Recap on cognitive development: 

In addition to greater knowledge, skills and experience of the world,  there are five important  ways in which adolescent thinking differs from child's cognitive processes:

1. no longer tied to concrete realities but can think about possibilities,
2. can abstract concepts from experiences and apply them to new situations.
3. has metacognition, the ability to think about the process of thinking and to consciously use cognitive strategies to solve problems and understand own thoughts and feelings. (This new capacity leads what some researchers call adolescent egocentrism and  the 'personal fable' and 'imaginary audience'.)
4. thinking in multiple dimensions simultaneously (allows richer understanding of complex phenomena and enable appreciation of satire, sarcasm, metaphor, etc)
5. thinking in relativistic terms, able to go beyond absolutes, depending on circumstances. This ability leads adolescents to question things they have been taught in terms of absolutes such as 'right/wrong' dichotomies, leading to skepticism about formerly accepted parental 'absolutes', rules, arbitrary restrictions, etc. (Tough to take as a parent, but an important step toward acquiring the ability to think independently and to make mature judgments.)   

We then reviewed two theoretical perspectives on adolescent cognitive development: Piagetian and information processing models:

• Piaget: developmental 'stage' model in which the maturation of the adolescent brain brings about a new kind of cognition, formal operations, which is qualitatively different from early kinds of thinking. This abstract and logical style of thinking is not used consistently in early adolescence and is not consistently performed at any stage, although the ability may be present. (This competence-performance distinction is hard to sort out in testing this cognitive capacity. Modern thought has modified Piaget's concept to fit a more continuous rather than a stage-like acquisition of these skills.
• Information-Processing approach: this model of cognitive development proposes that increased skills are gradually and continuously acquired (rather than in stages) and that  the more advanced thinking abilities of adolescence are the result of better strategies in using the various components of thought (attention, memory, processing speed, organization and metacognition).  Increases in the capacity for short term  memory depend on strategies the adolescent learns for  such as chunking, repetition, etc. Long term memory is improved by using strategies that improve recall such as association, mnemonics, etc. Adolescents learn how to gain better control over their ability to divide their attention, monitoring two things simultaneously, or to focus their attention selectively while ignoring other stimuli. They learn tricks or strategies about how to take cognitive short cuts in figuring out problems and become consciously aware of their thinking processes, allowing them to then take advantage of strategies that work and change those that interfere.

Physiological changes in the brain, as mentioned in the section on biological aspects of development, can now be studied by such technologies as PET scans and fMRI's, revealing changes in synapses, neurotransimitters, myelinization, cellular growth and 'pruning' in specific parts of the adolescent brain. These techniques are aiding our understanding of the increased efficiency of the adolescent brain as well as the increased emotionality and more marked responses to stressors and decreased responses to previously rewarding stimuli. The limbic system and the prefrontal cortex show the most marked changes, with the changes in the limbic system preceding the higher-order prefrontal functions of planning, decision-making, goal setting and reasoning. 

Intelligence and individual differences:

• IQ, as measured by standardized tests were initially developed to screen for cognitive developmental problems in French school children and were later used to evaluate army draftees for cognitive problems. They are largely 'culture bound', reflecting school-based learning more than common sense or good problem-solving capabilities.
• Other researchers argue that humans have several different kinds of intelligence that are somewhat independent of each other.  Sternberg states there are 3 kinds: 'componential' (similar to traditional IQ), experiential (creative) and contextual (common sense or 'street smarts'). Gardener argues for 7 different categories of intelligence (verbal, mathematical, spatial, musical, self-reflective or self-awareness, interpersonal.) Recently, 'emotional intelligence', which includes both self-awareness and interpersonal awareness, has received a lot of media attention.
• SAT scores , unlike other IQ tests are designed specifically to predict future success in higher education.
• We discussed Vygotsky's theory that youth learns best when stimulated and supported by more 'expert' adults or older children in  attempting achievements that are just beyond what they can do without support and assistance. This situation is referred to as 'scaffolding'. Most often such assistance is in the form of  language. In the process of such caffolding, the learner also acquires culturally relevant information, values and attitudes. For instance, a father teaching his little son how to make pancakes, talksto him about what he is doing, assists him in doing the steps that the child can almost do by himself, explain what he himself is doing, and also, in the process of teaching the skills and modeling the behaviors, is showing him that in this society, men can be competent cooks, that such activities are rewarding, etc. 
• Researchers recognize that 'intelligence' as a pure measure of cognitive potential, cannot be measured without recognizing the influence of the culture and experiences of the individual. Thus IQ tests are inherently culturally biased, and out current measures  of IQ show ethnic
•  minorities scoring lower than their white peers.

The test looked at the thinking processes of adolescents in the context of their daily lives.

 Some of the notable areas of increased cognitive abilities and skills include:

• changes in social cognition, such as the ability to form more complex and multifacted impressions about other people,  an increased ability to take other's point of view and differing perceptions into account, the ability to take the role of a more objective third party in observing interactions with others, increased effectiveness in communicating as a result of this decrease in egocentric thought and greater wisdom about individual differences. in point of view, emotional reactions, etc.
• Changes in morality, including going beyond the given rules or declared positions of authorities such as parents, to more individual analysis of what is right or wrong in a given situation. The ability to think more abstractly and complexly allows the adolescent to develop his or her own moral principles rather than simply following  'the rules'.
• Changes in decision-making ability. Adolescent's decision making ability actuallyt mirrors adult processes. The impulsive and sometimes foolish risk-taking exhibited by adolescents is more a reflection of a different evaluation of possible consequences (due often to inexperience or lack of information) and to sensation-seeking behavior rather than faulty decision-making processes. (Or to the influence of drugs and alcohol.. The same kid who died  while 'train jumping' could, no doubt have gone through the same rational thought process as any of us would in thinking through the situation if he had sat down to think it through. Remember the difference between competence, what a person is capable of doing,  and performance, what the person actually does do.) And while the adolescent may
•  be able to tell you rationally what the deadly consequences might be, it is difficult for them to imagine it happening to them.
• Classroom effects of changes in cognition: Schools do not necessarily recognize adolescent cognitive competences and needs in the design of the curriculum.Although research has shown a great deal about their cognitive competence, few programs are designed to capitalize on their increase in critical capacites, more sophisticated information-processing skills or their ability to utilize formal operations in problem solving.

SOCIAL TRANSITIONS

The third area of universal changes in adolescence is in their roles and status within their social and cultural environments. However, this area more than the other two varies enormously in that no two societies share the exact same social definitions or what constitutes 'adolescent ' vs, 'adult'. In fact, while all societies recognize differences in the roles, rights and responsibilities of adults as compared with infants, in many cultures adolescents are simply a less complete and competent version of adults and children gradually take on more and more of the various tasks, roles, rights and responsibilities of adults in their society as they gain the ability to do so. Thus, 'adolescence', other than the change from infertile to fertile, may be considered a social 'invention'. However, in most societies, the transition for child to adult is marked with clearly defined 'milestones' and adolescents go through changes in how they experience their identity, autonomy, sexuality , intimacy and achievement orientation, and respond with changes in how they behave.

Whereas once inheritance of property signaled adulthood, rather than age or ability, industrialization fragmented families, separating the working adults from their children. Child protection laws attempted to protect not only the risk of children in industrial worksites, but also the risk of adult joblessness in a time of increased unemployment. Mandatory education took adolescents off the streets, reducing crime and unemployment of adults.  Modern industrial societies also came to demand the acquisition of complex bodies of information and a wide repertoire of skills that take time to acquire, and 'school' was the setting in which children and adolescents were to acquire the necessary skills and knowledge for competent adulthood.

Changes in status:

Social redefinition in adolescence changes both roles and status.  Adults take different roles than they did as children and have a different status.  'Coming of age'  conveys  rights and privileges of adulthood but also obligations and responsibilities.

Changes in status occur in a number of domains: 

•  interpersonal, gaining  new respect, titles, and roles,  

•  political, in that they can vote and participate in the political process

•  economic, in that they are allowed and expected to work

•  legal, in that they have legal access to 'adult' privileges such as marriage, driving, drinking, etc, and 'adult' responsibilities (the draft, when it is in force, serving on a jury, etc) The activities that are restricted until a person attains legal 'adult' status, also called 'the age of majority', are status offences when committed by underage youths.  The 'legal' age for many of these activities varies from state to state and time to time, depending on public attitudes.

  The juvenile justice system was created to deal with those who commit crimes when not yet adult. However, this is a 'grey' area in which currently many states are allowing youths who commit serious crimes to be tried as adult, as we discussed in the section on cognitive development.

•  religious; as we noted, this is not an area the text seems to see a a major domain. However, religious training and rites of passage have noted changes in status and roles  in this aspect of adolescents' lives as well.

The process of social redefinition has some universal aspects that  may take different forms, may occur abruptly or gradually over time (continuity), and vary in term of clarity ( how clearly the society differentiates between  youth and adult). However, all seem to develop cultural ways to meet three similar purposes:

 1) as preventing  incest (such as separation of the sexes, brother-sister avoidance),
 2) establishing separation of parents and children (such as apprenticeships, arranged marriage, extrusion from the family home or village) and 
  3) instruction in the history, culture and practical information that enables them to effectively oplay out the role of adult in that culture. 
Often the completion of this process is marked with some sort of initiation or recognition ceremony (Bar Mitzvah, coming out party, graduation, etc)

Transition to adulthood in contemporary society:
In hunting-gathering societies and agricultural cultures, the transition to adult roles, tasks and responsibilities was more continuous than today in industrialized societies, as children were immersed in most aspects of the cultures they lived in and could observe and learn what to do and how to act as adults in the context of the on-going life of the whole community. Certain behaviors, roles and rights tended to be segregated to adults, but for the most part the preparations for the roles were integrated over time into the maturing child's daily activities. 

Today's youth experiences a far less continuous passage to adult roles and activities. Think about it: how does going to school for 12 or more years prepare you for the daily reality of the adult's work life and family roles? While the middle and upper-class family can afford to allow their youth to more gradually develop the skills and knowledge needed to support themselves and learn a 'career' or trade, there  is little preparation for some of the major adult roles, such as parenthood, for youth of any class. Also, sometimes economic conditions (the Great Depression) or wartime conditions force youths to forego an extended period of maturation and to take on adult responsibilities earlier and even more abruptly than at other times in history. Some modern nations have begun to develop programs to ease the school-to-work transition by building school-based internships or work apprenticeships, but  these are far from being accepted policy in this country.  

Prep-school and college, once the privilege of the better off families, used to provide a protected space and time for youths to develop emotional maturity while acquiring the 'tools' (knowledge and skills) for successful adult roles but for those who are not college-bound or who have to put themselves through school, the transition is not easy. Minority status and poverty can have a negative affect on the  young adult, contributing to school failure, unemployment, adolescent pregnancy  and single parenthood. There is also some evidence that not just family economic status but also community economic distress  predict greater difficulty for the individual making the transition to adulthood. If two equally poor adolescents grow in up a) a middle-class community and b) an impoverished community, the second youth is more at risk for failure, teen parenthood, behavioral problems, unemployment, etc. It seems that the absence of affluent neighbors, rather than presence of poor neighbors is the major factor. (Why/ How do you think this works?)