Education in East Asia: colonial past and
post-colonial present
Taiwanese and Korean educational systems in colonial times: the same set of basic aims:
- to maintain and reinforce the ethnic and class distinctions (between the Japanese and natives, between the wealthier natives who could get better educational opportunities, and the rest who could not, etc.). Japanese – always found themselves in privileged, different setting. In Korea – the only university – Keijō Imperial University (opened in 1926): on opening, 220 Japanese and 89 Koreans entered. Segregation in the education – both in Korea and Taiwan. Class segregation – opportunities for higher educational attainment being very limited, only 5% of Korean students, mainly from better-to-do families, passed beyond the primary level. Taiwan – better educational opportunities for the mainlanders than for Hakka or Hokien minorities (and, of course, aborigines). University graduates – candidates for top and middle-ranked jobs in the bureaucracy.
- to discipline, regiment and indoctrinate all the subjects: basic vehicle was the common/ordinary school, the colonial analogue of the Japanese compulsory 6-years elementary school (but it could not be made as all-encompassing in the colonies, at least before the early 1940th , for financial reasons).
· A state-run school in colonial Korea. The children were supposed to maintain strict discipline: it was punishable, for example, not to look at the teacher and the blackboard all the time.
· A state-run middle school in colonial Seoul. Big, overwhelming stone building was supposed to inspire awe of the Japanese authorities.
In Taiwan, 80% of boys and 60% of all girls went to these common/ordinary schools by the end of colonial period. In Korea, similar figures of enrolment. The desired output of the Japanese primary schools – “well-behaved”, docile, conformist “imperial subject” with some Japanese skills, good for factory labor and soldiering (in later 1930s). In Korea – around 15% of population are fluent in Japanese by 1945 – mainly result of colonial primary education (general literacy – around 25-30%). In Taiwan, the number of Japanese speakers is higher. School stadiums – made into “community centers”, were all the mobilization-related associations met, Japanese officials held public meetings, students demonstrated their military fitness to the parents, etc.
- Tense, close supervision and constant use of traditional native Confucian schools (shu-fang and sŏdang). Use of their Confucian training for indoctrination in pro-Japanese ways (Japanese editions of classics and textbooks: on Taiwan from 1898, in Korea from 1918) and Japanese language.
* An old-style Confucian school in colonial Korea.
“Rules for the Confucian Schools” issued by the Governor-General of Korea in 1916 – prohibited establishment of such schools by any “impure” (that is, nationalistically-minded) elements. Control over such schools by the Japanese police. Reverse trend – the introduction of Japanese official imperial ideology as “Confucian” on all levels. Subject of “morals” – Confucian ideas of “loyalty” and “filial piety”, refurbished to serve the cult of Japanese Emperor. Korean Confucian education – held its positions more stubbornly than Taiwanese (in Korea, sŏdang enrollment remained stable throughout the colonial time, but it very sharply dropped in Taiwan where shu-fang became extinct in the long run). Traditional education – almost never given to women, and the missionary schools (as well as Japanese public schools) were really needed to fill up the vacuum.
- From the very beginning – the idea that education should help in spreading Japanese among Koreans.
* Koreans studying Japanese language: early colonial period.
The first “Decree on Korean Education” by the Government-General (1911) – openly stresses “disseminating Japanese language for building the character of Japanese subjects in students”. Japanese public schools – first teach Chinese or Korean, then put less emphasis on it, then just start using only Japanese in late 1930th – stages of the program of gradual assimilation through schooling (in early 1920th – switch to the concept of accelerated assimilation and mixed schooling for the Japanese and “natives”). Secondary and special schooling for the “natives” – basically vocational and technical, meant at better manpower supply for the colonial industry and installations (medical schools, etc.). Imperial universities in Korea (1926) and Taiwan (1928) – lacked in places and facilities, so the exodus of higher-level students from the colonies to Japan proper continued, and the contact with non-orthodox thought (liberalism, communism, etc.) was a result. For the females – experience of student life in Japan and career life after graduation altered the traditional gender role division and created new gender role models. Sport for the both sexes as the attractive part of Japanese modernity.
- Missionary schools – supervised, controlled, and sometimes pressured, but still treasured. Taiwan – little less strict system than in colonial Korea, because of stronger association between the Christianity and independence struggle in the latter.
* Ewha Girl School in 1908. In the beginning, this missionary-run
institution was to provide the girls with good housekeeping skills (on the
picture, the girls are sewing under the control of a female missionary), but
afterwards the curriculum was largely augmented.
In Korea – number of the missionary schools made to shrink from 532 in 1907 to only 34 in 1937. At the same time, many missionaries – “co-opted” by the Japanese colonial ideology and led to believe that colonialism “helped to civilized the natives”. Most missionaries – did not resist the introduction of compulsory Shinto worship for all Korean school students in later 1930s.
On the whole – education as an organic part of colonial project – maintaining the national and class boundaries, reinforcing the distinctions, and socializing the “natives” as “imperial subjects”. At the same time – many Korean nationalists and some moderate leftists considered the educational work (of course, mostly at private and missionary institutions, as well as night schools for workers and literacy courses for peasants) to be the central part of national “enlightenment” – only literate, educated, “modern” could achieve the ultimate goal of national independence. This discourse of “educating the people into being Korean nationals” entailed also a rather condescending attitude towards Korean masses, as they were – illiterate and full of “feudal habits”. Intellectuals-educators regarded themselves as “national leaders”, “guides of the people” – as this kind of messianic elitism remained an important part of their mentality in both Koreas after 1945.
* Hyŏn Sangyun (1893-?) – a typical
nationalist educator of the colonial period. Studied in Japan, then served as
schoolmaster in several Seoul schools. Was the first Korean to receive PhD
after 1945 in South Korea for his work on Confucian history.
Japan, South Korea, Taiwan after the war:
Principles of the education:
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Japan: The basic structure and principles of the present education system were laid out in two laws passed in 1947: the Fundamental Law of Education and the School Education Law. A basic principle enunciated in the Fundamental Law is equality of educational opportunity for all. The law prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, creed, sex, social status, economic position, or family background. The law emphasizes the importance of political knowledge and of religious tolerance in the development of sound citizens, but it specifically prohibits any link between political parties or religion and education. Social studies comprises a central element of the public school curriculum in line with the Fundamental Law of Education, which also calls on state and local authorities to establish such institutions as libraries, museums, and civic halls. Laws – formulated on America-inspired principles. South Korea – the Education Law (1949) – formulated under strong American influence. Made six-years elementary education compulsory, thus building on the achievements of colonial time. At the same time, strong right-wing nationalist accent – “development of national spirit and the feelings of obligation and duty” of the aims of education. The Charter for National Education (1968) – Pak Chong-Hee regime’s ideological document, designed to be memorized and internalized. Overt totalitarian intonation – “mission of the regeneration of our nation” as the main aim in life for the students. Taiwan. ROC Constitution (1947): “education and culture shall aim at the development among its citizens of the national spirit, the spirit of self-government, national morality, good physique” – strong elements of Confucian and nationalist indoctrination in the education from the beginning. |
The education system
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a)Japan: The education system is divided into five stages: kindergarten (one to three years), elementary school (six years), lower secondary school (three years), upper secondary school (three years), and university (generally four years). There are also junior colleges offering courses of study for two or three years. South Korean system – basically the same (American influence in both cases). Taiwan: also "six-three-three-four" system. The regular system includes two years of kindergarten for ages four to six; six years of elementary school for ages six to 12; three years of junior high school for ages 12 to 15; three years of senior high school for ages 15 to 18; and four years of undergraduate university studies. b) Japan: Education is free and compulsory for all children between the ages of 6 and 15. However, an overwhelming majority of lower secondary school graduates opt to continue their studies, and in reality upper secondary school has now become an essential part of a child's education. In 1995, 97% of all students entered upper secondary school, a ratio similar to that of the United States, and 45% of all upper secondary school students continued on to university South Korea: 9-year education is also compulsory from 1969. University/Junior college enrolment ratio is more or less the same – up to 70% if special colleges are included. Taiwan: 9-year education was made compulsory from 1968. Today – the University/Junior College/tertiary vocational school enrolment ratio is also about 65%
c) Japan: Besides the educational facilities available publicly, private schools exist at all stages of the system. These schools play an especially important role in preschool and university education, both of which are beyond the scope of the compulsory system. As of May 1994 as many as 80% of children in kindergartens and 73% of students in universities were enrolled in private institutions, and 30% of all upper secondary students were attending private schools South Korea too – 80% of universities are private, and quite expensive. Taiwan: Of the 94 universities and colleges in total, 41 are national (including technological universities), 41 are private (including technological colleges), 2 are municipal, 2 are open universities, and 8 are military or police academies
In all three countries, private school fees are significant burden for the families, especially working-class and peasant. Predominance of private fee-paying institutions – reinforces “class segregation” agenda in the education. “Study abroad” as an organic element of education. - The number of Japanese students who study overseas is increasing. In 1994, 151,000 students were studying in a foreign country (Korean figure is similar, for the same reason – the English and the prestige of American education: 133 thousands in 1997, 150 thousands in 2002, around 65% go to English-speaking countries, and 10% - to Japan). In 1994 there were 54,000 foreign students in Japan, about 90% of whom were from Asia (the same trend in Korea – there are almost no students from Western Europe and the USA, except of ethnic Koreans and Asian Studies majors. Overall number of foreign students – around 12 thousands, 60% are from Japan and China). Administration of the education. - The administration of Japan's education system is decentralized, the role of the Ministry of Education being broadly that of a coordinator. Responsibility for school budgets, educational programs, school appointments, and the supervision of elementary and lower secondary schools lies in the hands of local boards of education. The members of these boards are selected by the administrative head of the local governing authority.
As regards the content of education, each school organizes its own curricula in accordance with the Course of Study, prepared and published by the Education Ministry. Textbooks are selected by the local boards of education from among those authorized by the ministry (textbook authorization system is broadly the same in South Korea). Social significance of the education: Educational background is an important factor in Japan's lifetime employment system. In order to land a job in a top-ranking company, it is necessary to be a graduate of a leading university, a qualification which is dependent in turn upon graduation from top-level upper and lower secondary schools. Because of fierce competition in the entrance examinations, an increasing number of students now attend private "cram" schools. These schools, which are set up to provide supplementary after-school instruction to help students enter the school of their choice, exist at all levels from nursery school through to university entrance examinations (the same pattern in Korea).
Reforms introduced following the Meiji Restoration and World War II paved the way for the spread of education in Japan. Recently, however, a number of problems have emerged in the country's schools, including violence, bullying, and fierce competition to gain a place in the best schools (same problems in Korea and Taiwan). In addition, it has become increasingly clear that the system needs to be transformed into one that is more appropriate for Japanese society in the present age of industrial restructuring, technological development, and internationalization. Japan is currently implementing educational reforms in line with the 1987 report of the National Council on Educational Reform (an advisory panel to the Prime Minister). The report recommends that: (1) a more varied selection of subjects be offered at the lower and upper secondary school levels, (2) the university entrance examination system be revised to allow each university to conduct its own testing, (3) educational opportunities be increased for people who are not enrolled in school, and (4) the system for accepting foreign students be improved. Japanese schools used to have a six-day school week, but since April 1995 students have had two Saturdays a month off. |
