are still fresh and painful for us to be able to forget them at will, for we have experienced painful labour demanded of us in return for wages that were not enough to enable us to eat properly, nor to be decently dressed or sheltered, nor to bring up our children as we longed to.
“We have experienced contempt, insults and blows, morning, noon and night because we were ‘blacks’. We shall never forget that a black [man] was addressed tu, not because he was a friend but because only the whites were given the honour of being addressed vous.
“We have seen our lands despoiled in the name of so-called legal documents which were no more than a recognition of superior force. We have known that the law was never the same for a white man as it was for a black [man]: for the former it made allowances, for the latter, it was cruel and inhuman.
“We have seen the appalling suffering of those who had their political opinions and religious beliefs dismissed as exiles in their own country, their lot was truly worse than death. We have seen magnificent houses in the towns for the whites, and crumbling straw huts for the blacks; a black [man] could not go to the cinema, or a restaurant, or a shop that was meant for ‘Europeans’, a black [man] would always travel in the lowest part of a ship, under the feet of the whites in their luxurious cabins.
“And finally, who can ever forget the shooting in which so many of our brothers died; or the cells where those who refused to submit any longer to the rule of a ‘justice’ of oppression and exploitation were put away?
“All this, brothers, has meant the most profound suffering. But all this, we can now say, we who have been voted as your elected representatives to govern our beloved country, all this is now ended. The Republic of Congo has been proclaimed, and our land is now in the hands of its own children. Together, brothers and sisters, we shall start on a new struggle, a noble struggle that will bring our country to peace, prosperity and greatness...
“We shall show the world what the black man can do when he is allowed to work in freedom, and we shall make the Congo the focal point of Africa...”
The expression on King Baudouin’s face as Lumumba uttered those words could not be described in friendly terms. No wonder Congo was allowed only two weeks of peace after independence under Lumumba’s government.



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