Byzantine literature may be broadly defined as the Greek literature of the Middle Ages, whether written in the territory of the Byzantine Empire or outside its borders. By late antiquity many of the classical Greek genres, such as drama and choral lyric poetry, had long been obsolete, and all Greek literature affected to some degree an archaizing language and style, perpetuated by a long-established system of education in which rhetoric was a leading subject. The Greek Church Fathers were the products of this education and shared the literary values of their pagan contemporaries. Consequently the vast and imposing Christian literature of the 3rd to 6th centuries, which established a synthesis of Hellenic and Christian thought, was largely written in a language already far removed from that spoken by all classes in everyday life, and indeed from that of the New Testament. This diglossy - the use of two very different forms of the same language for different purposes - marked Byzantine culture for 1,000 years; but the relations between the high and low forms changed with the centuries. The prestige of the classicizing literary language remained undiminished until the end of the 6th century; only some popular saints' lives and world chronicles escaped its influence. In the ensuing two and a half centuries, when the very existence of the Byzantine Empire was threatened, city life and education declined, and with them the use of classicizing language and style. With the political recovery of the 9th and 10th centuries began a literary revival, in which a conscious attempt was made to recreate the Hellenic-Christian culture of late antiquity. Simple or popular language was despised; many of the early saints' lives were rewritten in inflated and archaizing language and style. By the 12th century the cultural self-assurance of the Byzantines enabled them to develop new literary genres, including romantic fiction, in which adventure and love are the main motifs, and satire, which occasionally made use of imitations of spoken Greek. The period from the Fourth Crusade (1204) to the capture of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks (1453) saw both a vigorous revival of narrowly imitative, classicizing literature, as the Byzantines sought to assert their cultural superiority over the militarily and economically more powerful West, and at the same time the beginning of a flourishing literature in an approximation to vernacular Greek. But this vernacular literature was limited to poetic romances, popular devotional writing, and the like. All serious writing continued to make use of the prestigious archaizing language of learned tradition.
Byzantine literature's two sources, classical and Christian, each provided a series of models and references for the Byzantine writer and reader. Often both were referred to side by side: for example, the emperor Alexius Komnenos defended his seizure of church property to pay his soldiers by referring to the precedents of Pericles and the biblical king David. Much of Byzantine literature was didactic in tone, and often in content too. And much of it was written for a limited group of educated readers, who could be counted upon to understand every classical or biblical allusion and to appreciate every figure of rhetoric. Some Byzantine genres would not be considered of literary interest today, but instead seem to belong to the domain of technical writing. This is true in particular of the voluminous writings of the Church Fathers, such as Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus, Basil, John Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, and Maximus the Confessor.
Poetry continued to be written in classical meters and style. But the sense of appropriateness of form to content was lost. An example is the transitional work of Nonnus, a 5th-century Egyptian-born Greek who eventually converted to Christianity. His long poem Dionysiaca was composed in Homeric language and meter, but it reads as an extended panegyric on Dionysus rather than as an epic. Nonnus is plausibly credited with a paraphrase, in similar meter and style, of the Gospel According to St. John, thereby fusing classical and Christian traditions. Several short narrative poems in Homeric verse, of mythological content, were composed by contemporaries of Nonnus. Paul the Silentiary in the mid-6th century used the same Homeric form for a long descriptive poem on the Church of the Divine Wisdom (Hagia Sophia) in Constantinople.
Many brief occasional poems were written in hexameters or elegiac couplets until the late 6th century. But changes in the phonology of Greek, and perhaps declining educational standards, made these meters difficult to handle. A cleric, George the Pisidian, wrote long narrative poems on the wars of the emperor Heraclius (610-641), as well as a poem on the six days of the creation, in iambic trimeters (12-syllable lines, consisting in principle of three pairs of iambic feet, each of a short syllable followed by a long). His example was followed by Theodosius the Deacon in his epic on the recapture of Crete from the Arabs in the 10th century. This 12-syllable line became the all-purpose meter in the middle and later Byzantine periods and was the vehicle for narrative, epigram, romance, satire, and moral and religious edification. From the 11th century it found a rival in a 15-syllable stressed line, which was used by the monk Symeon the New Theologian in many of his mystical hymns and which became a vehicle for court poetry in the 12th century. It was also used by the metropolitan Constantine Manasses for his world chronicle and by the anonymous redactor of the epic romance of Digenis Akritas.
It was in this meter, which followed no classical models, that the early vernacular poems were written, such as the romances of Callimachus and Chrysorrhoe, Belthandros and Chrysantza, the Byzantine Achilleid, and the Romance of Belisarius. These are the most significant works of genuine fiction in Byzantine literature. Many of these poems were adaptations or imitations of medieval Western models: examples are Phlorios and Platziaphlora (the Old French Floire et Blancheflor), Imberios and Margarona, and Apollonius of Tyre, each a romantic narrative. The epic genre is represented by a long unpublished poem on the Trojan War, adapted from the Roman de Troie of the 12th-century French poet Benoit deSainte-Maure. This openness to the Latin West was new. But even when they were based on Western models, Byzantine poems differed in tone and expression from their exemplars. Most of this vernacular poetry cannot be dated more precisely than to the 13th or 14th century.
Much Byzantine poetry is rather unimaginative, long-winded, and tedious. But some poets show a genuine vein of inspiration, for instance, John Geometers (10th century) or John Mauropous (11th century), or remarkable technical brilliance, such as Theodore Prodromus (12thcentury), or Manuel Philes (14th century). The ability to write passable verse was widespread in literate Byzantine society, and poetry - or versification - was greatly appreciated.
From the earliest times song - and short rhythmic stanzas (troparia) in particular - had formed part of the liturgy of the church. Poems in classical meter and style were composed by Christian writers from Clement of Alexandria and Gregory of Nazianzus to Sophronius of Jerusalem. But the pagan associations of the genre, as well as the difficulties of the meter, made them unacceptable for general liturgical use. In the 6th century elaborate rhythmical poems (kontakia) replaced the simpler troparia. They owed much to Syriac liturgical poetry. In form the kontakion was a series of up to 22 rhythmical stanzas, all constructed on the same accentual pattern and ending with the same short refrain. In content it was a narrative homily on an event of biblical history or an episode in the life of a saint. There was often a marked dramatic element. Rich in imagery, complex in structure, and infinitely variable in rhythm, the new liturgical poetry can be compared with the choral lyric of ancient Greece. The greatest composer of kontakia was Romanos Melodos (Romanos the Melode; early 6th century), a Syrian probably of Jewish origin. In the late 7th century the kontakion was replaced by a longer liturgical poem, the kanon, consisting of eight or nine odes, each of many stanzas and each having a different rhythmic and melodic form. The kanon was a hymn of praise rather than a homily. Its great length encouraged repetition and inflation, and a more ornamental style of singing enhanced the importance of the music at the expense of the words. The most noteworthy composers of kanones were Andrew of Crete, John of Damascus, Theodore Studites, Joseph the Hymnographer, and John Mauropous. No new hymns were added to the liturgy after the 11th century, but kanones continued to be composed as a literary exercise. The original music of kontakia and kanones alike is lost.
Conscious as they were of their classical and biblical past, the Byzantines wrote much history. Until the early 7th century a series of historians recounted the events of their own time in classicizing style, with fictitious speeches and set descriptive pieces, in a genre that owed much to the classical Greek historians Thucydides and Polybius. Procopius, Agathias, Peter the Patrician, Menander Protector, and Theophylactus Simocattes each took up where a predecessor left off. Thereafter this vein virtually ran dry for 250 years. The revival of cultural confidence and political power in the late 9th century saw a revival of classicizing history, with an interest in human character - Plutarch was often the model - and the causes of events. Joseph Genesius in the 10th century and the group of historical writers known collectively as the Continuators of Theophanes recorded, not without partiality, the origin and early days of the Macedonian dynasty. From then until the later 14th century there was never a generation without its historian. The most noteworthy historians were Symeon the Logothete and Leo the Deacon in the 10th century; Michael Psellus, Michael Attaleiates, and John Scylitzes in the 11th century; Anna Comnena, John Cinnamus, and Nicetas Choniates in the 12th century; George Acropolites and George Pachymeres in the 13th century; and Nicephorus Gregoras and the emperor John Cantacuzenus in the 14th century. The last days of the Byzantine Empire were recounted from very different points of view by George Sphrantzes, the writer known simply as Ducas (who was a member of the former Byzantine imperial house of that name), Laonicus Chalcocondyles, and Michael Critobulus in the second half of the 15th century.
Another kind of interest in the past was satisfied by world chronicles, beginning with the creation or some early biblical event. Often naively theological in their explanation of causes, black-and-white in their depiction of character, and popular in language, they helped the ordinary Byzantine to locate himself in a scheme of world history that was also a history of salvation. The Chronographia of John Malalas in the 6th century and the Paschal Chronicle (Chronicon Paschale) in the 7th century were succeeded by those of Patriarch Nicephorus at the end of the 8th century, Theophanes the Confessor in the early 9th century, and George the Monk in the late 9th century. Such chronicles continued to be written in later centuries, sometimes with critical and literary pretensions, as in the case of John Zonaras, or in vaguely romanticized form in verse, as in the case of Constantine Manasses.
The importance that Byzantine rulers attached to history is attested by the vast historical encyclopedia compiled on the orders of Constantine VII (913-959) in 53 volumes, of which only meager fragments remain.
Though there was no opportunity for political or forensic oratory in the Byzantine world, the taste for rhetoric and the appreciation of well-structured language, choice figures of speech and thought, and skillful delivery remained undiminished in Byzantine society. From the 10th century onward survives a vast body of encomiums, funeral orations, memorial speeches, inaugural lectures, addresses of welcome, celebrations of victory, and miscellaneous panegyrics. This outpouring of polished rhetoric played an important role in the formation and control of public opinion in the limited circles where opinions mattered and occasionally served as a vehicle of genuine political controversy. To this same domain belong the myriad Byzantine letters, often collected and edited by their author or a friend. These letters were not intended to be either private or informative - real information was conveyed orally by the bearer - but they were important in maintaining networks of contact among the elite as well as in providing refined aesthetic pleasure.
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Last modified: Thurs Dec 10, 1998