POLITICAL SYSTEMS IN COLONIAL KOREA

Before 1945.

Military dictatorship of the Government-General (總督府). Governor-General, usually active duty Army general (only one was admiral), was responsible only to the Emperor and (nominally) Japanese Prime-Minister and Home Ministry. That was Emperor who, by the Imperial Order No 319 (without any parliamentary procedure) established the colonial government in Korea in 1910. In fact, Korea became a colony of Japanese Army, and the Army (represented by the Governor) was free to do whatever it wished. The Governor was at the same time the Supreme Commander of the Japanese troops stationed in Korea. His more operative power base was police which quickly increased in numbers: from 6000 in 1910 to 60, 000 in 1940 (1 policeman for every 400 Koreans). Police was tremendously active: in 1912 only, around 50,000 arrests were made. Between 1910 and 1919, around 200,000 people were interned for various periods for political reasons only. Arrest usually meant routine torture and physical and psychological scares for life. “Dictatorship of pain and fear”.

As to the bureaucratic structure, judicial organs (courts), prosecution, the feared police, and the educational administration – the whole colonial administration - all were directly subordinate to the all-mighty Governor-General, a small dictator indeed (there was no separation of powers). The number of the employees in his apparatus grew from 15,000 in the beginning to approximately 90,000 in the end. In fact, around 42% of all Japanese residing in Korea were employed by the colonial government making the Japanese there a “nation of government officials”. If teachers and petty provincial clerks are included, the whole number of colonial governmental employees will excess 300,000 (to compare, say, with 40,000 of colonial bureaucracy, mostly indigenous, in French Vietnam). The Governor-General was assisted by the civil Director-General of Administration (also Emperor-appointed), who, as a sort of Vice-Prime Minister or Vice-President, headed the important Secretariat and supervised the various Bureaus of the central apparatus (General Affairs, Internal Affairs, Economy, Judiciary) that were supposed to control all aspects of Korean life. In this super-powerful central apparatus, among 1000 employees there were only around 40 Koreans (mostly translators). Of course, most high-posted judicial officials (judges and prosecutors) were Japanese, who could not speak Korean and could not deal with Koreans without Korean translators. So, on the top level, Korea was ruled by the Japanese bureaucracy, organized into top-down unitary structure and marginally assisted by Koreans. Technically, the structure was very modern (traditional Korea never had more than 5-6 thousand of central officials, and the apparatus was never so sophisticated), but it remained very “pre-modern” in the sense that the rulers were not accountable to the ruled.

The most important for the sake of the colonizers were the police and the judiciary, which were to put down all kind of opposition to this foreign dictatorial military regime. Japanese first installed in Korea the 3-layers system of courts (Supreme Court, Court of Appellation, Provincial Court), and 21 “modern” prisons. Still, the conditions of those prisons were so atrocious that European offenders usually were never taken to the normal prisons (only to the “special”, show-case one), on account of “national prestige” reasons. Korean colonial police consisted of Military Police (much-feared Kempei) and normal civil police, and the net of 1,036 military police stations and 731 police stations covered the whole of the land, very “modern” system of control unseen in traditional days. The police had the right to supervise all sides of life (even the hygiene level, spread and use of Japanese language, vaccination, funeral customs, and shamanist practices), and could give light sentences (up to 3 month or corporal punishment) just on the spot, even without formal trial (to Koreans only).

Education: under strict administrative and police control. All textbooks and curriculums for all schools were subject to governmental approval, and the materials for public schools were published by the government only. The number of Koreans in public schools (under the heavy indoctrination) increased to 1,700,000 in 1940, but the number of relatively more liberal private missionary schools decreased from 532 in 1907 to 34 in 1937. – typically totalitarian tendency. In the end of Japanese period, around 15-20% of Koreans (mostly middle-class people who received some education) were able to speak and understand Japanese, but they were loaded with equally heavy “charge” of pro-regime totalitarian propaganda.

Korean representation: Central Advisory Council from 1910 (mostly prominent collaborators, without any real power), lots of Koreans in provincial government (roughly half of 13 province governors, and almost all county chiefs – 220) – most of them became important politicians and bureaucrats after the Liberation. Some attempts in local self-government, and limited representation in the Japanese Diet in the end of Pacific War. “School” for future authoritarian South Korean politicians.

War time mobilization (1937-1945), building of completely totalitarian structure: Mass associations (“National Spiritual Mobilization”, “Patriotic Neighborhood Association” of mutual spying, “Imperial Rule Assistance Association”), forced mobilizations for labor, war, and Shinto ceremonies. About 1 mln. Of Korean workers forced to work in Japan, 200,000 dragooned to the military, and equal number of women – to forced prostitution. Student labor mobilization – 1944. Experience of modernity as “mobilization from above”.

Bruce Cumings: “intense, regimented, forced-draft colonialism”. “systematic lawlessness”.

Various aspects of ”colonial modernity”:

1. Education: “normal school” as new modern medium of primary socialization: distributor of basic knowledge and enforcer of “hidden curriculum” (J Anyon): internalizer of habits of “respect to authority/property”, “following schedule”, “discipline”. “Correspondence theory” of education – educators are fulfilling “social orders” of modern state and capital to deliver well-disciplined workforce/soldiers. Number of students in “normal schools” – more than a half of the number of children in the eligible age group in 1940. Consequently, up to 1940 illiteracy rate was down to 70% (about 85% before colonization – literacy was largely gentry privilege). Still, education was heavily lop-sided by the needs of colonial government – Japanese language classes took up to 40% of weekly class hours. Especially in the 1930s – heavy accent on “disciplining”, “total education” – daily roll calls, marching, gymnastics and military training (even for girls) in the center of curriculum. Stadium as the spatial/semantic center of school. “Learning of authority” - legitimate “pecking order” of head boy, vice-head boy, etc. School records – included everything, f.e., student’s “bad habits” or “manner of movements”. In a word – school is a preparation course for authoritarian mobilization system.
2. Factory discipline: Japanese common perception of Korean workers: “lazy”, “irresponsible”, “unaware of hygiene”, “addicted to stealing”, but “physically strong” and “able to work long” – Japanese “Orientalization” of Koreans. Thus – extremely strict handling of Korean workers as “educative measure”. For example, even coming late for 1-2 minutes was a reason for being punished. Thus, many workers who did not have watches came to the factory gates before sunrise, afraid of being late. No loitering during working hours, and no idle talk was tolerated. Workers used to be housed in dormitories, their outings were under control, they had to get up and go to sleep at the scheduled time. Hierarchy was strict – younger workers were under firm control of Korean foremen and (mostly) Japanese supervisors. Main punishments – fines (for being late or “rude”), beatings (for stealing), etc. Factory as a “prison for labor” – also an instrument for internalizing strict discipline.
3. Childhood: Introduction of modern concept of “scientific child care/nutrition/ rearing”. They are seen as essential for “civilizing” Koreans, building a “healthy” nation (Social Darwinist terms). New “scientific” authority – doctors. About 1000 Korean doctors in 1930. Medical faculty of Keijo (Seoul) Imperial University – opened in 1926. Missionary doctors – highest “scientific” authority. Introduction of the concept of “scheduled baby” – children are fed and made to sleep and get up in accordance with “scientific schedule” form the earliest age. Popularization of hygienic knowledge in newspapers and journals. Still, most beneficiaries of this “civilizing” process were better-to-do city dwellers: in provinces, 40% of children used to die before their first birthday, just like in dynastic time before colonization. Japanese administration prided itself on introducing Western medicine and hygiene to Korea, but the benefits went to the “chosen few”.

All in all: benefits of the “colonial modernization” were visible for the small colonial elite (modern medicine, knowledge, higher standards of life), but for the masses, “modernization” meant harsh labor, strict discipline, internalization for rules, scheduled life habits, “respect for authority”.