PANDEMONIUM - DOCUMENT



   Britannica.com

   Marx in the Mirror of Globalization

   Sept. 5, 2000
   by Peter Hudis, special to Britannica.com

   One interesting—some would say surprising—aspect of the ongoing
   discussions and debates about globalization is the renewed interest
   being shown in the ideas of Karl Marx, which only recently seemed
   to have been consigned to the dustbin of history. In the journalistic
   and academic worlds alike, a number of reappraisals of Marx's work
   are appearing that identify the 19th-century thinker as "the prophet of
   globalization" because of his focus on capital's inherent drive for
   self-expansion and technological innovation on the one hand and its
   tendency to exacerbate social inequality and instability on the other.
   Even some of globalization's most fervent supporters note the
   importance of Marx's work for anticipating the imbalances and
   disturbances associated with the unfettered expansion of global
   capital. As John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge, writers for the
   passionately pro-capitalist magazine The Economist, put it in their
   new book A Future Perfect: The Challenge and Hidden Promise of
   Globalization, "As a prophet of socialism, Marx may be kaput; but
   as a prophet of 'the universal interdependence of nations,' as he
   called globalization, he can still seem startlingly relevant...his
   description of globalization remains as sharp today as it was 150
   years ago."

   Some may find such talk of Marx a bit odd, given the abject failure
   of the communist regimes that claimed to rule in his name. Yet as
   Marx scholars have long pointed out, the communist regimes had
   little in common with Marx's actual ideas. Marx opposed centralized
   state control of the economy (he called those who advocated it
   "crude and unthinking communists"); he passionately defended
   freedom of the press (he made his debut as a radical journalist
   espousing it); and he ridiculed the notion that a small "vanguard" of
   revolutionaries could successfully restructure society without the
   democratic consent of its citizens. If anything, the collapse of
   communism seems to have spurred new interest in Marx, since it
   makes his predictions concerning the global reach of capitalism seem
   even more timely.

   Micklethwait and Wooldridge contend that "one of the things that
   Marx would recognize immediately about this particular global era is
   a paradox that he spotted in the last one: The more successful
   globalization becomes, the more it seems to whip up its own
   backlash.... The undoing of globalization, in Marx's view, would
   come not just from losers resenting the success of the winners but
   also from the winners themselves losing their appetite for the battle."
   "There is even a suspicion," they go on, "that globalization's psychic
   energy—the uncertainly that it creates which forces companies,
   governments, and people to perform better—may have a natural stall
   point, a movement when people can take no more."

   The tone of much of the current discussion of Marx on the part of
   both supporters and critics of globalization (for a forceful example of
   the latter, see William Greider's One World, Ready or Not: The
   Manic Logic of Global Capitalism) was established by John
   Cassidy's 1997 New Yorker article "The Return of Karl Marx," in
   which he called Marx "the next big thinker." Cassidy cited a
   high-placed Wall Street investment banker who told him, "The longer
   I spend time on Wall Street, the more convinced I am that Marx was
   right."

   What is it about Marx's work that produces such comments? First,
   though Marx was a severe critic of capitalism, few captured better its
   inherent drive for technological and social innovation. As Marx saw
   it, capitalism is not only about the production of material goods and
   services but also about the production of value. Labor, in Marx's
   view, is the source of value. And the magnitude of value, he argued,
   is determined by the amount of socially necessary labor time it takes
   to produce a given commodity. Marx held that there is a continual
   contradiction between these two purposes: producing for material
   wealth and producing for value. As productivity rises, more goods
   are produced in the same unit of time, so the value of each
   commodity falls. The increase in material wealth corresponds with a
   decline in the magnitude of value—that is, production costs fall and
   prices tend to fall as a result.

   This presents the capitalist with a knotty problem: the relative decline
   in the value of each commodity risks leaving him short of the funds
   needed to maintain his level of productive output. He responds by
   trying to further boost productivity, since the greater the quantity of
   goods produced, the better the opportunity to realize the value of his
   initial investment. The best way to increase productivity is to invest
   in labor-saving devices. The resulting growth in productivity,
   however, reproduces the initial problem, since the increase in
   material wealth leads to a further decrease in the relative value of
   each commodity. Capitalism is thus based on a kind of treadmill
   effect, in which the system is constantly driven toward technological
   innovation regardless of its human or environmental cost. The
   restlessness and drive for innovation that characterize contemporary
   high-tech capitalism was long ago anticipated by Marx.

   Second, Marx held that this process of constant innovation and
   productive expansion....
 

   Second, Marx held that this process of constant innovation and
   productive expansion ultimately proceeds with disregard of national
   borders. The logic of capital, he held, was to create a world market.
   National restrictions on the movement of capital would eventually
   have to be lifted, he argued, because capital must constantly find new
   markets to absorb its ever-growing productive output.

   Third, Marx held that this process inevitably leads to a concentration
   and centralization of capital at one pole and a relative immiseration of
   the majority of the population at the other. Since capital is driven to
   increase productivity through labor-saving devices, "dead
   labor"—machines, technology—expands at a faster rate than the
   need for labor power. Since workers do not own capital, but only
   their labor power, social wealth gets increasingly concentrated in
   fewer and fewer hands. Many consider this confirmed by the
   growing inequities that follow from the globalization process, as
   indicated by the fact that 225 individuals now control more wealth
   than half of the world's population.

   Marx the Man

   The importance of such issues is also addressed in Francis Wheen's
   Karl Marx: A Life, the first English-language Marx biography to
   appear in almost two decades. In Wheen's portrait Marx the man
   comes across as embodying in many respects the dialectic, a concept
   Marx drew from Hegel, that every unit contains its opposite within
   itself. Marx came from a family of renowned rabbis, yet showed not
   the slightest inclination toward religion. He was a loving husband and
   father whose daughters became important spokeswomen for
   socialism in their own right, yet he once sighed "blessed be he that
   hath no family." He preached the virtues of communalism and railed
   against egotism, yet he was such an individualist himself that when a
   friend said that she couldn't imagine him living happily in an
   egalitarian society, he responded: "Neither can I. These times will
   come, but we must be away by then." He spent more time thinking
   over the origins, nature, and function of money than perhaps anyone,
   yet he was continuously unable to earn any himself.

   What is most striking from Wheen's portrayal is Marx's gargantuan
   intellectual appetite. From his earliest writings there appears no
   subject that was not of interest to him—history, ancient and modern
   philosophy, economics, art, literature, geology, natural science,
   ethnology, and mathematics. This surely makes any effort to sum up
   his contribution far from easy. So formidable was Marx's output that
   although he published only a handful of books in his lifetime
   (including one volume of his planned multivolume magnum opus Das
   Kapital), his collected works come to more than 100 volumes, and
   the work of transcribing and publishing all his writings remains to be
   completed even today.

   Wheen approaches his subject with considerable skepticism,
   especially concerning Marx's goal of a classless society. A columnist
   for The Guardian, Wheen has never considered himself sympathetic
   to Marxism. Yet, he writes, "The more I studied Marx, the more
   astoundingly topical he seemed to be. Today's pundits and politicians
   who fancy themselves as modern thinkers like to mention the
   buzzword 'globalization' at every opportunity—without realizing that
   Marx was already on the case in 1848." Two issues make Marx
   especially relevant in his view: one, Marx's notion that even in the
   most propitious economic conditions, the laborer under capitalism is
   compelled to endure overwork and "the reduction to a machine, the
   enslavement to capital"; and two, Marx's insistence that once capital
   becomes the predominant formation in any society, "what is truly
   human becomes congealed or crystallized into a material force, while
   dead objects acquire meaning, life and vigor."

   None of these recent discussions of Marx can be considered
   wholesale appropriations of his legacy. The consensus on the part of
   most commentators is that while Marx may have been right about the
   nature of capitalism, he was less correct about the practicality of the
   alternative he envisioned. Yet in light of the way Marx is gaining
   increased attention from many who only a short time ago thought
   that history had pronounced his ideas dead, his work may continue to
   illuminate the quest to understand life under the "manic logic" of
   global capitalism. As Marx once put it, "We are firmly convinced that
   the real danger lies not in practical attempts, but in the theoretical
   elaboration of communist ideas, for practical attempts, even mass
   attempts, can be answered by cannon as soon as they become
   dangerous, whereas ideas, which have conquered our intellect and
   taken possession of our minds...are demons which human beings can
   vanquish only by submitting to them."

   Peter Hudis is a freelance writer living in Chicago.



 
 

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