A LOST UTOPIA OF THE FIRST AMERICAN
FRONTIER
Early in 1743 the English traders among the Creeks incited the Indians
to capture "one Priber, a Foreigner," who had come into their towns
from the mountain country of the Cherokee. For several years past the
authorities in the frontier provinces of South Carolina and Georgia had
sought to arrest this individual, who was regarded by them as a most
dangerous foe of English interests among the southern Indians, an agent
of the French, even, it was darkly hinted, a Jesuit.
But in truth Priber was no ordinary backwoods intrigant, nor yet a
Father Rale of the southern frontier. Though his career in America
makes part of the story of imperial rivalry for the heart of the
continent, it belongs as well to the history of the development of
social and political ideas in the eighteenth century. His life was not
without stirring incident and physical adventure; but his most
memorable adventures were spiritual, idealistic.
This phase of the man his provincial captors only dimly understood. At
his examination at Frederica in the march colony of Georgia, General
Oglethorpe and his frontiersmen found him "a very extraordinary Kind of
a Creature," speaking "almost all Languages fluently, particularly
English, Dutch, French, Latin and Indian." Further, it appeared that he
had been scheming to set up "a Town at the Foot of the Mountains among
the Cherokees, which was to be a City of Refuge for all Criminals,
Debtors, and Slaves, who would fly thither from Justice or their
Masters." The Georgian who wrote this account of Priber's designs, in a
letter published in the South Carolina Gazette of August 15, 1743,
continued: "There was a Book found upon him of his own Writing ready
for the Press, which he owns and glories in .... ; it demonstrates the
Manner in which the Fugitives are to be subsisted, and lays down the
Rules of Government which the town is to be governed by; to which he
gives the Title of Paradise; He enumerates many whimsical Privileges
and natural Rights, as he calls them, which his Citizens are to be
entitled to, particularly dissolving Marriages and allowing Community
of Women, and all kinds of Licenciousness; the Book is drawn up very
methodically, and full of learned Quotations; it is extreamly wicked,
yet has several Flights full of Invention; and it is a Pity so much Wit
is applied to so bad Purposes."
Even from so unsympathetic a report it is possible to discover in
Priber one of the most singular figures in the history of the first
American frontier: a backwoods utopian who, in the fourth decade of the
eighteenth century, imported into the American wilderness the most
radical current European social and political philosophy. This "very
odd kind of man" (so James Oglethorpe, soldier and philanthropist,
described him), who lived for seven years among the Cherokee Indians on
the headwaters of the Tennessee river, who "ate, drank, slept, danced,
dressed and painted himself, with the Indians, so that it was not
easy," by the testimony of a trader, "to distinguish him from the
natives"; whose only associates, besides the Indians, were captive
French voyageurs and the hardy Carolinians who sought a commerce in
skins and furs with the Cherokee by the mountain trail from distant
Charles Town—was in fact a spiritual descendant of Plato of the
Republic, of Sir Thomas More, of Campanella, and a precursor of
Rousseau.
His city was never built upon the site of ancient Cusawatee. His book
was apparently never published. Yet from the nearsighted accounts of
contemporaries it is possible to reconstruct in some fashion the body
of his ideas, and to assign him a place in that stirring of the human
spirit which was the eighteenth century.
Few thinkers have found stranger chroniclers of their lives and
opinions. There was James Adair, for forty years a trader among the
Cherokee and Chickasaw Indians, whose classic "History of the American
Indians" (a curious medley of frontier history and pseudo-ethnology)
was published in London in 1775. There was Ludovick Grant, also for
many years an Indian trader from South Carolina: perhaps a truer type
of the rude frontiersmen who formed the vanguard of English imperialism
in America than the literary and antiquarian Adair. There was Antoine
Bonnefoy, engage to the voyageur Chauvin dit Joyeuse, whose misfortune
it was, in 1741, to be captured, with several companions, by the
hostile Cherokee near the mouth of the Ohio, bound with a convoy from
New Orleans to the Illinois country.
There was also an
anonymous Englishman, at one time a resident of Georgia, who had
conversed with Priber at Frederica, and who contributed a description
of the captive, under the pen-name of "Americus," to Dodsley's Annual
Register of the year 1760. [1]
In these accounts, as in several references to the man in the gazettes
and in the official records, much was left obscure: even the exact form
of his name. To Bonnefoy he was known as Prive` Albert, obviously a
variant of Priber (Pryber), or Preber, of the English narratives. Once,
in a statement of the public debt of South Carolina for 1738-1739, when
the expense of a party sent up to the Cherokee to arrest him was
recorded, his name was paraded in the scholarly dignity of Dr. Priber.
There was common
agreement, however, that he was a German, specifically a Saxon, and
that he was "a man of politeness and gentility." From Priber himself
Bonnefoy learned that he was "of good family" and that he had been
instructed "in all that a man ought to know," a fact confirmed by
Adair, who declared that "he was adorned with every qualification that
constitutes the gentleman." "His politeness," testified "Americus,"
"which dress or imprisonment could not disguise, attracted the notice
of every gentleman at Frederica, and gained him the favor of many
visits and conversations."—A strange salon for a philosophe, that
barracks- prison at the edge of the American wilderness!—To his
audience it was plain that he had "read much, was conversant with most
of the arts and sciences; but in all greatly wedded to system and
hypothesis."
During two decades and more before his capture by the English Priber
had been maturing his project for a communistic republic: first in his
native country; then, when he was constrained to save his life by
exile, in England ; and finally, in America. He was but one, and one of
the most obscure, of many men of that century of enlightenment who,
with him, claimed the title of friends "to the natural rights of
mankind," enemies "to tyranny, usurpation and oppression."
His special
significance arose from these circumstances: first, that in him
converged most of those influences which, appearing more or less
sporadically in others, gave to eighteenth-century "socialism" its
chief distinguishing qualities — namely, the cult of antiquity, with
its idealization of the classic republics and their law-givers; love of
humanity, in its characteristic form of sensibility; preoccupation with
moral ideas and metaphysical abstractions, such as natural rights,
often to the exclusion of concrete reality; and, not least, the
doctrine — which was to receive its classic statement in the works of
Rousseau — of the "noble savage." And in the second place, whereas his
immediate precursors and his contemporaries were writers of poems and
romances, merely, like Fenelon, Vairasse d' Alais, Gueudeville, Claude
Gilbert; or purely speculative thinkers, like Montesquieu and
d'Argenson, Priber, with the cure Meslier perhaps alone in his
generation, was definitely revolutionary.
Less violent in his
attack on existing society than the unfortunate champenois priest, he
was more resolute to apply the remedy — a complete communism, civil,
political, economic. Amid the prevailing detachment or downright
pessimism of the social theorists of that day, his was indeed, as the
editor of the Annual Register observed, "an uncommon mixture of
philosophy and enthusiasm." Unlike most utopians of the century which
preceded the French Revolution, he took his utopia seriously, and
sought to realize it. He derived from the great utopians; but he
pointed forward to Babeuf and to the nineteenth century.
What motives led Priber to choose America, and the Cherokee country in
particular, for his experiment in the regeneration of society: an
experiment which he hoped to develop later on a larger scale in France?
Those to whom he confided his project have thrown no clear light on
this point. Adair, Grant, and the Georgians, to be sure, believed that
he was primarily a French agent, sent among that powerful and
strategically situated tribe to alienate them from the English; but
certainly Bonnefoy and his companions did not recognize him as such,
though they perceived that his politics served very well the French
interest, in that he encouraged the Indians to preserve their
independence. Probably he was actuated rather by his doctrinaire
idealism, and by certain circumstances which gave to that portion of
the British empire in America a special prominence at the period of his
residence in England.
For more than two centuries the New World had exercised a magical
dominion over the minds of such dreamers as Priber; and had, moreover,
profoundly influenced the trend of their ideas toward communistic
utopianism. The Golden Age of pagan antiquity, the Terrestrial Paradise
of the middle ages, had been sought with a new zest, by men of the
sixteenth century, in America. Significantly enough, Sir Thomas More
had made the discoverer of "Utopia" a companion of Amerigo Vespucci.
Montaigne, too, not without a trace of his accustomed irony, had
depicted the "Cannibals" as a race falsely assumed to be barbarians,
who in reality preserved from a state of nature manners and
institutions more perfect than Plato and the philosophers had been able
to conceive. Among those who wrote at first hand of the folk that
peopled the New World were many who encouraged this enthusiastic
interpretation. Most influential in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries were the writings of the Jesuit missionaries. As priests,
devoted to a life of poverty and cherishing the social precepts of
primitive Christianity; as scholars, versed in the classic tradition of
republican virtue; as moralists, not loath to rebuke the vices of
contemporary European society, the Jesuits were predisposed to take an
optimistic view of the Indians of America, in whom they discovered,
despite their savagery, the incarnation of many of their own ideals.
From the Jesuit relations emerged the concept of the "noble savage"
(bon sauvage) which was popularized in France, in England, and
elsewhere in Europe, by a whole school of poets, romancers, and
dramatists. This exotic, utopian literature was made the vehicle, not
merely for social satire which exposed the superficial follies of
Europeans, by contrast with the simple, unaffected, natural conduct of
the savages; but for more or less serious assaults upon the very bases
of European society. Equalitarianism —which, pushed to its logical
conclusion, involved communism —was the guise in which the eighteenth
century envisaged the democratic state. The most perfect example of
such a state_ was to be found in America, in Paraguay.
There the Jesuits had
established among the natives a communist regime which enjoyed a
remarkable vogue in contemporary Europe. For a variety of reasons,
then, a social theorist like Priber, who aimed to rebuild society upon
the foundations of essential human goodness, of natural right, of
equality, must have been powerfully drawn to America, where
eighteenth-century radical philosophy had found abundant confirmation
of its premises.
Moreover, shortly before Priber's flight from the continent, there had
been displayed in England a striking pageant of the American
wilderness, the report of which may well have directed the interest of
the philosophical Saxon exile to the country of the Cherokee. In 1730,
Sir Alexander Cuming returned from an unofficial mission to the South
Carolina frontier, bringing with him seven Cherokee chiefs, with whom
the government, through the Board of Trade, entered into a treaty of
friendship and commerce. While in London the Indians were "entertained
at all the Publick Diversions of the Town" (so ran the legend on a
contemporary print), "and carried to all places of Note &
Curiosity." They were even received by the King at Windsor, where*, it
was said, "the Pomp and Splendour of the Court, and the Grandeur, not
only of the Ceremony as well of the Place . . . struck them with
infinite Surprise and Wonder." On the other hand, the English seem to
have been impressed with their strict "Probity and Morality," their
"easy and courteous" behavior. The interest in the southern frontier
and its natives which this visit aroused in England was kept alive by
the proposal of a new march colony between the Savannah and Altamaha
rivers, a project which led in 1733 to the establishment of the
province of Georgia.
In that year or shortly after Priber emigrated to South Carolina. Of
his brief career as a provincial almost nothing has been recorded. By a
strange coincidence another sojourner in Charles Town during that time
was a Swiss engineer, employed upon the sea defences of the colonial
capital: one Gabriel Bernard, who was named affectionately by his
nephew Jean-Jacques in the most famous of all autobiographies. Although
by Bonnefoy's account Priber was forced to leave Carolina for the same
reason that he had been compelled to flee from his native country (i.
e., the opposition of the authorities to his subversive programme), his
departure was apparently not made in haste. In three separate issues of
the weekly South Carolina Gazette in December, 1735, there were
advertised "to be sold by Mr. Priber near Mr. Laurans the Sadler, ready
made mens cloaths, wiggs, spaterdashes of fine holland, shoes, boots,
guns, pistols, powder, a silver repeating watch, a sword with a silver
gilt hilt, English seeds, beds, & a fine chest of drawers very
reasonable for ready Money, he intending to stay but a few weeks in
this Town." From his store of genteel possessions he retained only
paper and ink and a trunk filled with books. Having divested himself
thus of the trappings of civilization, armed only with the weapons of
the philosopher, Priber set fort on his extraordinary mission to the
Indians of the southern Appalachians.
On the mid-course of the Tellico river, where that stream, which takes
its rise high up on the western slope of the Unaka mountains, suddenly
debouches into Tellico Plains—fifteen miles from its confluence with
the Little Tennessee, not quite thirty miles from the junction of the
latter with the Tennessee river— there stood Great Tellico, chief of
the towns of the Over-Hill Cherokee. Its importance was due to its
location on one of the branches of the Tennessee river (the route of
the Cherokee in their raids upon the French and their Indians on the
Ohio and the Mississippi); to its exposed position, by reason of which
it bore the brunt of enemy attacks; and to the fact that at the time
the acknowledged leader among the head-men of the Cherokee, whom Sir
Alexander Cuming had designated, grandiloquently, as "Emperour" of the
nation, was Moytoy of Tellico. It was this village, distant from
Charles Town more than five hundred miles by trading path, which Priber
selected as the principal scene of his labors.
The immediate success of Priber in soliciting the confidence of the
Indians won the admiration and the envy of the English traders who
observed him. "Being a great Scholar he soon made himself master of
their Tongue, and by his insinuating manner Indeavoured to gain their
hearts, he trimm'd his hair in the Indian manner & painted as they
did going generally almost naked except a shirt & a Flap." In the
view of Ludovick Grant, a principal trader at Tellico, and of his
associates in the trade, these tactics alone must have convicted Priber
of being a French agent. Certainly they were far removed from the
ordinary methods of the English traders, who were constantly accused,
by the English themselves, of contempt for the Indians, of dishonesty
in their dealings with them, often of gross brutality. (That the
English were in general the successful rivals of the French was due,
not to their diplomacy, which was distinctly inferior, but to the
cheapness and sufficiency of their trade.) The considerable influence
which Priber won by adapting himself to the habits of the Indians he
used to protect them from exploitation by the traders, to promote their
independence and their advancement in the knowledge of useful arts and
in organization, to turn them from war to the pursuits of peace, and to
spread his propaganda of a communistic state.
By these policies Priber came into collision with certain of the
traders and eventually with the South Carolina government. When he
taught the Indians the use of weights and measures, and constructed for
them steelyards, he probably accomplished more to protect them from
cheating traders and pack-horsemen than had been accomplished in thirty
years by a succession of assiduous but over-burdened Indian agents. But
he was not content simply to make them more acute in their dealings
with the whites. He sought to establish their independence, and their
equality with all their neighbors, of whatever race or nationality.
Adair, who did not grasp the exact nature of Priber's design, although
he realized something of its scope, wrote that he "inflated the artless
savages, with a prodigious high opinion of their own importance in the
American scale of power, on account of the situation of their country,
their martial disposition, and the great number of their warriors,
which would baffle all the efforts of the ambitious, and ill-designing
British colonists." "Americus" was probably more accurate in ascribing
to him the aim of engaging the Indians "to throw off the yoke of their
European allies, of all nations." Both the English and the French he
taught them to regard "as interlopers, and the invaders of their own
rights." "Believe me," he predicted after his capture, "before this
century is past, the Europeans will have a very small footing on this
continent."
Nevertheless it was the English whose interests were immediately
imperilled; and certain of Priber's acts gave color to the belief that
he was in the French service. Despite occasional efforts of the French
in Louisiana to open relations with the Cherokee, the English of
Carolina had enjoyed a practical monopoly of their trade. Priber argued
that an effective means "to preserve their liberties" would be "by
opening a water communication between them and New Orleans." "For the
future," he advised, they "should trade with both upon the same
footing, which would be their greatest security for they would then be
courted & caressed & receive presents from both." Again, he
exerted himself to dissuade the Indians from warlike enterprises. The
long-time enemies of the Over-Hill Cherokee were the French and their
Indian allies of the Mississippi and Ohio valleys. When raids were
incited by the English traders Priber worked, in concert with French
prisoners like Bonnefoy, to frustrate them. To a remarkable degree the
Indians appear to have entered into his "spirit of pacification." In
all his counsel Priber professed to be seeking only the interest of the
Indians: the "noble savages" of the generous tradition to which he
subscribed.
Most of all, Grant declared, Priber inculcated "into the minds of the
Indians a great care & Jealousy for their Lands, and that they
should keep the English at a distance from them." The history of
English dealings with the Indians in this respect was certainly less
reassuring than that of the French. Potentially Priber's programme of
independence constituted a sharp challenge to the expansive tendencies
which English colonists had everywhere shown.
By Grant's account Priber's advice in these matters "produced a very
extraordinary letter to this Government from the Indians which was
written by Pryber & signed by him as Prime Minister. This first
opened the eyes of the Government, and shewed them the great danger of
his continuing any longer there, and accordingly they sent up letters
to me desiring that I would do my endeavour to have him apprehended
& sent down." After a futile attempt Grant found it impossible to
execute the commission without angering the Indians, and since he was
at the time "deeply Engaged in Trade and saw the great ill inconveni-
ency of ... Intermeddling any more in this matter," he declined the
task. Thereupon the Commons House of Assembly of South Carolina, in
March 1739, appropriated £402 (provincial currency) for the
expenses of "Col. Joseph Fox, and two men, going to the Cherokees to
bring down Dr. Priber."
Failing to draw Priber
out of the town, Fox foolishly attempted to seize him in the town-house
of Great Tellico, "for which he had like to have suffered.'' On that
occasion was demonstrated the prestige which Priber had acquired among
the Indians. "One of the head warriors rose up, and bade him forbear,
as the man he intended to enslave, was made a great beloved man, and
become one of their own people.'' The Indians earnestly requested the
English "to send no more of those bad papers to their country, on any
account; nor to reckon them so base as to allow any of their honest
friends to be taken out of their arms, and carried into slavery." At
the same time they expressed a desire to live in friendship] with the
English—but "as freemen and equals."
Firmly entrenched against his enemies in the affections of the]
Cherokee, Priber essayed the role which was most congenial to his
philosophical spirit: that of Lycurgus, of law-giver, to the American
Indians.
His immediate object, avowed to "Americus" at Frederica, was "neither
more nor less than to bring about a confederation amongst all the
southern Indians." Adair, who was curiously blind to Priber's
utopianism, nevertheless perceived that he was engaged upon a grandiose
scheme for the political organization of the Cherokee and for the
formation of an extensive Indian league. "Having thus infected them by
his smooth deluding art," wrote the historian of the southern Indians,
with reference to the Cherokee, "he easily formed them into a nominal
republican government—crowned their old Archi-magus, emperor, after a
pleasing new savage form, and invented a variety of high-sounding
titles for all the members of his imperial majesty's red court, and the
great officers of state; which the emperor conferred upon them, in a
manner according to their merit. He himself received the honourable
title of his imperial majesty's principal secretary of state, and as
such he subscribed himself, in all the letters he wrote to our
government, and lived in open defiance of them."
When Priber's project
was frustrated by his arrest, the "red empire" which he had "formed by
slow but sure degrees, to the great danger of our southern colonies,"
was on the point "of rising into a far greater state of puissance"—so
Adair believed —"by the acquisition of the Muskohge, Choktah, and the
western Mississippi Indians."
Priber's ultimate object, however, was not, as Adair imagined, to
convert the English Indians to the French alliance; but to develop,
under the protection of an independent confederacy of southern Indians
and in its midst, a communistic establishment which should serve as a
model for a republic which might later be set up in France. Under cover
of such ceremonialism as Adair described—well devised to appeal to the
barbaric taste— the Saxon carried on among the Indians and among the
whites who visited them a propaganda for his revolutionary social
programme.
A site at the foot of
the mountains, between the Cherokee and the Creeks, was chosen for the
community, partly because of the more fertile soil, partly because
there a trade could be carried on conveniently with both English and
French. To this establishment Priber assured Bonnefoy and his
companions that he had won many adherents among the English traders, a
class perpetually in debt to the Charles Town merchants; and — among
the Indians, whose own institutions were not in principle -_ opposed to
those he advocated. Ludovick Grant, who held in : virtuous scorn
Priber's visionary ideas, observed that "he proposed to them a new
System or plan of Government, that all things should be in common
amongst them, that even their Wives should be so and that the Children
should be looked upon as the Children of the public and be taken care
of as such & not by their natural parents, that they should move
the chief seat of Government to a place nearer the French called
Coosawattee, where in ancient times a Town had stood belonging to the
Cherokees. And that they should admit into their society Creeks &
Catawbaws, French & English, all Colours and Complexions, in short
all who were of These principles, which," the trader piously concluded,
"were truly such as had no principles at all."
The form of the republic, as Priber expounded it to the French
captives, was to be a societe generale, in which the two
fundamental principles of liberty and equality
should be perfectly observed. In his emphasis upon equality, Priber
reflected the strongest positive tendency in the social thinking of his
century. To observers as diverse as d'Argenson and Meslier the great
evil"' of existing society appeared to be the disparity between men in
point of rank and condition.
Even
Montesquieu held that equality was the ideal of the republic :
an ideal to be attained, however, only in the small state. In
harmony with his school Priber conceived of equality as not only civil
and political, but also, and necessarily, economic.
In the "Kingdom of
Parading" private property, was not to exist even in the mitigated form
of small holdings, advocated for republics by Montesquieu ; all goods
should there be held in common. Thus equality, in
Priber's theory, meant communism. It also meant uniformity, even in
such details as the houses and furniture of the citizens. Among the
latter there was to be no adventitious superiority, of any sort.
The author of the ideal commonwealth, himself, would undertake its
direction solely for the honor involved. In stressing the principle of
liberty, however, Priber sounded a note not always heard in Utopia.
D'Argenson, on the contrary, had praised the benevolent despotism as
the form of government best designed to ensure equality among the
subjects. One of the most popular of the literary utopias of that
period, the Histoire des Severambes of Varaisse d' Alais (1677), had
described a complete tyranny, exercised for the common good. In
contrast to the minute regulations imposed by Sevarias, the "Kingdom of
Paradise" was to have as its sole law the law of nature. Moreover, the
liberty which was allowed to men should be shared equally by women ; in
sign of which no marriages should be contracted. The children of the
temporary unions were to be reared by the state, and instructed in
everything which they were capable of learning.
Priber clearly
had in view a society in which every talent should have unhampered
opportunity for development; and where each citizen should work
according to his abilities for the good of the republic. The axiom of
the Saint-Simonists ("to each according to his needs, from each
according to his capacity") was anticipated by Priber: "Chacun y
trouveroit son necessaire tant pour la subsistence que pour les autres
besoins de la vie, que chacun aussy contriburoit au bien de la societe"
de ce dont il seroit capable."
In the history of
utopias Priber's project occupies an undefined middle ground between
the purely literary utopia, on the one hand—of the class of More's
prototypal work, of Campanula's "City of the Sun," of a whole
literature in the drama and the romance which flourished in Priber's
own time—and, on the other, the applied utopianism of the Anabaptists
of the Reformation period, of the Fourier!sts and the Owenites.
The book which would have given him place among the authors of
ideal commonwealths was in manuscript when he was carried captive to
Frederica, and probably perished with him—as also his dictionary of the
Cherokee language which would have established his name among the first
students of American linguistics.
From the glimpses
of his ideas which uncultured frontiersmen were able to catch, it is
clear that there has been lost ," if not one of the great utopias,
at least one most significant of his century. The catalogue
of characteristics which M. Joly has ascribed to eighteenth-century
"socialism" fits, with little amendment the social philosophy of
Priber: "Republique, vertu, bonheur, innocence, egalite, communaute,
courage et pauvrete", .... Lycurgue, . . . . et I'&ge d'or et les
bons sauvages, et le christianisme sentimental, et le simple nature, et
les jdsuites du Paraguay, tout cela forme un faisceau indissoluble."
The possibility of establishing a new social order upon a basis
essentially moral and metaphysical rather than scientific was never
tested, as Priber had planned, in the "Kingdom of Paradise" of
Cusawatee. It was his misfortune that his design ran right athwart the
imperial purposes of the English in America. Hardly had he begun to
spread his propaganda among the neighbors of the Cherokee, than the
commander at Fort Augusta "on the main" perceived a "remarkable
intractibility in the Creek Indians, in matters of trade." After
inquiries he traced the responsibility—to "a white man, who had resided
some time in the upper towns, after having been many years among the
Cherokees, who always shewed him the utmost deference."
On instructions from
Captain Kent the English traders secured the arrest of Priber, who was
on his way, as they believed, to the French at Mobile; and sent him
down, with his bundle of manuscripts, to Frederica. (Thereupon the
Indians "made it very apparent by their clamours, that they were not a
little interested in his safety.") The treatment accorded him in
Georgia was that of a political prisoner of rank and importance; he was
confined in the barracks and guarded by a sentry night and day. In the
ruin of his hopes he continued to maintain an imperturable front. "'It
is folly,' he would say, 'to repine at one's lot in life:—my mind soars
above misfortune; — in this cell I can enjoy more real happiness, than
it is possible to do in the busy scenes of life. Reflections upon past
events, digesting former studies, keep me fully employed, whilst health
and abundant spirits allow me no anxious, no uneasy moments;—I
suffer,—though a friend to the natural rights of mankind,—though an
enemy to tyranny, usurpation, and oppression;—and what is more,—I can
forgive and ' pray for those that injure me --- "
After a few years of
imprisonment, Priber died. The verdict upon his career has followed too
closely the opinion of his enemy, Ludovick Grant: "Thus ended the
famous Pryber .... a most Notorious Rogue & inniquitous fellow who
if he had been permitted to have lived much longer in that Country
would undoubtedly have drawn that nation over to the French Interest."
More generous in his judgment was Adair, who likewise regarded Priber
as a menace to English dominion in southern America, but who
nevertheless affirmed that "he deserved a much better fate."
He deserved, no doubt, a better fate than the oblivion which has
befallen him. Philosopher, utopian, linguist, scholar, friend ; of
peace, of progress, of the Indian, his was a solitary figure
among the ruder folk who peopled the outer fringe of European
civilization in America. Chimerical his enterprise must seem. By reason
of it, however, the first American frontier became, for a few years,
the first frontier of eighteenth-century social idealism.
Verner W. Crane
[1] Grant's deposition was printed
in the South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, X, 54-65.
Bonnefoy's relation has recently appeared, in translation, in Mereness
(ed.): Travels in the American Colonies (1916). For the background of
Priber's ideas, the studies of Andre Lichtenberger and Gilbert Chinard
in the exotic and utopian literature of his age may be consulted.
Verner F. Crane "The Lost Utopia on the
American Frontier."
Sewanee Review, XXVII (1919)