Atlas Page 6
By G. B. Barton

SIR. Charles Fitzroy’s administration began at a time when the colony had entered on an era of prosperity hitherto unknown in its history. He was the first of our Governors who had enjoyed the advantage of previous experience in a like capacity, having held office in Prince Edward’s Island and also in Antigua.

That experience, no doubt, largely contributed to the success of his administration; and his tact, good temper, and moderation, combined with his knowledge of constitutional government, enabled him to avoid collision with contending parties. In the first speech he addressed to the Legislative Council on its meeting in September, 1846 —a month after his arrival —he congratulated its members on the general prosperity of the country —a prosperity the more remarkable, inasmuch as the colony was "only just emerging from those difficulties which were experienced under that monetary depression which affected all classes of the community."

Among the many striking evidences of the new life which had been infused into the community at this time —mainly as a result of free immigration and the rapid extension of settlement in the interior —the most conspicuous were the movements set on foot for the construction of railways and the establishment of steam communication with England.

The gradual increase in the tide of immigration had greatly contributed to promote the prosperity of the people. It did not begin to flow in any sensible volume until the attention of the British public had been drawn to the colony by the official report prepared by Mr. Bigge, the special commissioner sent out to report on Governor Macquarie’s administration. The publication of Edward Gibbon Wakefield’s celebrated "Letter from Sydney," in 1829, materially aided in directing the attention of statesmen interested in the work of colonisation to the true principles on which immigration should be carried out. The progress of settlement in the colony took the Home and Colonial Governments completely by surprise. Flocks and herds were driven farther and farther inland as each new discovery made the resources of the interior known; but stock-owners and settlers were met with the ever-increasing difficulty of finding a sufficient supply of labour. Convict labour was nominally cheap, but really dear at any price; and the growing repugnance felt towards it as an element of home life, created a corresponding demand for the free immigrant. A system of free immigration therefore became one of the great social questions of the time. Free grants of land had been offered by the British Government in the early days; but very few immigrants were attracted in this way. Then came the bounty system, under which so much a head was paid for every immigrant; but that fell into disrepute, owing principally to the starvation allowance and bad accommodation on board the passenger ships. Then it gradually became recognised as a principle of State policy, mainly owing to Wakefield’s teaching, that the revenue arising from the land should be appropriated to the purpose of promoting immigration. Under that system, money was remitted by the Colonial Government every year to be expended by a Board of Emigration Commissioners appointed in London, who selected and despatched the best emigrants they could get. But American competition was keenly felt in the labour market, and the Government had to tempt people to emigrate to Australia by paying half the passage money and offering small loans to mechanics.

The demand for labour became so great in 1836 that a committee of the Council reported in favour of a project to import coolies from India. But the coolie proposals did not meet the necessity of the case, which in 1838 became still more serious, owing to the cessation of the assignment system in that year. Select committees of the Council met year after year to consider the subject and devise remedies for the growing malady of the State. When the land sales were large, both money and immigrants became plentiful; but when the sales declined as they did in times of depression —there was no money and no immigration. The Council then recommended that a loan should be negotiated in England. Sir George Gipps preferred economy to borrowing, and spoke his mind out freely to the Council. The colony was thus compelled to struggle with its difficulties as best it could, the head of the State insisting on rigid economy as the only sound policy, and resolutely scouting the idea of a loan; although the distress arising from want of labour was described as "almost incredible." The state of affairs in the colony for the long period of stagnation from 1841 to 1846 may be seen in the fact that during it immigration was almost entirely stopped, In 1847 it began to revive, and in 1851 the wonderful gold discovery took place, which was followed by a mighty rush of population from every quarter of the globe. And thus the great immigration question, which for so many years had defied the efforts of legislators and statesmen, was practically settled by a gold-digger.

A measure of still greater importance, in the shape of a new constitution based on the principles of representative government occupied the attention of this distinguished statesman during the same period. Engaged as he had been for so many years in the long and painful struggle for self-government, it naturally fell to his lot to complete the structure he had so earnestly endeavoured to erect. The Home Government had no doubt acted with greater wisdom than colonial patriots were then prepared to admit, when they determined to extend the principle of representation slowly and gradually, instead of granting it in full measure at a time when the colony was not ripe for it. The gradual extension of the self-governing power from time to time undoubtedly did much to prepare the colonists for the healthier and more active political life which the establishment of responsible government brought with it. The conduct of public airs by the Council, in which Wentworth was the principal figure, had been so distinguished for statesmanlike ability that the capacity of the colonists for self-government could no longer be denied. But a still more potent influence had been at work. The great gold discoveries, which took place in 1849, had, in Wentworth’s phrase, precipitated the colony into a nation, and the demand for free institutions came upon the Home Government with a degree of force it was impossible to resist. When, therefore, the popular advocate of self-government obtained a committee in 1852 to prepare a new constitution for the colony, in pursuance of the powers conferred on the Council by the Imperial Parliament, it was felt that the time had at last arrived when the lifelong struggle’ of the patriot would be crowned with success. The second reading of the bill was moved by him in the session of the following year, and was carried by a majority of thirty-four to eight. It was strongly opposed by a considerable section of the public on the ground that the members of the Upper House should be elected, instead of being nominated by the Crown. But the nominee principle was considered essential by the framers of the bill, for the purpose of reproducing the Constitution of the British Parliament as closely as possible; and in deference to those views, the bill was passed as it stood. In order to assist its progress through the Imperial Parliament, Wentworth and the Colonial Secretary, E. Deas-Thomson —who had greatly distinguished himself by his successful conduct of public business for many years —were commissioned by the Council to proceed to England. The bill, which was passed in due course, was received in the colony in October, 1855. On the 19th of December following, the old Legislative Council was finally dissolved, and the new Constitution was formally inaugurated by the Governor-General, Sir William Denison, who had succeeded Sir Charles Fitzroy in the beginning of the year.

THE establishment of responsible government brought about so great a change in the political system of the colony that, from that date, the current of its history may be said to run in a totally different channel. Other actors appear upon the scene. The martial figure of the Governor disappears, his place being occupied by men henceforth known as the responsible ministers of the Crown. The old system of arbitrary rule, resting on military force, is superseded by a form of government in which the elected representatives of the people control the destinies of the country. Under the former, the history of the colony was simply the biography of the Governor; under the latter, he becomes known as the representative of majesty. From a mere handful of turbulent and dissatisfied colonists always clamouring for political rights, and too often picking quarrels with the Governor of the day in order to assert their claim to independence, the people of New South Wales had suddenly begun to display the athletic forms and proportions of national life. For more than half a century their progress had been a slow and generally a painful one, although their destiny had been written in unmistakable lines by the hand of Nature, even at the foundation of the settlement. No community ever struggled more manfully against the difficulties with which they were surrounded from the outset of their history; none ever fought more hopefully against the long succession of disasters and reverses which met them on all sides in their efforts to cultivate the wilderness. The great gold discovery of 1851 might be said to have come just at the right time to complete the work of individual enterprise in developing the vast resources of the country. Had it come earlier, it would certainly have disorganised, and might possibly have wrecked, the community in a chaos of wild disorder, in which the most dangerous classes would have found free play for their vicious instincts. Coming as it did and when it did, it was almost unmixed good fortune. By attracting population from every quarter, it settled the great question connected with the supply of labour, brought the world’s commerce to the shores of Port Jackson, and gave a fresh impulse to every form of industrial occupation.

But those differences, though resulting sometimes in a ministerial resignation, have produced no serious political crisis. The Governors have, on the whole, held the balance impartially between the different political parties, using their personal influence indirectly, rather than directly, while at the same time remaining the confidential advisers of the Crown, and the protectors of its prerogative. In a small community, the acts of every public man are exposed to searching criticism, and it was, therefore, not to be expected that all they did could be approved of by all parties; but under their presidency the constitutional system has worked without any dangerous friction, and there has been no parliamentary appeal against any of their actions —a fact which speaks well, not only for the system, but for the men.

Wentworth himself did not remain in the colony to give his personal services at the initiation of the constitutional system he had laboured so hard to establish —a task which devolved on gentlemen who had already gained parliamentary experience in the mixed nominee and representative Council, and who secured, to start with, the assistance of one or two old heads of departments. Wentworth returned to the colony during the administration of Sir John Young. He had contended ardently for the principle of a nominated Upper House, because he thought a chamber so constituted was analogous to the House of Lords, and formed the best possible protection against rash democratic legislation. Under the Constitution Act, the first Legislative Council was nominated for a limited term of years, and just prior to the close of this term, the government of the day suddenly nominated twenty-one gentlemen with a view to force the passage of a particular bill. This "swamping" of the Council destroyed Wentworth’s belief in the principle of nomineeism, and made him a convert to that of election.

At the request of the Governor, he accepted the office of President of the newly-appointed Legislative Council, in order that he might assist in preparing a constitution for the Upper House, "which should supersede the present one, and prevent the recurrence of any future attack upon its independence." A bill to make the Upper House elective was introduced into the Council in 1861, and referred to a select committee, of which Wentworth was the chairman. The bill passed through the Council, but was shelved in the Assembly. The day after the third reading took place in the Council, the aged statesman announced his intention of resigning his office and returning to England, where he died eleven years afterwards —not the first, and not likely to be the last, of those reformers who have lived long enough to he partially dissatisfied with the working of institutions they have spent the best part of their lives in demanding and establishing. At his own request, his remains were brought to Sydney for interment near his old residence at Vaucluse, one of the many beautiful spots which adorn the shores of Sydney Harbour. The Government accorded him a public funeral, and though a new generation had grown tip since the date of his great services, the immense attendance of people attested the respect in which his memory was held.

The change from the old system of government to the new was happily contemporaneous with the new life on which Australia entered as a consequence of the gold discoveries. A fresh and vigorous population poured in. Pastoral enterprise found enlarged support in the rapidly expanding local market for animal food. New industries began to spring up, and that passion for wealth, which —in spite of the selfishness it engenders, and the many social evils that follow in its train —has yet done so much to raise tip great industrial communities, seized upon the whole people. This necessarily re-acted on the political life of the community. There was a short struggle between the newly-enfranchised population and the old dominant party, to which, under an enlarged suffrage, there could be but one termination. The old party politics of the colony from that time disappeared, and the questions which divided the people, and divided them differently, were such as related to the disposal of the public lands, the connection of the Church with the State, public education, the extension and distribution of the suffrage, the incidence of taxation, and the relative merits of free-trade and protection —some of which are still undergoing discussion.

The material progress made by the colony under the system of self-government exceeded all its previous experience. The pastoral industry was still its mainstay; and stimulated by large profits, this form of commercial enterprise greatly expanded. The squatters pushed further and further back into the great western plains, and it was found that districts once despised as utterly useless were very valuable for fattening sheep and cattle, as the salt-bush that grew in the interior was both wholesome and nutritious. More and more the country lying back from the river frontages was taken up and utilised. Wells were sunk and dams were made to secure water. Flocks and herds multiplied; there was an immense increase in the export of wool, and in the sale of live-stock to supply the meat market in Victoria. Agriculture also took a fresh start, especially in the growth of maize along the coast, in dairy produce, and in the cultivation of sugar on the northern rivers. Wheat-culture was considerably checked by the appearance of rust, but in the inland districts farming progressed near the townships, and supplied the wants of the settlers who were occupying the back country. The growth of wheat for the metropolis had to await the construction of railways to furnish cheap transit.

The progress thus made by the colony was fully manifested at an International Exhibition held in the year 1879, which grew out of an ambitious attempt made by the Agricultural Society to enlarge its display by inviting competitive exhibits from abroad. This Society, which had grown into vigorous life as a consequence of the enlarged rural enterprise of the colony, had successfully held several annual exhibitions in a building erected for that purpose by the City Corporation in the Prince Alfred Park. These local exhibitions proved so attractive and beneficial that the Committee determined to attempt an international one, but the response to its invitation was so much in excess of what had been anticipated that the affair outgrew the power and resources of the Society. To recall what had been done was, however, impossible; and to prevent a failure which might have discredited the colony, the Government took the matter over, and entrusted the management to a large honorary Commission. A handsome and commodious building was hastily erected on a commanding site in the Inner Domain; its noble dome being a striking feature in the landscape as seen from the Harbour. The Exhibition was a great success, nearly all the civilised countries of the world being represented. It cost the country about a quarter of a million, but it was deemed that the money was well spent. The resources of the colony were displayed to great advantage, and as a natural consequence commerce was greatly quickened. The Exhibition Building was unfortunately destroyed by fire two years afterwards.

A still more striking proof of the power and resources of the colony was furnished in the year 1885 by the despatch of a military contingent to the English army then serving in the Soudan, and which had been working its way up the Nile to endeavour to rescue General Gordon. The death of that gallant officer, and the capture of Khartoum, produced a profound impression in the colony, and the Government, under the idea that an expedition from Suakim to the Nile was about to be immediately undertaken, offered to land at that point, within sixty days, a body of infantry and artillery, together with the necessary supply of horses. The offer was accepted. By dint of great exertion everything was got ready by the day named; two large steamships, the "Iberia" and the "Australasian," left Port Jackson with the first military support ever tendered by any of these colonies to the mother-country, and no more brilliant and exciting spectacle had ever been seen in Sydney than was witnessed on the day of the departure of the troops. The military plans for the Egyptian campaign were subsequently modified, and the little army returned in safety, without having seen much service; but the impression produced in England by the spontaneous loyalty of the colonies was extraordinary. It gave rise to a new estimate of the value of the colonial empire, and to this day it is impossible to calculate fully all the indirect results that have flowed from this action. It stimulated greatly the discussion of the whole question of Imperial federation, gave a new aspect to the problem of the naval defence of the empire, and greatly augmented the English interest in the Indian and Colonial Exhibition.

Prior to this appearance of an Australian colony as an ally of the mother-country, the interests of Australia in the Pacific had been brought prominently under notice. It was mainly at the instance of the Australian colonies that the English Government consented to take over from King Thakombau the Fiji Islands. The project had been discussed of making these islands a dependency of one of the colonies, but it was ultimately thought better, for the present at least, to constitute them a Crown colony, and this course having been adopted, the Colonial Governments were not made contributors. A different policy was pursued a few years afterwards in connection with the island of New Guinea. The Queensland Government annexed by a formal proclamation all that part of this island not claimed by the Dutch; and it did this, not from any desire for new territory, but because it regarded the possession of that part of New Guinea as important to the future security of the colony.

This act was disallowed by the Home Government, on the ground that it was beyond the power of a colonial administration thus to enlarge the boundaries of the empire. The Colonial Governments assembled in conference urged the annexation as an Imperial act, and the English Government so far yielded as to send an expedition to plant its flag on the southern coast, and declare a vague protectorate there, the colonies agreeing to contribute the sum of £15,000 a year.

The German Government immediately followed suit by hoisting its flag on the northern coast, much to the chagrin of the colonists, and a dividing line between the territories of the two countries was subsequently agreed upon.

The connection between the colonies and the mother-country, which is visibly maintained by the presence of the Governor as the representative of her Majesty, has been twice marked during the last few years by visits from members of the Royal family; the Duke of Edinburgh having made the Australian tour in command of the frigate "Galatea," and the two eldest sons of the Prince of Wales having visited the colony as midshipmen on board the "Bacchante." On each occasion the Royal visitors were received with the utmost cordiality and loyalty.

The present representative of her Majesty, Lord Carrington, arrived in Sydney on the 12th of December, 1885, and received a hearty welcome. By the lively interest he has displayed in our public institutions, as well as by his hospitality and personal cordiality of manner, his lordship has already made himself highly popular amongst all classes, and in his hands the office of Viceroy promises to preserve all its usefulness and importance.

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