![]() Ambrose Everett Burnside |
![]() Regimental Chaplin ~ Historian |
![]() Ambrose Everett Burnside |
General Burnside was assigned to the command of the Department of the Ohio on the 16th of March, 1863. He arrived at Cincinnati, the head¬quarters of the department, on the 23rd and assumed command on the 25th. He held the position until the 11th of December. Two divisions of the Ninth Corps were sent to him in April, and he thus had the pleasure of welcoming to his command his for¬mer companions in arms. The three important events of General Burnside's administration of the Department of the Ohio, were the arrest, trial and conviction of Clement L. Vallandigham for disloyalty to the government, the entire suppression of John Morgan's raid and the extinction of his force of partisans and the deliverance of East Tennessee from the rule of the Southern Confederacy. An episode of the operations of this period was the participa¬tion of the Ninth Corps, under General Parke, in the capture of Vicksburg by General Grant.
The arrest of Vallandigham was one of those acts which a bold and loyal man is sometimes obliged to perform at the risk of transgressing the bounds of ordinary obedience to the strict letter of the law. There is no question that the speeches made before the arrest were calculated to weaken the power of the government, and were extremely disloyal, if not absolutely treasonable. In an address about the 1st of May, Mr. Vallandigham was unusually violent and vituperative. The President, the army, General Burnside and the general orders issued for maintain¬ing the peace of the department, were the subjects of especial invective. The speaker was arrested on the night of the 4th and immediately taken to Cincinnati. He was at once tried by a military com¬mission and sentenced to "confinement in some for¬tress of the United States—during the continuance of the war." The sentence was ap¬proved by Burnside, and Vallandigham was ordered to be confined in Fort Warren. Meanwhile, application was made for a, writ of habeas corpus in the United States Circuit Court, for the Southern Dis¬trict of Ohio. Learned counsel on both sides presented the case before Judge Leavitt—a magistrate of thirty years standing. After patient hearing, the writ was refused. The President, however, with characteristic sagacity, commuted the sentence to one of banishment from loyal territory, and ordered Mr. Vallandigham to be sent beyond the lines of our armies, through General Rosecrans, then command¬ing at the front. The order was promptly obeyed. Mr. Lincoln rightly judged, that to the Confederacy the disloyal orator would be an unwelcome guest. He was coldly received, and he afterwards trans¬ferred himself to Canada, where he found an asylum till the last days of the war, when he was permitted to return home.
That which is interesting to us in this transaction, is the spirit in which Burnside carried it through to its end. He declared that he considered it his duty to "stop license and intemperate discussion, which tends to weaken the authority of the government and the army." Speakers who attempted to inflame the passions of the populace by their disloyal utterances would be met by the strong hand of military power. "They must not use license," said Burnside, "and plead that they are exercising liberty. In this De¬partment it cannot be done. I shall use all the power I have to break down such license, and I am sure I will be sustained by all honest men. At all events, I will have the consciousness, before God, of having done my duty to my country; and when I am swerved from the performance of that duty by any pressure, public or private, or by any prejudice, I will no longer be a man or a patriot." There is no doubt, that the prompt and decisive action which was taken in this case, had a very tranquillizing effect throughout the Northwest. There had previously been many violent harangues, which, in the leniency of the government, had been overlooked. After the arrest of Vallandigham, these harangues practically ceased. It was found that the commander of the Department of the Ohio would not tolerate any such doings within the bounds of his jurisdiction. There were to be no enemies in the rear. Disloyalists at the North were to go to their own place. Even there—within the lines of the Southern army—they would not be cordially received. Men whose busi¬ness was mainly to talk treason had no real standing anywhere. Those who were engaged in a life and death struggle with the government did not wish for recruits whose chief weapon was their tongue. But such men did not care to fight, and so they sought safety in silence." The arrest of Vallandlgham extinguished the entire brood.
General John H. Morgan was an intrepid and active partisan, and during the month of July he made a raid through the southern counties of Indiana and Ohio, which at one time threatened very serious re¬sults. Morgan, with a force of two or three thou¬sand mounted men and four pieces of artillery, broke through our lines in Kentucky on the 2nd of July. Pushing forward, not without opposition, he reached the Ohio River at Brandenburgh on the 8th, and cap¬turing two steamers, he ferried his command across, and, having placed his men and animals safely on the Indiana side, burnt his transports. For a time, it seemed as though he was about to do a vast deal of mischief. But Burnside had already organized pur¬suing forces which followed closely upon his heels, patrolled the river with armed boats, employed the militia that were available, arranged a system of defense tor the towns most seriously threatened, and, in fine, effectually hemmed in the daring raider. Morgan attempted to make his escape across the Ohio at different points, but was effectually baffled everywhere. He was hotly pursued through the lower range of counties, his rear, under Basil Duke, his second in command, was overtaken and captured on the 19th, another part of the band was taken on the 20th, and on the 27th, Morgan himself and the rest of the command were compelled to surrender. No similar enterprise on either side, during the war, came to such an inglorious end.
When the Department of the Ohio was organized, it comprised the states of. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan, with Eastern Kentucky and prospectively East Tennessee. The last named portion of the De¬partment was still in the hands of the rebels. Burnside directed his attention to the relief and occu¬pation of East Tennessee immediately upon taking command. In making a movement in this direction, two objects were held in view—to protect the left flank of General Rosecrans, who was operating in West Tennessee, and to deliver a loyal population from a rule which had become both oppressive and hateful. Regarding this as of chief importance in the administration of his department, Burnside re¬ceived authority to organize the Twenty-third Corps, which he hoped to lead, with the two divisions of the Ninth Corps, over the mountains. His plans were formed, and, with the advice and co-operation of Generals Thomas and Rosecrans, preparations wore early made to begin the movement. By the 2nd of June everything was ready, and headquarters were transferred from Cincinnati to Lexington. But on the 3rd orders came from Washington to send the Ninth to the re-enforcement of General Grant, who was then operating against Vicksburg. On the 4th, the Ninth, under General Parke, was started. It did excellent service in Mississippi, and received the thanks of General Grant. But its departure, postponed the movement into East Tennessee, for a sea¬son. After the suppression of Morgan and his band, the project was taken up anew, and, at last, on the 16th of August, Burnside moved out from Lexington. The Ninth Corps had not yet returned to Ken¬tucky, and the movement was made by the Twenty-third, re-enforced by new levies from different por¬tions of the Department. The design was to cross the Cumberland mountains by unfrequented roads and passes, which, owing to their difficulty, had been left unguarded by the enemy. Cutting loose from his communications, Burnside left Crab Orchard on the 21st of August, and on the 30th, arrived at Montgomery. The next two days were occupied in crossing the last ridge, and on the 1st of September the command marched into Kingston and proceeded at once to Knoxville, arriving there on the 3rd. The army was divided into five columns, that were united at Montgomery, except the cavalry, which passed through Wheeler's Gap and occupied Knoxville on the 1st of September. The movement was an entire success. The enemy's general, Buckner, was completely surprised, but succeeded in getting off with most of his force, retreating southward in considerable haste, leaving behind a large amount of military stores and public property. Twenty-five hundred of the enemy, with eleven pieces of artillery, were left at Cumberland Gap without orders, and on the 9th of September, fell into Burnside's hands as prisoners of war.
This march over the Cumberland Mountains takes rank among the most brilliant achievements of the War. It was the first time in the course of the struggle that a Union army had moved independently of its line of communication. Cavalry raids had been conducted on both sides with differing results. But this was an important movement of 18,000 men, not for inflicting a temporary injury, but for permanent occupation. It was effected with as much celerity as the nature of the ways and mountain paths would permit. The wagon trains were obliged to make a considerable detour to find suitable roads, while the troops on foot and horseback, clambered over the heights and through the gaps. Many of the horses and mules were broken down by the severity of the march, and the men were obliged to like to the drag-ropes to haul the artillery over the obstructions in the way. But every difficulty was cheerfully sur¬mounted, the army descended into the valley and East Tennessee was conquered without a battle. Apart from the difficulties, the march was very picturesque. Officers and men recall with pleasure the scenes of beauty and grandeur which every mile of progress disclosed. Their letters are very graphic and even enthusiastic in description of the country through which they passed.
But that which excited the most grateful feeling, was the very warm and cordial reception with which the troops were met. There were no more loyal people in the North than the people of East Tennes¬see. They felt that the coming of a Union army was indeed a deliverance. They welcomed Burnside with most joyful acclamations. There was a considerable number of East Tennessee soldiers in his army, and the scenes at their meeting with kins¬men, friends and neighbors, are spoken of as most affecting. The old flag, which had been hidden away, and in some instances, buried in the ground, was brought forth and floated from every staff. Knoxville was radiant with the stars and stripes. It was an hour of genuine triumph and the satis¬faction of having achieved this brilliant and in every way gratifying success, went far to compensate for the disappointment and gloom of the defeat at Fredericksburg. The real importance of the movement was also seen in the occupation of the railroad, which was the connecting line of communication between the advanced armies of the enemy, east and west. Burnside received the thanks of the President for his great success.
Daring the next six weeks the valley of the Holston was occupied and the railroad destroyed as far eastward as the Virginia line. Early in October the Ninth Corps joined the little army and swelled its proportions to about 25,000 men. Before its ar¬rival, the rebel General Bragg, re-enforced by Longstreet's corps from Lee's army in Virginia, defeated Rosecrans at Chickamauga and pushed him back to Chattanooga. Emboldened by this success, the gov¬ernment at Richmond determined to make a bold ef¬fort to recover East Tennessee, and sent Longstreet against Burnside. Meanwhile, General Grant had been placed in command of the military division of the Mississippi, and, relieving Rosecrans by Thomas, appointed Sherman to the command of the Depart¬ment of the Tennessee, retaining Burnside in com¬mand at Knoxville. Longstreet first came in con¬tact with our troops on the 14th of November, near Loudon, where a smart action took place with a favorable result for our side. Burnside, however, in order to relieve Grant, altogether from Longstreet's presence on his left flank, decided to withdraw to Knoxville. On the way, a severe engagement oc¬curred on the 16th of November at Campbell's Sta¬tion, in which the enemy was decidedly worsted. On the next day the march was resumed toward Knoxville, Longstreet following; and on the 18th there was another action near the town, which re¬sulted in an advantage for our forces, under the im¬mediate command of General Sanders—a very bril¬liant and promising officer—who was mortally wound¬ed. The effect of these movements was to compel Longstreet to undertake the siege of Knoxville. The town itself was well fortified, and could only be carried by regular approaches. Longstreet sat down before it and began to lay his parallels, hoping to reduce the place by starvation. But on the 23rd, 24th and 25th of November, the battles of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge were fought, and Longstreet found it necessary to make an assault. The attack was delivered against Fort Sanders on the 29th of November, and was a complete and disastrous failure. A day or two after this, Sherman was sent up the Tennessee River, and on the 5th of December, Longstreet raised the siege of Knoxville and retreated up the valley of the Holston, taking post near the Virginia line, but refraining from all offensive operations. The biographer of General Lee calls Longstreet's expedition to Knoxville an "unfortunate "one, and says that he was sent upon it by the folly of "President" Davis.
The successful defense of Knoxville brought the campaign in East Tennessee to an end. Burnside was relieved of the command of the Department of the Ohio by General Foster, on the 11th of Decem¬ber, and leaving Knoxville on the 14th, arrived at his home in Providence on the 23rd. He had done an excellent and a very important work, and re¬ceived therefore the thanks of Congress in a resolu¬tion approved by the President on the 28th of Janu¬ary, 1864. The occupation of East Tennessee was an effectual protection to the left flank of the army operating towards Atlanta. The deliverance of the people from the rule of the rebel government was a signal benefit for which they could not be too grateful, and no name is dearer to them now than Burnside's. The success of the whole movement, from beginning to end, reflecting the highest honor upon the gallant leader, was yet modestly disclaimed by him, with characteristic generosity, in favor of "the under officers and the men in the ranks." Those of¬ficers and men, speaking through Major Burrage, of the Thirty-sixth Massachusetts, declare that they will ever be proud to say. "We fought with Burnside at Campbell's Station and in the trenches at Knoxville."
It was while Burnside was at Knoxville that he conceived and submitted to the authorities at Wash¬ington a plan for a march to the sea. He stated it in brief as follows: "To move on the south side of the Tennessee, through Athens, Columbus and Benton, past the right flank of the enemy, sending a body of cavalry along the railroad, or on its west side, to threaten the enemy's flank and cover the movement of the main body, which, consisting of 7,000 infantry and 5,000 cavalry, will move rapidly down the line of the East Tennessee and Georgia railroad to Dalton, destroying the enemy's communications, sending a cavalry force to Rome to destroy the machine works and powder mills at that place the main body moving rapidly on the direct road to Atlanta, the railroad centre, and there entirely de¬stroying the enemy's communications, breaking up the depots, etc.; thence moving to some point on the coast, where cover can be obtained, as shall be agreed upon. It is proposed to take no trains, but to live upon the country and the supplies at the ene¬my's depots, destroying such as we do not use. If followed by the enemy, as we undoubtedly shall be, Rosecrans will be relieved and enabled to advance, and from the celerity of our movement and the de¬struction of bridges, etc., in our rear, the chances of escaping material injury from pursuit, are in our favor. Our chief loss would probably be from strag¬glers." This dispatch to General Halleck was dated September 30, 1863. On the 2nd of October, the reply came: "Distant expeditions into Georgia are not now contemplated." A year later than this, name¬ly, on the 21st of September, 1864, General Sherman had the plan, as he says, "in his mind's eye." On the 26th of September he became "more positive in his conviction, but was in doubt as to time and manner." In the course of a day or two he was "perfectly convinced." On the 29th, he telegraphed Halleck that he preferred "to make the movement on Milledgeville, Millen and Savannah." On the 1st of October, he asked General Grant for permis¬sion to destroy Atlanta and march across Georgia to Savannah or Charleston. On the 2nd of Novem¬ber, Grant telegraphed to him to "go on as he pro¬posed," and on the 16th of November, Sherman finally started from Atlanta on his memorable march to the sea. In my history of the Ninth Corps, I state that before General Grant came east to make his headquarters with the Army of the Potomac in the spring of 1864, he had already projected this movement in his mind. General Badeau, in his book on Grant's campaigns, makes the same state¬ment. On the 13th of January, 1864, Grant wrote to Halleck: "I look upon the next line for me to se¬cure to be that from Chattanooga to Mobile—Mont¬gomery and Atlanta being intermediate points." Had Burnside been allowed to elaborate his plan in detail, it would have been found to contain in it the substance, at least, of that of Grant and Sherman. I do not put him in the rank of either of those two great commanders. He would not put himself there. I simply state the facts in the case to show that Burnside's suggestion of the movement antedates the other plans—one by nearly four months, the other by a year.
For some reason which I have not been able to as¬certain, General Halleck conceived a strong feeling of distrust toward Burnside. He even thought that Burnside contemplated retreating' from East Tennes¬see, or surrendering his army when Longstreet came against him. In this he was entirely mistaken. Throughout the whole of the anxious period after the battle of Chickamauga, Burnside never lost heart or courage. He believed that he could hold out until relief should come. He believed that he was helping Grant by drawing Longstreet to Knoxville and occupying him there. The event justified his opinion. Bragg was greatly weakened and Grant was able to gain a decisive victory. The whole movement was a complete success, and while it was in progress, Burnside had the satisfaction of receiving from Grant, November 17th, a dispatch contain¬ing the following words: "You are doing exactly "what appears to be right." I think that with such positive and unimpeachable testimony as that, we can safely leave the record of Burnside's operations in East Tennessee.
We come now to the last year of the great rebel¬lion. Burnside was again assigned to duty as com¬mander of the Ninth Corps, on the 7th of January, 1864. His especial task was to re-organize and re¬cruit the corps to the number of 50,000 men, if that were possible. He was to have three white divis¬ions, and, at his own request, a division of colored troops was added. He submitted a plan on the 26th of January for a coast-wide expedition to North Car¬olina, to complete the work which he had so well begun in 1862 by the reduction of Wilmington and the occupation of the entire state of North Carolina, or at least, such portions of it as would place the railroads and the lines of communication in the interior within our control. If this plan could be successfully carried out, Richmond would be evacuated and the army of Northern Virginia Would fall a prey to the strong and now well-hardened Army of the Potomac. For the next five or six weeks, Burnside was actively engaged in recruiting his corps, and on the 8th of March, Annapolis, Maryland, was desig¬nated as the rendezvous. Another month of inces¬sant labor followed, and on the 11th of April Burnside left Providence for his last campaign. The two divisions of the Ninth that had been at Knoxville, came East in March, and ,by the 20th of April 25,000 men had been collected, organized, equipped, armed and made ready for immediate service. Burnside's plan for going to North Carolina had neither been accepted nor rejected, and up to the middle of April, the officers and men of the command fully ex¬pected to be sent upon that service. Being at An¬napolis at the time, and in constant personal commu¬nication with the general, I have reason to believe that Burnside himself was not apprised of his des¬tination till a few days previous to his reception of the order to march. When that order came, it was to proceed to Vir¬ginia and guard the rear of the Army of the Potomac, holding the line from the Rapidan to the Potomac. Burnside, with his staff find a few friends, went to Washington by rail, while General Willcox marched the corps. The column started on the 23rd of April, and, on the night of the 24th, encamped a few miles outside of the city of Washington. On the morning of the 25th, the corps passed through the city, paying a marching salute to the President, who was stationed in a balcony of Willard's Ho¬tel. It was a scene of great spirit and animation. The veterans of the corps, bearing the marks of their hard service, with their tattered flags—not one of which had ever fallen into the enemy's hands— were objects of the greatest interest. But when the colored division passed, the enthusiasm reached its height. The men themselves, slaves no longer, but freemen and soldiers of the Republic, when they caught sight of the President, could not restrain themselves. They shouted, cheered, swung their caps, and showed every mark of affection, esteem and joy. They saw in Mr. Lincoln the emancipator of their race. It was the first time that any consid¬erable number of colored troops had passed through Washington, and their bearing and appearance drew forth many expressions of commendation from the multitudes that filled the streets and from the Presi¬dent and his friends, who witnessed the march. The corps crossed Long Bridge and went into camp on the Virginia, side of the river. The expectation of going down the coast was given up. The command was soon distributed along the Orange and Alexan¬dria railroad, and headquarters were established at Warrenton. By the 1st of May, most of the com¬mand was drawn forward between the Rappahannock and Bull Run, and it became definitely settled that it was to operate in connection with the Army of the Potomac, and that its field of service would be in Virginia.
General Grant opened the bloody summer of 1864 by moving the Army of the Potomac from the Rapidan on the 3rd of May, ordering the Ninth Corps to march with all possible dispatch on the afternoon of the 4th. On the 5th, General Lee struck the Army of the Potomac in the entanglements of the Wilder¬ness. Burnside was marching all this day to the re¬inforcement of Meade, then in immediate command, and reached the battlefield on the morning of the 6th. He found himself confronted by his familiar antagonist, Longstreet, and between the two oppos¬ing corps the contest was severe. In the course of the battle, Longstreet was wounded, and the advan¬tage lay with our men. Burnside's arrival was very opportune, and Grant took occasion to speak of the movement of his corps to the scene of action as a "remarkable march."
It is not my purpose—nor indeed is it necessary— to speak of the sanguinary battles that were fought between the opening of the campaign in the first days of May and the middle of June, when the army sat down in front of Petersburg and began the regu¬lar siege of that place. The fighting and maneuvering of the two contending armies, the battles and the marches, have all been sufficiently set forth. It is enough to say, that Burnside and his corps were engaged in every battle and every important move¬ment from the Wilderness to Petersburg, and that their duty was always promptly and effectively done. In other respects the most notable act was one which capitally illustrated Burnside's magnanimity of char¬acter. At the beginning of the campaign, the Ninth Corps was an independent command. There were, therefore, two distinct, although co-operative armies in the field. Burnside and Meade received their or¬ders from Grant. It was an arrangement which was not altogether satisfactory to cither party. Burnside saw its disadvantages and also the remedy. He was Meade's senior and superior in rank. But he was willing to waive all considerations of this kind, when he saw that the good of the service would be pro¬moted by such a course. At his suggestion, there¬fore, General Grant, on the 25th of May, issued an order incorporating the Ninth Corps with the Army of the Potomac, and Burnside thus voluntarily came under the command of one who, in former days, had been a commander of one of his divisions. It cer¬tainly was an act of generosity which was very hon¬orable at the time, and which we can now gratefully recall.
On the 18th of June, after three days' fighting, our lines of siege were laid in front of Petersburg, the Ninth Corps occupying the salient—about one hundred and twenty-live yards from the enemy's po¬sition on Cemetery Hill. On the same day, the colored division, which had been occupied in guarding the lines of communication since the army crossed the Rapidan joined the corps. General Grant had at last secured a firm grasp upon the Army of North¬ern Virginia, and he held it in a position of which the abandonment would be the assurance of utter defeat. "The last ditch" had become a literal fact. The end of the rebellion was certainly drawing near. Could anything now be done to hasten it ?
Among the Pennsylvania troops belonging to the Ninth Corps was a regiment that had been raised among the miners in Schuylkill County. Lieutenant-colonel Henry Pleasants, of this regiment, was an experienced milling engineer, and he conceived the bold project of running a mine from the position of the Ninth Corps to a point beneath the rebel works opposite, and when completed to explode it, with the hope that the enemy thus taken by surprise could be successfully attacked. After securing through the proper channels—though somewhat reluctantly given—the approval of the commanding general of the army. Lieutenant-colonel Pleasants began work at noon on the 25th of June. He completed the excavation—having taken out 18,000 cubic feet of earth—on the 23rd of July. The next few days were spent in charging, laying the fuses and tamping, and on the 28th of July the mine was ready for exploding.
It was Burnside's plan, immediately upon the ex¬plosion, to put in his colored division, supporting the attack by his white divisions—the corps itself being supported by other corps upon either flank. Upon gaining the crest of the works shaken by the explosion, the attacking columns would divide and take the enemy's line in reverse. The colored troops were drilled for two or three weeks with especial refer¬ence to the duty they were expected to perform, and their commanders carefully reconnoitered the ground. General Ferrero and his officers became quite enthu¬siastic in the prospect of service which promised dis¬tinction. But when this plan of attack was submitted to Generals Grant and Meade, they did not give to it their approval. General Grant afterwards had the frankness to say that he believed that, if Gene¬ral Burnside had put his colored division in front, "it would have been a success." But at the time when this opinion would have had weight, he disap¬proved that movement. The colored troops were distrusted at headquarters. The formation of the column of attack was not approved, and on the af¬ternoon of the 29th of July, Burnside found that his plan of attack, which had been carefully studied and elaborated, must be given up. One of his white di¬visions—harassed and worn as they had been by the hard service of the summer and by the necessity of perpetual watching an enemy in very close prox¬imity—must make the assault. Burnside allowed his division commanders to draw lots for the leading position. By an extraordinary fatality the lot fell upon General Ledlie—the least experienced and the least competent of the three. We can only look upon this mode of selection as an unfortunate error of judgment. Burnside should have given to his best and most trusted subordinate the duty of leading the attack. Thwarted in his first choice of the col¬ored troops, he should have put the best of his white divisions forward. In cases of this kind it does not answer to trust to chance. The mine was to have been exploded at 3 o'clock on the morning of the 30th. The fuses were ignited promptly, but the connections had become damp, and the fire would not communicate. The failure was remedied as speedily as possible, and at sixteen minutes before five o'clock, the mine was success¬fully sprung. An entire six-gun battery, and its garrison of two hundred men and more, with all their paraphernalia were thrown into the air and fell again in inextricable confusion. A huge chasm two hun¬dred feet long, fifty feet wide and twenty-five feet deep, with sand, clay, broken gun-carriages, cais¬sons and human beings remained—a scene of ruin and desolation. The enemy was taken completely by surprise. "The troops in the immediate vicinity," says the author of Lee and his Campaigns, "were considerably demoralized by the sudden and appall¬ing explosion." Ledlie's division was immediately ordered in and made for the breach. The troops entered the chasm, but by some unhappy error they were permitted by their leaders to remain there. In point of fact they had no leader, for General Ledlie did not go with his command. Whether they were surprised themselves by the havoc that had been made, or were disposed to stop and make captures of the half-buried men who were crying for help; whether there was any misunderstanding of orders, or some strange feebleness of will in the immedi¬ate direction fell upon them and paralyzed their ef¬forts for the moment, we cannot tell. "Had they advanced beyond the crater," says the author I have just quoted, "they might have carried the line, for the Confederates had not yet recovered from their surprise. To the astonishment of every one," he adds, "they huddled into the crater and sought shel¬ter there and behind the breastworks." Other troops were at once sent in, and last of all, the colored di¬vision. But they all, with the exception of Potter's division and the colored troops, crowded down into the crater at once. Potter and Ferrero got their commands beyond, but they were speedily driven back, and, mingling with the others, increased the contusion. All accounts agree, that if the leading division had made at once for the crest of the hill beyond, the rebel line would have been broken, and the other divisions following in support would have, in all probability, won a decisive victory. But after the first half hour had passed, and the enemy had recovered from his surprise, while the troops re¬mained in the crater without advancing, the day was hopelessly lost. It would seem, however, that some strong demonstration might have been made by those portions of our army that were formed on either flank of the Ninth Corps, by which the suffering troops in the crater could have been extricated from their deadly position. General Meade declined to go to the front, although solicited to do so by General Burnside and other officers. Grant went forward, and seeing how hopeless the enterprise was, ordered the withdrawal of the troops. Thus ended in disaster what, in its inception, was as promising an attack as the Army of the Potomac ever made. The disagree¬ment between the generals in regard to the plan of attack before it was made, was extremely unfortu¬nate. General Meade was punctilious, and, as Gen¬eral Badeau says, lost his temper on the day of bat¬tle. General Burnside naturally felt great chagrin that his arrangements, which he had carefully made, I should be so completely set aside within twelve hours of the time at which the attack was to be made. Still he loyally set himself to the task and would have accomplished it had not the leading divis¬ion delayed too long in its advance. It could hardly have been expected that Burnside himself would lead the way. A court of inquiry investigated the mat¬ter and blamed Burnside and several of his officers by name. The committee on the conduct of the war subsequently took up the case and exonerated Burnside. General Grant, in his testimony, blamed not only General Ledlie for his inefficiency, but also "his seniors, for not seeing that he did his duty, all the way up to" himself. He considered the operation as most promising in results. "Such an opportunity for car¬rying fortifications," said he, "I have never seen, and do not expect again to have." It is a significant fact, nevertheless, that it was with great difficulty that Lieutenant-colonel Pleasants could obtain approval at headquarters for the project of mining the enemy's works. This was the end of Burnside's military service. He was granted leave of absence on the 13th of August and immediately left the army for his home. Mr. Lincoln refused to accept his resignation, but on the accession of Mr. Johnson, it was again tendered, and on the 15th of April, 1865, was finally accepted.
General Badeau, in his history of Grant's cam¬paigns, bears witness to Burnside's "magnanimous cheerfulness" in the matter of waiving his rank when assigned to duty under Meade. "On every occasion during the war, when there was need, Burnside displayed the same heroic self-abnegation. His ability has been questioned, his strategy criticized, and sometimes oven his vigor denied, but the purity of his patriotism and the loftiness of his public spirit were unsurpassed." Badeau acknowledges that his criticisms of Burnside are more severe than any he had ever heard from Grant. That is very true, for Grant knew that much of the criticism was unde¬served. The personal relations of the two men were always extremely cordial, and Grant had no more loyal supporter at any time than Burnside. Badeau fuels impelled to say that no one more fully than himself "acknowledges or admires the unselfish patriotism" of Burnside, "and the lofty willingness which, even after the event of the mine, he displayed to subordinate his own interest to that of the army and his own reputation to the success of his cause. Despite his mistakes and his misfortunes, General Burnside's military career remains a credit to himself and his country, from the magnanimity and public vir¬tue by which, on so many occasions, it was adorned." It hardly seems necessary to repeat such language before an audience and in a community which has seen the lofty patriotism of Burnside conspicuously manifested on the most numerous and important oc¬casions. It has its weight, however, as coming from one who was not especially friendly to any of the generals of the army except his own hero and his favorites. It is in pleasing contrast with the lan¬guage of those tyros in the service, who show their incapacity of appreciating nobleness of character and their military ignorance by attempting to belittle Burnside and his deeds. The biographer of General Lee adds his need of praise, and speaks earnestly and warmly of the noble qualities of Burnside in accept¬ing the command of the Army of the Potomac, as shown in "the manliness with which he sought to save McClellan from his political enemies, and the modesty with which he met the tempting offer of his government." After the war was ended, General Burnside entered into business relations with some friends in Providence, in connection with the manufacture of locomotive engines. But wishing for more active employment, he began the construction of railroads in the states of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. I am quite sure that, at the time of entering upon this enterprise, he had no thought of engaging in public life; but the people of Rhode Island were desirous of expressing their interest and esteem fur him, and demanded his election as their governor. He was nominated for the office March 30, 1866, was elected April 4th and was inaugurated May 29th. He held the office by successive re-elections for three years, I and retired from it in 1869, having secured the en¬tire approbation of the people of every political opinion. His administration was marked by an ex¬ecutive ability of a high order, and he was especially active and instrumental in obtaining from the general government the prompt acknowledgment and payment of the war claims of the state. His labors in behalf of the state were distinguished by fidelity and, success, and were characterized by that generosity and self-forgetfulness which were prominent in all his public career. If I mistake not, the state is even now indebted to him for a considerable amount of expen¬ditures incurred by him in the discharge of his offi¬cial duties, for which he forgot to reimburse himself.
In 1870 Burnside was in Europe, and this visit was notable for the attempt which he made to mediate between France and Germany, then engaged in war with each other. The German armies were besieging Paris in the autumn of 1870. Early in October, Burnside, with a friend, succeeded in get¬ting through the lines of the opposing armies and be¬came the medium of communication between the governments of France and Prussia. He endeav¬ored very earnestly to arrange preliminaries of peace, but without avail. His interviews with Bismarck on one side and Jules Favre on the other side, although comparatively resultless, were yet very agreeable to all parties concerned, and he left upon these able diplomatists a deeply-marked impression of his intelligence and ability. He was successful in securing permission for a considerable number of Americans to leave Paris and to return to their homes. On his return he resumed his busi¬ness in New York and at the West. The railroad enterprises in which he was engaged were not, however, so successful as he had anticipated, and he finally decided to enter into public life.
Burnside's election as a senator of the United States was finally consummated, after a considerable struggle, on the 26th of January, 1875. He entered upon his duties on the 4th of March following. He was re elected—almost without opposition—on the 9th of June, 1880, to serve a second term, beginning March 4th, 1881. Upon his first election as senator, he decided to make his residence in Bristol, and purchased a farm on the shore of Mount Hope Bay, to which he gave the name of his father, Edghill, and where ho spent the intervals of his leisure between the sessions of Congress. He found in the labors which it gave him, a relaxation from the cares and duties of public life, and he made the house which be built upon it, the scene of a generous and cordial hospitality.
Scarcely had he entered upon his official career at Washington, when a very painful and distressing disease, to which Mrs. Burnside had been for some time subject, developed itself with alarming rapidity. The newly elected senator was called home and re¬mained in close and watchful care over his wife until death ended her sufferings on the 10th of March, 1876. It was a very severe bereavement to Burnside. His wife had been to him in many trying cir¬cumstances and experiences a very great help and support. She was a woman of remarkable strength of character, and her death for a time unmanned him. The grief which he was thus called upon to endure, coupled with a severe sickness which now came upon himself, caused him for a time such de¬pression of spirit as to induce him seriously to think of resigning his office. As the summer wore away he regained in a measure the tone and vigor both of body and mind, but there was thenceforth an under¬current of sadness which gave a certain somber tinge even to his brightest moments. While he never obtruded his grief, he yet never ceased to feel its influence, and it served to chasten his life by its secret presence.
In the circumstances of the case it was very natural that Burnside should feel some diffidence and even self-distrust when he engaged in his senatorial duties. Blithe soon acquired a position of influ¬ence and usefulness and attracted the confidence and affectionate esteem of his associates. He held places on important committees—commerce, military af¬fairs, and education and labor—and he was very faith¬ful in all public service. The subjects which chiefly interested him were the extension and enlargement of our trade with foreign countries, the Monroe doc¬trine in its application to the construction of the Panama Canal, the increased efficiency of the army and the promotion of public education. To all these subjects he gave an intelligent consideration and an attentive study; and when they came up for dis¬cussion in the Senate he spoke upon them with clear¬ness and force. He did not assume that he could equal the older, abler and more experienced mem¬bers of the distinguished body to which he belonged. But in all matters which required the exercise of a self-forgetful patriotism and devotion to the public welfare, he was the unquestioned peer of the ablest. No man could be more free from the spirit of self-seeking or from the influence of ulterior motives. His single-mindedness was conspicuous. His gene¬rosity to an opponent was marked. He knew his own rights and maintained them with self-respect. But he was .careful not to encroach in any way on the rights of others. If in the heat of debate he let fall a word or an expression which had oven the seeming of injustice, he was quick to acknowledge his error, and to retrieve it. But instances of this kind were very rare, for he usually kept himself in admirable control. He thus won the warm regard of his fellow-senators, and had his life been spared he would have taken a place in the very front rank for usefulness, efficiency and patriotic service. Mean¬while, he was especially mindful of the interests of his state and the private business of his constituents. He forgot himself in all these matters and engaged personally in every labor which might conduce to their successful accomplishment. His army associ¬ates, his comrades in service, the widows and or¬phans of the soldiers who were under his command and had fallen in the strife, will long bless his mem¬ory. For they never had and they never will have in Congress a more faithful and self-forgetful friend. The state of Rhode Island will never have a more devoted representative. The Republic will never have occasion to honor a more patriotic public servant !
I have thus told the story of this pure and honor¬able life. It is one on which our hearts love to dwell. It is one which our minds will long keep in remembrance. We have followed his career both with admiration and affection. For we have admired the chivalric generosity, the magnanimous surrender of personal feeling to the public good, the forgetfulness of private interests in the public service, the entire self-devotion to his country's cause, which made him the realized ideal of a genuine patriotism. We have loved the man for the nobleness of his aims, the kindness of his heart, his thoughtful considerateness for the humblest of his friends and dependents, his manly self-respect and modesty of bearing, his helpful benevolence, his trustfulness of spirit, and his faith in man and God. We do not claim for him the possession of the highest order of military genius. But he did have a certain quickness of apprehension and suggestiveness of mind in military affairs, which is surely kindred to gen¬ius. He would have occupied Wilmington when he de¬scended upon the North Carolina coast, could he have been allowed a force sufficient for the enterprise. He urged the capture of Petersburg, when McClellan changed his base from the Chickahominy to the James. The subject of a march to the sea was submitted to the government before either Grant or Sherman had given expression to the thought of such an undertaking. The bold plan of a winter campaign through Virginia, from the Rappahannock to the James, was clearly settled in his mind as soon as he had accepted the command of the Army of the Potomac. The arrest of Vallandigham was in advance of the sentiment or the policy of the government, but was wholly in accord with the purest patriotism, and was really a military necessity. The march across the Cumberland mountains to the conquest and deliverance of East Tennessee was a masterly performance. And finally, the construction of the mine in front of Petersburg, according to the ad mission of Grant himself, gave the Army of the Po¬tomac the finest opportunity for a successful assault that that army ever had. That some of his plans should have failed is not to be taken to his discredit.
In war there arc many accidents and much uncer¬tainty. One of Grant's finest movements in his last campaign—to mention no other instances—was al¬most completely foiled by a counter movement of a division of the enemy, made without orders, and even without the knowledge of the commanding gen¬eral. This much is certain, that Burnside, when acting independently and with full freedom to carry out his plans, did win great and important successes. Even in his failures he still commanded the public confidence and gained a larger measure of public es¬teem. For in every station, whether in prosperous or in adverse fortune, the manly qualities of his character shone conspicuous—those qualities which a generous nation is quick to recognize and ready to appreciate.
That he should escape detraction was not to be expected. But from whatever quarter it came—from the jealous and puerile petulance that made its exhibition on the floor of the Senate, or from the anonymous, hostile criticisms of the "Nation," or from the sneering disparagement and unpardonable ignorance of the author of "The Antietam and Fredericksburg," or from the wilful misrepresentation and falsehood that disfigure the pages of the "Cam¬paigns of the Army of the Potomac,"—it had and still has no more effect upon the strength of his char¬acter, or the estimation in which he is held by his fellow-countrymen, than the waves that dash upon the cliffs of a rocky coast, or the wind that whistles through the branches of the sturdy oak. He was too strongly fixed in patriotic principle and is now too firmly held in a nation's honorable love to be disturbed by any such malevolence as this. A just and honest criticism we do not fear. Neither do we hesitate to invite it. For we are convinced that in it and through it all, will shine the purity of mo¬tive, the unselfish patriotism, the devotion to the public weal, the military ability and skill, the high and unstained heroism, in the country's service, which characterize the man whom his comrades and the people of our state have delighted to honor.
Side by side with the names of Greene and Perry and the worthiest of Rhode Island's sons, shall stand forever the name of Burnside—not native, indeed, and to the manner born, but loving the state which adopted him with as true a devotion and as firm and constant and loyal an affection as any whom she can call her own. Let the enduring bronze hand down his form and features to future generations. But more enduring still will be the monument which his grateful fellow citizens for long years to come will raise and keep sacred in their memories and hearts ! . |
Ambrose E. Burnside, Page II, By Rev. Augustus Woodbury, is continued on the next page (RI MOLLUS War Paper No. Six; Volume No. Three) of these Publications. |
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