On Technology and Consciousness: a reply to Raoul

 

The text of Raoul, "Visibility of the Revolutionary Project and New Technologies", is a welcome contribution toward the articulation of an answer to the most crucial questions asked to us: How revolutionary desire can capture the imagination of the working class, of humanity?

For orthodox Marxism, the answer to this question starts with the conflict between the development of the prodcutive forces and the relations of capitalist production which must lead to a higher stage in the development of human society: communism. This is posed as a law, valid not only in the present but throughout history. Personally, I never understood the essence of this "law", that is to say, that which connects the decadence of slave, feudal and capitalist societies. But, at the empirical level, it should be noted that indeed, in each case (even if there is a danger of exaggerating the similarities) the development of the productive forces creates a new revolutionary class which seizes power in society, in spite of the fact, that the old dominant class organized this in terms of the conservation of its own power. The revolutionary class manages to seize power when it sees its potential capacity. It is thus, indeed, a question of visibility.

I speak of class, because it is the essential element of the productive forces. One cannot speak of the productive forces without speaking about the working class nor of the working class apart from the productive forces. The question is thus not so much how technology evolves, but how the working class evolves. Both are connected, of course. For orthodox Marxism, technological development clashes with the conditions of valorization, which drives the crisis, economic collapse, which convinces the proletariat to liberate itself from its chains. Unfortunately, that lead many of these orthodox Marxists to focus their critique of capitalism on its so-called incapacity to increase the economy, and to lead to present communism as a superior model of growth (under their management, of course). It is on this design that the "traditional" theories on the decadence of capitalism (from Trotsky and Luxemburg to the ICC and the IBRP) are based. Arriving at the fatal point X, capitalism cannot accumulate any more, therefore, the undeniable need to continue production, causes the revolution. Too easy, much too easy. Even with the party added as a catalyst. And especially, denied by history. If one recognizes that since the first world self-destruction of capital, a new context is presented for capital and for the proletariat, that one calls "decadence" while waiting for a better term, it is necessary to recognize also that during this time, the capacity of world capitalism to increase the economy did not disappear, and that the temporary interruption of growth does not guarantee the revolution.

It is comprehensible that at the beginning of decadence, this productivist vision was credible, but today it is manifest that it is not a lack of productivist argument. But by rejecting this argument, one does not reject the materialist position on consciousness, one does not deny that the conditions that the proletariat undergoes, determine, not what must occur, but what can occur. It thus should be hoped that these conditions evolve in a way favorable to the development of revolutionary consiousness. Any position, which ignores the conflict between the productive forces and relations of production, is not materialist.

Raoul insists that the visibility of the need is not enough, that the possibility also must be visible. He is right, but again, that is say, that initially, the revolutionary class must be visible to itself. In this respect, it is difficult to see technological development as favorable. It seems to me, on the other hand, that the changes on the level of the recomposition of the working class., the decentralization of the places of work, etc. have a very negative side for the capacity of the class to recognize itself, at least, for the moment. It is this difficulty which weighs heavily on the class struggle and which makes some believe that there is no more working class as a revolutionary subject, that our fate is in the hands of the "multitudes". It is not by chance that the techno-determinist, Marcuse, is again a la mode, and contradictory.

Of course, the effect of technology is a lot more complex, and contradictory. I agree with the analysis of Raoul on the fact that information technology can make more visible the possibility of a world based on non-commodity relations. The technological evolution develops for the proletariat some new obstacles, but also new opportunities. One cannot conclude from it that it determines an ineluctable revolution, nor and ineluctable defeat.

Once again, let me reconsider the validity of the concept of the conflict between the productive forces and the relations of production as motor of the development of revolutionary consciousness. The productivist interpretation of this concept being largely accepted in the revolutionary marxist milieu; the debate was especially on the question if the revolutionary party is the essential ingredient or an obstacle in this "ineluctable" process.

Those who reject both can be brought to also reject the connection between capitalist crisis and awakening of proletarian consciousness. For Aufheben, quoted with approval by Christian, "to consider history in terms of contradiction between the development of the productive forces and existing social relations, is to take the point of view of capital. If it is true, the Communist Manifesto and a lot of other fundamental texts of the revolutionary movement are capitalist documents. By affirming the opposite, I also think that the Manifesto and other deserving texts should be criticized for their determinist vision, the idea that communism is the ineluctable result of economic development to which the proletariat becomes the heir. Why would that be the case? Because capitalism arrives at a point of irreversible collapse? The theoretical arguments for such a position are null and void and rejected by historical experience. Because communism would be more intelligent, more human, more pleasant? As if they were the only criteria determining the choices that humanity made throughout its history. What is ineluctable, is that capitalism goes through terrible economic crisis to which it will react by causing a massive destruction (it does it already). As JW writes, it is a pity that the only thing which is not ineluctable, is the revolution. He jokes, but he is right.

The revolution is not ineluctable, because it can be only one human choice. One cannot predict the future of humanity. If human beings are robots up to a certain point, they are also much more. I do not suggest "free will" given by a god, but a complexity to which the simplistic Marxists "law" do not do justice. But does the rejection of determinism also imply a denial that the objective conditions determine consciousness? Does it imply the negation of the position which affirms that the objective conditions for the revolution ripening through the demonstration (negative) of its necessity (collapse of the capitalist economy) and the demonstration (positive) of its possibility (by the presence of material conditions necessary, there include technology)? This is what Christian seems to think when he denies that the development of labor productivity in capitalism was necessary so that communism becomes possible. In my opinion, he leaves materialism and founders in a romanticism when he affirms that "Communism will not recover the productive forces of capitalism to liberate them and to develop them."IT WILL RAZE IT "(my loose translation). It is almost a religious vision, with technology in the role of Satan.

Christian is right when he affirms that technology is not neutral. It is deeply impregnated by capitalism, by the law of the value. The capitalist social relations do not exist apart from it, but are inside. Communism cannot simply recover it just as it is and change its goal, but it will not make tabula rase either. Let us avoid simplistic radicalism. It is easy to see only unfavorable aspects in the development of technology: its destructive application, reification, commodification, the isolation that it imposes on us more and more, in work as well as in our "free time"... this tendency can hardly be seen as facilitating the revolution. For a vision which is only based on that, the observations of Raoul are a welcome antidote. Such contradictory analyses can be made and both be correct (but too limited and thus incorrect) because the dynamics of the development of technology, and the productive forces in general, is contradictory too. There is of course nothing ambiguous in connection with the direction in which capitalism leads this development: intensification of exploitation, increase in its totalitarian control, etc. But the inherent contents of this development are more complex. On the one hand, technology is, perhaps from its origin and certainly as of the Middle Ages, the fruit of a vision of reality as subject of control, of manipulation. It develops and is spread with the law of the value, and according to the latter. Its evolution, narrowly bound, culminates in the real domination of capital, where all is manipulated, all is quantified, all becomes capital. But this capital is valorized always with more difficulty, there includes variable capital, which means the rapid growth of the multitudes of human becoming valueless objects. The whole of humanity was transformed into capital and this capital is on a bloody race of devalorization.

Information technology is the most thorough expression of this dynamic. It pushes the tendency to the interiorization of work in the machine, with the integration of "spare time" in the market, with the penetration of the law of the value in all aspects of life. Since this tendency becomes increasingly more present, its effects on class consciousness must be too. Nothing can be understood, if this question is avoided.

But there is not only that. Information technology is also the most thorough expression of the inherent tendency of technological development to make production increasingly more social, collective, interdependent, worldly, and to require a proletariat increasingly informed, educated, literate. Information technology makes the world more connected, increasingly more dependent on the free transmission of information. That makes it impossible for the dominant class to remove the expression and the communication of ideas, in spite of its totalitarian instincts. It is also the most thorough expression of tendencies which result from the fact that under the real domination of capital, the creation of real wealth (use values) and the capitalist creation of wealth (exchange value) are disconnected and follow separate ways: tendencies to overproduction and valueless production. All these characteristics have in common that they exacerbate the conflict between the productive forces and the relations of production, between the working class and the social relation which is capital, its institutions and reasons; conflict which tends to make more visible the possibility of revolution.

Concerning the tendency to valueless production: the more information technology and automation develop, by the same fact, the more this tendency is accentuated. An increasing number of commodities exists only as information. Independently of the quantity of value which created them in their original form, their reproduction - their transmission is practically valueless. The value of the original must be recovered by selling the copies with a broad excessive profit, but this is only possible if the salesman has a monopolistic position on the market. Since its commodities are easy to copy, this one is difficult to maintain. The exchange is not sanctioned automatically any more by the market, it must be protected by the capacity of state. The more important information technology becomes in the economy, the more pronounced will become this projection of power. In broad measure, the foreign politics of the United States, the wars included, has as a goal the defense of a world order in which copyrights and patents are respected. What becomes increasingly more difficult, and what cannot prevent the tendency to value-less production from creating increasing opportunities for the putting in collectivizing information goods and the other non-commercial relations described by Raoul (and one could add other examples to it still). Even if it is true that free software is advantageous for many capitalists (since they are gifts for them also) and that capitalism is very creative to find ways to integrate well non-commodities in the world of commodities (as illustrated by the case of Linux), that does not cancel the argument that this aspect of technological development tends to make more visible that the world does not need the law of the value.

Although the point of production remains the principal battlefield between the old and the new world, there are others. The Internet is also a battlefield, where the capitalists continuously try to lock us up in isolation of the consumer, and the proletarians (for the majority) continuously try to use the new opportunities to create non-commodity relations. It goes without saying also that the proletarians in struggle, in the factories and offices as well as in the streets, will fully use the means of communication at their disposal (they do it already) and that information technology has largely increased these means.

All things considered, in this debate, I share neither the position of those who see only negative aspects in information technology , nor the position that makes it the condition which finally will open the door to revolution. In this respect, I pose questions concerning the framework in which Raoul locates his observations. In this text, it is rather implicit, but I remember some discussion on decadence in which he (and others of the Paris discussion circle) insists extremely on the famous passage where Marx writes that no mode of production disappears before having developed all the forces of production that it contains. On top of that, it should be said that Marx painted with a very large brush or that he was mistaken. But if one makes a point of defending this remark interpreted literally, one plunges again, fully into productivist mythology. Would capitalism be out of danger as long as it was capable of modernizing something? But why? And why would it lose this capacity?

The analysis of Raoul on new technology could serve as a realization of this vision "one was mistaken when it was thought that capitalism was condemned to stagnation since 1914, that it had developed all the productive forces that it could contain and that the era of the revolution had thus begun. In fact, it is only today that it develops the productive forces necessary so that the revolution becomes possible." In this vision also is integreted an over-estimatimation of China as a new field of expansion for capitalism (in my opinion, its development made especially part of a global attack on the wage and value of variable capital). Is it possible that Raoul, the author of a fundamental text on decadence in the productivist tradition, would not have given up this basic theory, but would have simply changed the starting point of decadence, with a (nearer, one hopes) future? If he defends this position that would be interesting that it is explained a little more. Me, I believe that, to understand the effect of technology on the proletarian consciousness, it is necessary to reject the productivist mythology.

 

Sander

August 2005