We have seen our nation turned from one based in liberty to one based in expediency. We have seen Constitutional protections for fundamental individual rights eroded by government that is actively hostile to the legacy of individual sovereignty we inherited from the American Revolution, and abandoned by countrymen who have surrendered to fear, laziness, and complacency. We are entangled in laws that portray natural rights as vices and attack them in the name of false security, and by government that grows like a cancer until it occupies every area of human life. We find our speech threatened, our communications spied upon, our privacy violated, our finances probed, our bedrooms monitored, our bodies controlled, our businesses regulated, our property stolen, our income taxed into nonexistence, and ourselves disarmed by officials who find comfort in the thought of prostrate subjects. We have seen people fined, imprisoned, and even murdered by officials for doing no more than acting on their liberty in ways that draw the displeasure of those who treat independence as a threat and the coercive power of the state as a plaything. To our neighbors who have lost their faith in freedom, we quote Benjamin Franklin: "They that can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety." The trade of liberty for promises of security is always a bad one, for it exchanges a priceless necessity for a hollow comfort that cannot be guaranteed. To the politicians and officials who treat our rights as if they were privileges that they might limit or remove at will, we say that we have had enough. You have overstepped your bounds and cut away at that which no government, no legislature, no agency, no referendum, no quorum, no majority, and no power of any sort may trespass against except at its own peril. By your actions, you have deprived the institutions in which you do your worst of their legitimacy. From this day forward, we vow that we will no longer be bound by statutes, edicts, judicial decisions, or administrative regulations that violate our inalienable rights. We pledge to practice principled noncompliance with such impermissible restrictions on our liberty, and to encourage others to do the same. We pledge to monitor the activities of politicians and government bureaucrats who threaten liberty, and to share such information as we gather with others who also value freedom so that those who engage in abuses cannot hide behind official anonymity. We pledge to treat our presence in the jury room as an opportunity to engage in the ancient right of jury nullification, by avowing the innocence of those who have run afoul of one of the multitude of statutes and regulations that infringe liberty, for such people are truly innocent of any real crime. We pledge to otherwise assist those who have incurred official wrath for doing no more than exercising their rights in ways that are forbidden by the whim of the state. We further pledge, to the best of our abilities, to obstruct continued intrusions by the state upon our liberty, and to impede the enforcement of such violations of our rights as are already in place. We make this declaration only after due consideration, and after long and continued provocation. We do this not to turn our backs on our friends, relatives, and neighbors who have been duped into abandoning liberty, but to defend the rights whose value they have forgotten for them as well as ourselves. We hope that our example will serve as an inspiration.
[Excerpt from a speech delivered in 1933 by General Smedley Butler, USMC. General Butler was one of the few Americans to be twice awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor.]
War is just a racket. A racket is best described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of people. Only a small inside group knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few at the expense of the masses. I believe in adequate defense at the coastline and nothing else. If a nation comes over here to fight, then we'll fight. The trouble with America is that when the dollar only earns 6 percent over here, then it gets restless and goes overseas to get 100 percent. Then the flag follows the dollar and the soldiers follow the flag. I wouldn't go to war again as I have done to protect some lousy investment of the bankers. There are only two things we should fight for. One is the defense of our homes and the other is the Bill of Rights. War for any other reason is simply a racket. There isn't a trick in the racketeering bag that the military gang is blind to. It has its "finger men" to point out enemies, its "muscle men" to destroy enemies, its "brain men" to plan war preparations, and a "Big Boss" Super-Nationalistic-Capitalism. It may seem odd for me, a military man to adopt such a comparison. Truthfulness compels me to. I spent thirty- three years and four months in active military service as a member of this country's most agile military force, the Marine Corps. I served in all commissioned ranks from Second Lieutenant to Major-General. And during that period, I spent most of my time being a high class muscle- man for Big Business, for Wall Street and for the Bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism. I suspected I was just part of a racket at the time. Now I am sure of it. Like all the members of the military profession, I never had a thought of my own until I left the service. My mental faculties remained in suspended animation while I obeyed the orders of higher-ups. This is typical with everyone in the military service. I helped make Mexico, especially Tampico, safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefits of Wall Street. The record of racketeering is long. I helped purify Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers in 1909-1912 (where have I heard that name before?). I brought light to the Dominican Republic for American sugar interests in 1916. In China I helped to see to it that Standard Oil went its way unmolested. During those years, I had, as the boys in the back room would say, a swell racket. Looking back on it, I feel that I could have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents.