Religions
in Modern East Asia before 1945.
1. Japan: - Background
– Buddhist as a de-facto state religion of the Tokugawa times (1600-1868).
Obligatory temple registration system. Growth in the number of the temples – up
to almost half a million in the end of the period. Most powerful sects – became
quasi governmental agents. Main sects – Shin (Amitaist), divided into “Eastern”
and “Western” branches, Sōtō (Zen), etc. Vertical hierarchy – all
temples are subject to the administration of the government-controlled “central
temples” (honzan). Very little creativity or innovation.
- Meiji Transformation – Shinto, before being nothing more than a combination of local and Imperial cults, promoted into a “national religion” place. Establishment of the “Office of Rites” (1869). Buddhism – proclaimed to be a “foreign” and “feudal” religion, from which Shinto now was to be “cleansed”. Anti-Buddhist campaign – destruction of temples, mass drafting of laicised monks into the army, confiscation of the temple lands. Other important development – softening of the official opposition to Christianity which was strictly prohibited before. 1873 - Removal of public notices prohibiting Christianity because of international pressure. End of overt government persecution. Christianity, on the contrary, soon becomes a “fashion”, due to its perceived “civilizational” influence. Nelson Jennings: ”One of the most significant social reforms was to remove the special privileges of the samurai class, a move coupled with the attempt to placate--temporarily at least--many of these proud warriors with financial pensions. While some of the former samurai may have been appeased briefly, most were left financially destitute and without any of their former social status. They were thus hungry for a revival of the greatness and prosperity that their families and clans had once known.
It was out of this widespread group of
dispossessed former samurai that the early Meiji, Protestant Christian converts
came. Such well-known figures as
Uchimura Kanzo, Ebina Danjo, Kozaki Hiromichi, Honda Yoichi, and Uemura
Masahisa were groping for the meaning and stability that their forebearers had
known in the past, but which elusively hovered out of their reach in the
present. The missionaries' Western ideas, the dazzling array of which were
starting to become in vogue, as well as the missionaries' impressive
"Bushido-type" of personalities attracted these young stalwarts to
the Westerners' Christianity. The converts' hope was that their newfound faith
would facilitate the refounding of a new society--a new order that somehow
would have to be constructed in the midst of the rubble lying all around them.”
As Christianity was even more “foreign” than Buddhism, and its first converts
often were from the samurai groups that stood in certain opposition to ruling
oligarchic clans, Meiji elite quickly reconsidered its persecution against
Buddhism and agreed to make it a part of state-controlled religious apparatus
again, the more so, as Buddhist clergy was more than open to the idea of
“protecting the state that defends the Buddhist Law” (very old idea in Japanese
Buddhism). 1872 – Ministry of Doctrine created, and Buddhist priests employed
as governmental “doctrinal instructors”. Then – even stronger links between
Buddhism and state (1878 – beginning of Japanese Buddhist missionary enterprise
in Korea – Buddhist missionaries built political connections conducive to further
Japanese political involvement). On the other hand – Shinto is divided into
“state” and “sectarian” (1882), and the former continues to play a role of
“civic religion” built on ethnocentric nationalism.
- The 1880-90s – “Occidentalism” and New
State Orthodoxy: Nelson Jennings: “Whatever the case may have been in terms
of the attitude of those holding political power, the 1880's (the second Meiji
decade) saw the Church flourish in an accelerated way. This was a period of
tremendous openness to the West, and Christianity thus benefited from its
association with Westernization. Several mission schools, although often no
more than informal classes taught in missionaries' homes, were established.
There was an "enlightened" atmosphere in these schools, including the
teaching of Western languages and Western science, as well as the relatively
high importance given to educating women. There was also "fresh air"
in the churches whose ranks they were helping to fill. These mission schools
were thus very attractive to many youth whose parents had become fallen
nobility. Along with the former samurai, many of the rural elite had been
migrating to the cities for educational purposes. Like their noble counterparts
these leaders from the countryside were becoming the intellectuals of the day,
and they began to embrace the faith of the modern West as well. The Church thus
continued to take on the flavour of a progressive, intellectual, movement. Its
members "were asking the same questions as many other former samurai critics
of the government, and both groups tended to fuse problems of identity with
problems of social status so that, in their eyes, social reform and
self-cultivation became one." God
in Jesus Christ had come to these young men in a way that seemed to match their
aspirations for a recently lost past (…) It seemed for awhile that Christianity
actually would be able to provide the value system for a new order which would
in fact be realized very soon. There were even some in official circles--and
many others without--who advocated the adoption of Christianity as the state
religion, in order to elevate Japan to the status of the enlightened, Christian
nations of the West. (…) Protestant
Church seemed to be exerting
real political influence. The 1889 (Meiji 22) Imperial
Constitution granted "freedom of conscience and freedom of religion,"
and the newly established Diet legislated freedom of the press and Sunday as a
day of rest. (…)
Furthermore, in July
of 1890 (Meiji 23), nine Christians were actually elected as representatives to
the Lower House of the new Imperial Diet. Other Christians entered prominent
positions in education, journalism, and other intellectual activities. Despite
the Church consisting of only a relatively small group of intellectuals
amounting to one percent of the total population, the weight of their influence
exceeded that of their number.”
Buddhist response
to the new Christian challenge
– twofold. “New Buddhist” movement of
the 1880s tried to give the religion more Westernised image, able to compete
with Christian connection to “Western civilization”. Beginning of travels by
Japanese Buddhist scholars to the West for study: Nanjō Bun’yū went
to study Sanskrit under Max Muller (1823-1900) in London, and tried to show the
wealth of scholarly Buddhism in Japan to the Europeans. Shaku Sōen
(1859-1919) – addressed World Parliament of religions in Chicago in 1893, characterising
Buddhism as “truly spiritual and peaceful”, while West was “too materialistic”.
“Inverted Orientalism” – traditional Western supremacist assertion that “East
was too metaphysic” was turned upside down into a positive, self-affirming
statement. Other assertion – “Japan is the only true Buddhist nation” in the
world, Japanese Buddhism “synthesized Indian and Chinese traditions”. Inoue
Enryō (1858-1919) – Christianity as “superstitious” and Buddhism as
“rational” religion more adaptable to the Western science. Attempt to look
“more Western than the Christians”.
Other part of the response – emphasis on Buddhism’s “native roots
in Japanese culture” and its “patriotic, Imperial spirit”. 1889 – establishment
of the “United Movement for Revering the Emperor and Worshipping the Buddha”.
Aim – to exclude Christians, as “unpatriotic”, from any positions of influence.
Use of the high-profile incidents, such as 1891 refusal of Christian Uchimura
Kanzo to bow to the Imperial Rescript on Education (in the end, he consented to
bow, but damage was already made). Buddhist-leaning philosopher Inoue Tetsujiro
from the Imperial University – proclaimed that all Christians were ”inherently
disloyal as subjects”. So – the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) became an
opportunity for both Christian and Buddhist leaders to engage in the “loyalty
competition” aimed at better relationship with the state. Christians – sent front
chaplains, even Uchimura Kanzo (initially a pacifist) endorsed the war as the
one “against barbarism”. Buddhists – supported the war as a “just” one, and
officially proclaimed that Buddhist prohibition against killing was not binding
for Buddhist Japanese soldiers for such an occasion. They also emphasized
“suitability” of Zen for “encouraging martial spirit”, as meditation gave
“calmer attitude to death”. Buddhism and Christianity – even mutually
collaborated in their war efforts.
The 1900-1910s –
the Birth of Anti-Establishmentarian Buddhist and Christian Activism: Deepening of inherent contradictions of early
industrialism (plight of the workers, urbanization and consequent
marginalization of a large stratum of low-class populace, etc.) – Birth of socialist
movement, mostly on the basis of socially engaged Protestant Christians: 1898
Socialist Study Group > 1901 Social Democratic Party (banned 2 days later)
> 1906 (banned next year) Platform: disarmament, public ownership of land
& capital, free education, universal suffrage through legal means. Even
many non-Socialist Christians start to take more critical view on the state
policies. Russo-Japanese War – criticized by Uchimura Kanzo and some other
Christian pacifists. Influence of Tolstoy pacifist ideas on left-leaning
Japanese Christian circles. Still, mainstream Christian groups supported the
war, and were continuously seen as “loyal subjects”. Buddhists – mostly – on
the institutional level actively supported the war and tried even to give a
theoretic justification of “militarised” Buddhism: Suzuki Daisetsu, 1896, -
<A Treatise on the New Meaning of Religion> : “unity of religion and
state”, “state protects the people from injustice by military means”, “states
has right to punish an unjust country”, “during the war, regard your life as
light as goose feathers”. The topic of “relativity of the existence” is used –
material life is a dream anyway, and may be sacrificed for a greater cause.
Pan-Asianist notions – Buddhism as the religion of “all the Orientals”, that
should unite around Japan against “Western threat”. Buddhists also claimed that
chanting of Buddha Amida’s name or Zen meditation did improve soldiers’ resolve
and concentration on the battlefield. Pacifist and socialist tendencies inside
Buddhism – Uchiyama Gudō (1874-1911), a Sōtō Zen priest,
considered Buddhist principle of “equality of all sentient beings” and
socialism one and the same, and protested against impoverishment of the peasant
as “unjust and anti-Buddhist”. He was, in the result, arrested, charged with
“plot to assassinate the Emperor” and executed.
The 1920s – 1930s –
Democratic Trends and Strengthening of Totalitarian Controls. Period between 1918-1926 – flourishing of
liberalism, formation of socialist and workers’ organizations (national
workers’ unions’ federations, etc.). 1920 – beginning of annual May 1
processions. Campaign for universal suffrage – victory in 1925 (universal
voting right for all males). Infatuation with Marxism and “proletarian culture”
– 1925, formation of “Proletarian Arts’ Union”. Both young Buddhist and
Christian activist – engaged with democratic and socialist movements. In
1926-28, control has been strengthened – “Law on Preservation of Order” was
further amended, “ideological departments” with police bureaus established.
Buddhist democratic/socialist activism – Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism
(1931), led by Senō Girō (1889-1961) – “capitalist system generates
suffering and, thus, violates the spirit of Buddhism”. Buddhism understood as
originally atheistic, ethical religion, Buddhist establishment accused in
self-seeking collaboration with capitalism. The league worked on behalf of
poorer farmers and helped striking workers. Result – arrest of Senō and the League’s dissolution in
1936-37. Instead, pro-war “Imperial way Buddhism” is encouraged – “killing in
Emperor’s name means indeed to make other creatures live”, thus “to kill
Emperor’s enemies is Buddhist”. While bigger Christian denominations mostly
collaborated with Japan’s war efforts in the later 1930s, smaller ones
(Jehovah's Witness, etc.) were cruelly suppressed. But bigger confessions had
to make so big concessions to the official ideology that their existence was
largely rendered meaningless. They, for example, “acknowledged” that God did
not create the Emperor, as the Emperor was a divinity equal to god. Issue of
wartime collaboration – still extremely painful for most of Japanese religious
confessions.
All in all –
Christianity, Buddhism and Shinto became all related to the overriding concern
of “modernization” and “nation-building”, but in different ways. Shinto was the
cardinal part of the ethnocentric nationalist stream, to which both
Christianity and Buddhism tried to accommodate themselves, but not fully
successfully – Christianity was continuously suspected in being somewhat
“foreign”, all the loyalty manifestations notwithstanding. At the same time,
both Christianity and Buddhism were important grounds for alternative,
anti-establishmentarian modernity projects.
2. China: Missionary Christian activity
in the 19th C. – greatly contributed to the enlargement and
deepening of knowledge about the outer world. For example, “In the journal Eastern Western Monthly Magazine (Dongxiyang
kao meiyue tongji zhuan), edited by the missionary Karl Friedrich August
Gutzlaff and others and published in the 1830s in Southeast Asia, American
subjects were frequently treated and the American democratic system was
discussed. For example, in an
1837 article entitled "Bei Yamilijia hejun" (The United States of
[North] America), it was written that:
"The people rule the country themselves, and once every three years elect a leader to manage government affairs. This year a man named Yuan Bilin (Martin Van Buren) has succeeded to the position."
The statement that elections were held every
three years was obviously incorrect, but stating that the United States had a
system of popular "self-government" (zizhu zhiguo) and that
national leaders were elected was not.
An 1838 article,
"Bei Yameilijia ban guozheng zhi hui" (The American Congress),
offered a relatively concrete introduction to the American governmental system,
and differentiated the American president from kings of other countries:
Immediately upon arriving in that country's capital I was informed that
their government differed from those of other countries in that it was
established by the people, and I was determined to investigate this in detail.
During the Qianlong era, [the Americans] had come to detest the unbenevolent (buren)
rule of England. They hated the colonial regime and the way this oppressed the
people, and had seized independence for themselves....Thereupon, they did not
set up a king as ruler of their country, but instead selected a president (tongling),
a vice-president (fu tongling), and other high officials to serve
four-year terms. [The president] must be attentive to the people's wishes, and
have a deep understanding of the arts of statecraft, so as to implement
benevolent governance. Thus the regulation of the entire realm hinges on this
single pivot: the chief executive exercises control over his subordinate
officials and thereby regulates the country's notables, he keeps the various
affairs of government in order and thereby pacifies the common people. Upon the implementation of
this form of governance, each locality throughout the country set up its own
government along this same central model, so that the manner of governance of
all the localities is alike.
This
relatively long article then goes on to introduce the electoral system and
governmental structure of the individual American states.
The article stresses
especially, with reasonable accuracy, the way that national sovereignty resides
in the people, and the mechanisms of popular oversight over government:
The chief executive of this country is commander-in-chief of the army
and navy, and strictly enforces the criminal and civil statutes. Although his
power is great, he cannot use it to harm the innocent. His authority is
sufficient to allow him to do whatever needs doing, but his responsibility is
great. He is accountable for any crime he may commit, and answerable to the
people for his management of government affairs; he cannot cover this up. If
the people petition him about an urgent matter he must investigate it in
detail, perhaps redressing a wrong or suggesting enactment of a new law, always
in the interest of the people. The measure is then considered, investigated,
and debated by various gentlemen (liewei) and if the majority approve,
it is ratified; if not, it is rejected. It can truly be said that in this
country bad befalls bad persons and good befalls good ones, as determined by
the people themselves; thus the rejoicing of the people fills the streets. He
who gains [the approval of] the mass of the population gains [control of] the
state; he who loses the population loses the state. The first concern of any gentleman
who would hold political power must be his own virtue; with virtue will come
supporters, with supporters comes territory, with territory comes wealth, and
with wealth comes the opportunity to be of use. For every word [the elected
official] speaks and every task he performs, there are dozens of ears listening
to him and dozens of fingers pointing his way. There is no possibility of escaping the
people's scrutiny.
In
Singapore in 1838 the American missionary Elijah Coleman Bridgman published, in
Chinese, his Meilige heshengguo zhilue (Brief geographical history of
the United States of America), a wide-ranging introduction to various aspects
of American life. This was the
most systematic work on the United States available in Chinese prior to the Opium
War. It introduced the structure of the American government:
there are
officials in the national capital, and there are other officials within the
various states. Each state has
its governor (shouling) and lieutenant governor (fu shouling), as
well as an unspecified number of subordinates whom the governor selects. Each state has a statehouse (gongtang),
where the governor, lieutenant governor, and other personages deliberate
political issues. The national
government at the capital is headed by a president (tongling), assisted
by a vice-president (fuling). Both of these are elected by the people:
[The president] serves a four year term, at the end of which another
election is held. If
there is no qualified man to succeed him, he is re-elected....There are three
basic political principles: (1) the legislature makes the laws, (2) the
population obeys them, and (3) those who don't obey are brought to
trial.....The leader of the entire country is known as a "president"
(tongling), with powers like those of a king (guowang); the
leaders of the individual states are known as "governors" (shouling),
with powers like those of provincial governors-general and governors (dufu)
in China.”
Missionary
publications, in fact, enriched Chinese language with lots of “modern”
words missionaries and their assistants had to translate into Chinese.
Missionary influences were important for shaping some of the protest movements.
F. ex.: T’aiping rebellion - Hung Xiuquan (1814-1864) was the son of a farmer
and an aspiring Chinese bureaucrat. He came under the influence of Christian
missionaries, and reached the conclusion that he was the younger son of Jesus
sent to found the Heavenly Kingdom on earth. Faced with the collapse of Qing
dynasty rule (under Western onslaught), Hung tapped into the deep
millenarianism of the Chinese peasantry (previously expressed in Buddhist
terms) and began a rebellion - the Taiping Rebellion ("Taiping
tien-quo" means the "Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace").
There were many other revolts, but this was by far
the most serious. Lasting from 1851 to1864 it took control of large swerves of
south and central China, including the southern capital of Nanking. There a theocratic military government was established.
Although it was millenarian in form, the Taiping
leaders adopted many policies which would later become the marks of modernizers
in China: prohibition of opiumsmoking, gambling, the use of tobacco and wine,
polygamy, the sale of slaves, and prostitution. The promoted the equality of
the sexes: they abolished foot-binding and appointed of women as administrators
and officers in the Taiping army. They also
tried to abolish the private ownership of land and property, and they developed
a program for the equal distribution of land
At
the same time, later protest movements (“Boxers” – 1899-1900, etc.) were
extremely anti-Christian and conducted large-scale “extermination campaigns”
against missionaries and converts. One of the reasons – missionary penetration
of China interior in the late 19th C. deeply influenced power
structure in the villages with missionary presence, their converts becoming new
village elite and toppling the traditional domination of secret societies and
local gentry. Thus – anti-Christian militancy on the part of the latter.
Chinese
reformist elite (Kang Yuwei, Liang Qichao, etc. – early nationalists) – prefer
Buddhism to Christianity mainly due to the lack of ”scientific spirit” and
imperialistic associations of the latter. Kang Yuwei – stubbornly tried to
re-mould Confucianism into a religion as well. Plan to send “Confucian
missionaries” to the West as response to missionary penetration of China.
Republican
period – in the 1910s, lots of campaigns to “eradicate superstition (mixin)”
– against popular religion (Taoist, Buddhist). Attempt at “modernizing” the
people, also coloured with Confucian disdain to popular beliefs. Destruction of
temples, expropriation of temple lands – provoked rebellions of secret
societies. Nationalist Party (KMT) from the later 1920s – regularly destroys
“superstitious” temples, but forced to tolerate organized Buddhism. 1928 –
“Standards for Preserving and Abandoning Gods and Shrines” issued, freedom to
“higher religions” guaranteed. 1930 – “Procedures for Banning and Managing
Superstitious Objects and Professions” – campaign against sorcerers, shamans,
physiognomy experts, etc.
Christianity
– also became an object of a virulent nationalistic “eradication” campaign,
mainly due to its association with “foreign imperialism” and “Western
domination”. 1922 – Anti-Christian Student Federation formed, and supported by
Peking National University Chancellor (and many professors). First Great
National Congress of Socialist Youth Organizations (1922) – also anti-Christian
resolution. 1924 – Anti-Christian Federation formed, and starts campaign for
“recovering educational national rights” – against Christian domination of
Chinese higher education. 1926-27 – anti-Christian violence during Nationalist
march to the north. Main grounds – “pre-modern”, non-scientific nature of
religion, its irrationalism. All religions, not only Christianity, are reduced
to “idol worship”. Support from Western atheists who visited China at that time
(B.Russel). Also missionary connection gave reasons to accuse Christianity in
“collaboration with foreign imperialism”. Nationalist part to the movement –
attracted sympathy from the government as well. 1925 – Peking Government
decided that foreigners may not be directors even in the missionary schools,
and religious instruction should not be compulsory in any case. Even Christians
themselves, in discussions with their opponents, did not try to question
anti-imperialist rhetoric in principle, but just suggested that “Jesus was a
revolutionary” and “Imperialism is an enemy of Christianity too”.
In China, in the end religion (especially
Christian) started to be perceived as an antithesis to
modernity/”nation-building”, nationalism and Communism becoming a sort of
“secular religion” instead. Difference with Japan (where religions were
involved in the “modernity” projects) – due to special vulnerable situation of
China as a semi-colonial country victimized by “foreign imperialism” –
missionaries were essentially perceived as “spiritual invaders”. Exceptions –
James Yen (1893-1990) and his YMCA work, MEM (mass education movement) in rural
China – experience, used by both Nationalists and Communists. Still, in the
discourse of “modernity” in China, Christianity was relatively sidelined.