4. "The Campbells are Coming"
WE arrive now at an examination of the relationships as overlords and vassals between the Campbells and MacNauchtans that began to appear after the plague in the period of 1450 so greatly weakened the clan in Glenshira.
Alexander may have been the last chief in the direct senior line of Gilchrist, constable of Fraoch Eilean in and after 1267. Until 1351 it may be presumed that the MacNauchtans held most of their lands as Crown vassals, except such as they had obtained from the Campbells. The Alexander made notable in the annals by Marion Cardeny, may have been the first chief drawn from a junior branch of the clan. After 1473 we find MacNauchtans receiving charters to their lands from the Campbells as "superiors," the use of the feudal term implying that they held the lands subject to some form of service or payment in kind or in money.
Why did they cease being vassals of the King to become subject to the Campbells? In order, we are told by more than one writer, that they might have the "protection" of the Campbells, who were entering their period of greatest power in Argyll. Events will show they were in far greater need of protection from the Campbells than by them.
In the preceding chapter it was noted that in 1473 Gilbert MacNauchtan resigned his title to Dunderave to Colin Campbell, first Earl of Argyll. The greatness of the Earls and Dukes of Argyll began with this Colin when he made a fortunate marriage with Isabel Stewart, eldest of three coheiresses of John, third Lord of Lorne. He obtained the greater part of the lands of the other sisters by purchase, and acquired the Lordship of Lorne from their uncle Walter by an exchange of lands in Perthshire. Until this time Colin’s line had been of baronial rank. In 1457 he was created first Earl of Argyll by James II, and later he became Chancellor to James in. He lived until May 10, 1493.
It was to this powerful Earl that Gilbert MacNauchtan resigned his lands to receive them again from him as overlord. Thereafter the MacNauchtans were vassals of Campbells, who as superiors held stout strings attached to MacNauchtan properties that could be tightened artfully at pleasure. A number of daughters of Campbells of lesser rank became wives of members of the Clan MacNauchtan: arrangements that had practical as well as romantic aspects, because they sometimes started parts of the MacNauchtan lands to eventual Campbell ownership.
Strongly contrasting national traits were exemplified by early Campbells and MacNauchtans. The former were canny, tenacious, able, acquisitive, and gifted with the instinct for ruthless power. The MacNauchtans, speaking generally of the clan, had as a ruling passion their loyalty to the house of Stewart, ingrained in them from centuries of service to Scotland’s Kings. Long accustomed to recognition and comfortable awards, they were trustful. The motto of their chiefs, "I Hope in God," was carved in stone above the entrance door at Dunderave. They were not as numerous as the Campbells, and not as formidable.
The Campbells recruited clan membership in great numbers, curing many generations, Dr. Black says, the surname Campbell was taken by persons who merely lived in Argyll, who were not related to the chiefs, and who attached themselves in order to belong to a strong clan. Many families lost their names in the process.
Originally the Campbells were a branch of the Celtic tribe of O’Dwine; the MacArthurs formed another branch and long held the chieftaincy, craved by the Campbells. In the reign of James I the chief John MacArthur gained the disfavor of the King and the Campbells came to the top of the tribe. Presently a Campbell chief proposed to one of the MacArthurs that his people submit and surrender their name. Though this MacArthur agreed and many followed his example, some of the more spirited insisted upon keeping their surname. General Douglas MacArrhur may be regarded as a descendant of the more independent ones. It is interesting to reflect that some of our friends named Campbell today may actually be MacArthurs, but it probably is too late for them to prove it. By the process of adopting other families the Campbells came in time to say they could put 5,000 fighting men into action, very few of whom could have been genuine Campbells.
It would be wrong to imply the MacNauchtans always were amiable and innocent, though judging from the causes of some of their misfortunes it may seem they expected God to ward off evil if they behaved moderately well. They could tight, and go out on cattle raids to redress real or fancied grievances, and feud valiantly, because in spite of their loyalties and their usual good will, they were stubborn and strong-willed and durable in purpose.
GILBERT MACNAUCHTAN of Dunderave, who became the first Earl’s vassal in 1473, was the father of Alexander who, according to Crawford, Douglas, and Anderson, fought and died on Flodden Field in England on September 9, 1513. "Sir Alexander Macnauchtane of that Ilk, a worthy patriot," Douglas advises us, "accompanied King James IV to the fatal field of Flodden, where he lost his life with his royal leader, anno 1513." It has been related that James iv created several new Scotish knights, Alexander among them, as inducement to join him in the invasion.
James IV was a valorous and chivalrous King, a knight-errant who risked his country’s welfare to keep a pledge of alliance with France when Louis XII was at war with Henry VIII of England. While Henry vas fighting in France, James IV led the most splendid army ever raised n Scotland up to that time, across the Tweed, and after razing several English castles with novel new weapons known as cannon he took a position on Flodden Hill. The Earl of Surrey had assembled a large army in the north of England, and by good strategy he led his forces across the river Till at Twizel bridge to a spot north of Flodden, placing his army between James IV and Scotland.
On the Scottish left were the Borderers under Huntly and Hume; the King held the center with some of the best of his troops; Highanders under the Earl of Argyll were at the right. The Borderers began the battle with an impetuous attack that caused the English to waver. Instead of pressing their advantage, the Borderers paused to collect booty. It was a bad mistake. The English rallied, battered the Borderers into confusion, and then converged upon the center where King James was fighting. When the day ended, the Scots had lost their King, scores of their bravest leaders, and 10,000 men. The remnants of the fine army found their way home, and as Mackie says, "from every town, from every hamlet in Scotland the wail of sorrowing women rose to heaven." Thus ended a war of chivalry. Again an invading army, splendid with banners and glittering armor, had been defeated by men defending their homeland. Flodden was Bannockburn in reverse.
This is a fine, resounding story, with but a single flaw. Various lists of Scottish knights and other leaders at Flodden refuse to reveal the name of Alexander MacNauchtan. Long doubtful of the story told by the chroniclers, Major Macnaghten searched recently, and wrote me: "There was an Alexander who died early in the sixteenth century. "The Chronicle of Fortingall", which is incorporated in "The Black Book of Taymouth", mentions the death of Alexander MacNachtan de Downdawraff on 12th December 1515. The author was a James MacGregor, Dean of Lismore (Argyll) and Vicar of Fortingall (Perthshire)."
Who could have been responsible for propagating the story that "Sir Alexander" died at Flodden? Not Alexander of Dunderave, who lived for more than two years after the battle and would not have boasted of his own glorious death on the field. It is barely possible that Alexander MacNauchtan served obscurely at Flodden and survived, and that poetic imagination in the glens wove legends about him that in time elevated him to clan chieftaincy and knighthood. The story as told by Crawford, Douglas, Anderson, and others is now revised out of history.
These chroniclers have accepted "Sir Alexander" as a chief in succession to his father Gilbert MacNauchtan (charter of 1473). It is fairly likely that the Alexander who died in 1515 was a son of this Gilbert and brother of another. Gilbert MacNauchtan of Dunderave was a witness in Edinburgh to a precept of sasine dated August 8, 1514, given by tlie Earl of Argyll to Duncan Campbell of Inverlevir. {Register House Charters, No. 835.)
This same Gilbert was a man of so many affairs and responsibilities that he must have been at a vigorous time of life and too young to have been the Gilbert who accepted the suzerainty of the Earl of Argyll over Dunderave in 1473, about forty years before. In Exchequer Rolls of Scotland, Vol. xiv, p. 5 17, he appears in 151 3 as "Gilbert Maknactane of Dundarawe, sheriff in that part," answering for the relief of the lands of Knapdale and others, "with the offices of justiciar, sheriff, crowner, and chamberlain of the lands of Kyntyre and Knapdale, and with office of captain of the castle of Tarbert, etc., through sasine given to Colin Campbell thereof."
Since another MacNauchtan chief, Malcolm, acted as chamberlain for the Marquis of Argyll more than a century after this time, it is evident that the Campbells assigned important services to these men, and may have sought to reward them with responsibilities in return for their acceptance of the station of vassals.
Remaining undetermined is the question as to who was chief of the MacNauchtans in the period of 1513-15— Gilbert or Alexander — both credited in the records as "of Dunderave." Of the two, Gilbert had the wider range of activity and we may give him the edge. Well we may, for Alexander’s son John was a cousin of the chief, and not chief, at a wedding in 1548.
According to Crawford, Alexander married Helen, daughter of Sir James Scrimgeour of Dudhope, heritable constable of Dundee and ancestor of the Earls of Dundee. Both Crawford and Douglas give accounts of the family of Dunderave through the rest of the century that are at such variance with official records that we must depend upon what we find in the latter. Alexander had a son John, whose son Shane Dhu born about 1550, removed to Antrim in 1580.
In the haze of uncertainty we observe still another Gilbert MacNauchtan of Dunderave, who as a young chief was married in 1548. He could have been the son of Gilbert, sheriff in 1513, and grandson of Gilbert of the 1473 charter. At least we can be certain of him because in Register House Charters No. 1444 we find the marriage contract signed at Carrick on September 27, 1548 that prescribed the terms of his union with Giles Lament. The intricate document shows amusingly how the Campbells acted as masters of ceremonies and stakeholders in disposing of the lives of their vassals.
Because the contracting parties were cousins jn third degree; provision was made in the contract for obtaining from the Pope a dispensation for the marriage of "Gilbert Maknachtane of Dunderawe (with consent of Colin Campbell of Ardkinglas, who has the gift of his ward and marriage) and Giles Lawmonth." The cost of getting the dispensation from the Court of Rome was to be shared equally by Campbell and the bride’s father, Sir John Lament of Inverrin; the contract provided that the latter must pay 300 merks to the former. That amount perhaps was half of the anticipated cost.
What was meant by Campbell’s claim to the "gift" of young Gilbert’s "ward and marriage?" Our authority in Edinburgh writes: "Ward and marriage were two casualties sometimes stipulated for in a grant of land between superior and vassal. When a vassal died a superior was entitled to the rents of his estate until the vassal’s heir reached majority. This was known as the casualty of ward. In virtue of the casualty of marriage a superior of ward lands was entitled to receive from the unmarried heir, male or female, of his vassal after the heir’s age of puberty, a certain sum of money. The express consent of the superior to the heir’s marriage implied a discharge of the casualty."
Feudalism may have been fun for Earls and superiors generally, but it must have been a headache for orphans.
The marriage contract provided further that Gilbert resign eight merks of land (a tract subject to eight merks annual tax) to his superior, Archibald, Master of Argyll, for a liferent infeftment to be given his new wife. Sir John and his son Duncan contracted to pay 100 merks to Gilbert in addition to the 300 merks allotted to Colin Campbell. Further, Sir John agreed "to maintain his daughter honourably in meat and clothes, with the reasonable repair of her said spouse until Beltain 1550." Beltane was the Celtic May-day festival that originated with the Druids.
Assuming that the Papal Court graciously assented to the marriage of the third cousins, we shall go on to the end of the contract and find what it means, if it takes until Martinmas. We cannot go back now, and we cannot stop.
On the day the contract was signed Archibald Campbell, Master of Argyll, gave a charter to Egidia (Giles) for the lands resigned by Gilbert for her lifetime use and profit, with a precept of sasine directed to "John Makallexander Vicnachtane as Bailie." John witnessed the charter as "John Makknaichtane." For what purpose had he been appointed Bailie? "For the sole purpose," says Edinburgh, "of going to the lands mentioned in Giles’ charter and giving sasine to her by handing over an handful of earth and stone to her." That was a symbolic method of indicating a transfer of title, always used in Scotland in those days. John’s name as given shows his relationships: son of Alexander; grandson (Vic) of Gilbert of 1473; father of Shane Dhu; first cousin of the bridegroom. Bagpipes should have been skirling when John handed the token of earth to Giles.
Young Gilbert died about three years later; the "casualty of marriage" had a sequel in some other kind of casualty. Evidently he had come of age about the time of Beltane 1550, and lived only a year longer. On March 18, 1552, there was a "retour of general service of Alexander MacNachtan as lawful and nearest heir of the deceased Gilbert MacNachten of Dundawraff, his brother." That is, the younger brother Alexander was declared heir by legal process. In the absence of conflicting evidence we may assume Alexander MacNauchtan held the chiefship at Dunderave for a number of years, and that he was the father of John, Duncan, and Allester, of whose lively doings you are presently to read.
Alexander had his share in Highland life that never was dull. Kilted clansmen feuded, attacked from ambush, killed with impunity, and kept the glens in uproar. The MacGregors were at odds with the Campbells, who regarded them as freebooters and rievers and who ultimately got rid of them. In 1565, when the MacGregors were at enmity with the Campbells of Glenorchy, Alexander was pressed by the Earl of Argyll to join in signing Letters of Fire and Sword to get them under restraint. | The document, executed at Dunstaffnage and recorded in the Black Book of Taymouth, is worth the effort of reading because it reveals so much of the color and temper of the time:
At Dunstafnis the xvi day of Junii 1565, my lorde Erle of Ergile ... with awyis of his kin and freindis present for the tyme ... commandis that all and sindrie his subiectis, barrones, gentillmen and tennendis within his boundis of Ergile, Lorn, Knapdell, and all uther his boundis, in cais the Clangregour now being the Quenis rebellis and enemeis to the hous of Glenurquhay
[Glenorchy] resort to thair boundis .. . sail with one voce concur togidder and rais the schoutt aganis thanie and persew thaim with baith suord and fyir to ther destructioun, and gevis full commissione to every man within our boundis to tak and apprehend the said Clangregour quhairever thai may be gottin, and the takaris thereof to have thair escheit to thair awin behulf [privilege of keeping loot], certifeing quhaevir [whoever] contravenis this act or favouris or concelis the said Clangregour in ony sort that we sall persew thaim be extremite of law according to our former act maid theranent [there anent].
Secundlie, the said Erle with consent of his barones and gentill his freindis present for the tyme and all utheris kin absent presentlie, quhais subscriptionis sal be put hereto afterward . . . promessis to ... assist . . . the said lairde of Glenurquhay aganis all his enemeis quhatsumeuer [whatsoever] ... and in cais the said Clangregour gett ony refuge or fortificatione of ony utheris our nychtbouris or cuntremen ewis us, we promes to tak plane pert with the said larde of Glenurquhay in persute bayth of them and their fortifearis according to equite with our haill force and power.
The signers of this warlike document, in addition to the Earl of Argyll, were Dowgall Campbell of Achinbrck, James Campbell of Ardkinglas, I. Colin Campbell of Perbrek, Dugall Makdugall of Dunollycht,"Alexander Maknachtan of Doundaraw, Johne Campbell uf Inverluvyr, and Ewin McKewer of Largothene. The Queen against whom the MacGregors were held to be rebels was Mary of Scotland. The MacGregors may have quieted down temporarily on learning of this pact, for all we know to the contrary. They disliked the Campbells sincerely, and continued their raiding until finally outlawed and deprived of their clan surname in 1603. The famous Rob Roy was one of them. Eventually their surname was restored to them in 1784, and in the mellowing process of time they have come to fortune and high respect. Claiming descent from Kenneth MacAlpin, they have pride in possession of a set of traditions hardly surpassed for color and robust vitality.
The Campbells bestowed their coldest hatreds upon the MacDonalds — consider the Massacre of Glencoe — and the MacGregors, whose undoing they managed in 1603. While the Clan Gregor may have been turbulent, many past sins have been forgiven by popular accord because of its sufferings. "The MacGregors," says R. H. Bruce Lockhart in "A Son of Scotland", p. 131, "had the redeeming merit of picturesqueness, and for that reason they occupy a larger place in Scottish literature than any other Highland clan."
The manner of their undoing was provoked by Campbells, who sent friends to suggest they harry the Laird of Luss. When the suggestion was carried out, the Campbells had them outlawed by Act of Parliament, and then got possession of forfeited MacGregor lands. In "The Arrow of Glenlyon", A. A. W. Ramsay says Alasdair MacGregor — soon to be hanged — related that the Earl of Argyll had tried to persuade him to make war on the Buchanans: "and when I did refuse his desire in that point, then he enticit me with other messengers, as by the Laird of Macnachtan and other of my friends to weir and trouble the Laird of Luss; which I behovit to do for his false boutgaits [deceitful purposes]."
We may cherish a hope the Laird of MacNauchtan — presumably John the castle-builder — did not understand the Campbell purpose when he let himself be used as a messenger. After the MacGregors had been despoiled, and loyal subjects had been commanded to give them no shelter or converse, scores of Scots got themselves fined and listed in the Register of the Privy Council as lawbreakers for giving them aid and comfort. Among them was a MacNaucht, who in 1614 gave his name as Robert McNait of Stron of Luss when he was fined 20 pounds.
In the sixth report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission on the manuscripts of the Duke of Argyll, p. 697, we find a letter written in 1579 by "Alexander Maknachtan of Dundaraw" to his "special freind" the Laird of Weem. It refers chiefly to the state of the Isles, whose men, says, "are agreit." Further: "The King’s grace hes send to my Lord Ergile ane wryttin that come to his Magistie from the Duik of Obeine [Aubigny] out of France, men and that the said Duik wes on the seie cumane to Scottland. It is reportit that he desyres to be Erie of Lennox becaus that he is nerrest lynale dissendit."
That is the last we hear of Alexander. On April 25, 1594, "John McNauchtane, fiar of Dundaro," was one of an assize sitting at Inveraray in an inquest that determined Lauchlan McClayne was the nearest and lawful heir to his father, Hector McClayne of Coll. The "fiar" of Dunderave was the owner of the property and presumably the eldest son of the chief, who might still be living and holding a liferent interest.
This introduces us to the John MacNauchtan who built the new castle of Dunderave in 1596, on the high point of land jutting into Loch Fyne. We shall return to the castle later for its history, but we should pause now to scan the stone with a carved inscription that is set in the wall beneath a smaller stone with the date 1596, and above the main entrance. It reads:
IM. AN. BEHALD THE END. BE NOCHT VYSER
NOR THE HIESTES. I HOIP IN GOD
The initials that begin the inscription naturally would be those of the chief and his wife. The letters "I. M." stand for the name John MacNauchtan. Not in recent times, until this book came to be written, has anyone been able to puzzle out the meaning of "A. N." John’s wife was Anna MacLaine or MacLean, daughter of the Laird of Lochbuie in Mull. The knotty point of the disparity of initials was referred to Miss Marion R. Miller, in the historical department at the Register House in Edinburgh. In her researches she turned to The Clan Campbell — Abstracts of Entries relating to Campbells in the Books of Council and Session, Acts and Decreets, Vol. VIII, p. 100, where she found an obscure little item. It began:
"1586/7. Action at the instance of Anna Nykelane, widow of Duncan Campbell of Duntrune, and John MncNauchtane, fiar of Dundarrow, now her spouse, against Kenzeoch McInreoch alias McLauchlane for spoliation of cattle, etc."
"It came to me in a flash," Miss Miller wrote of her discovery, "that this is the Anna Maclaine who married a John MacNaughton. The Nic (or Nyk) is used with the female patronymics" (as Mac is used for males). There we have the interpretation of the initials "A. N." after those of John on the stone above the castle door. Anna Nykelane of the action over stolen cattle was the Anna MacLean who married John MacNauchtan some time before 1587.
The castle is a handsome monument to the taste of John and his wife: one of the best of the small castles remaining in Scotland. But John was not at all times a man of dignified enterprises. He could feel hot resentment like other Scots of his time, and engage in turbulent affrays. The Story of a rather amusing brawl awaits in the next chapter.