Power-sharing is a time-tested concept in Malaysian politics since the
formation of the Alliance and, subsequently, the Barisan Nasional. It has
proven to be a workable formula for a stable multi-racial Malaysia.
However, recently the opposition has been providing another version of
power sharing as yet untested, writes P. BALA KUMAR.
IT WAS during the Federal Legislative Council election in 1955 when the
Alliance had to decide on the distribution of seats among its component
members representing Malays, Chinese and Indians.
The burden fell on the shoulders of Alliance president Tunku Abdul Rahman,
whose decision was eventually accepted by all communities.
With the consensus of all the representatives, Umno was given 35 seats,
MCA
15 and MIC two.
That marked the birth of the power-sharing concept practised by the coalition
then and the present-day Barisan Nasional which has, to a great extent,
kept
the nation ticking.
Recollecting these moments in his column in The Star later, the late Tunku
said: "At the time, Umno and the Malays were holding many more seats than
the others and if we worked on the proportion based on communal claims,
the
others would have very few places.
"So, I called upon the Malays to make sacrifices, which they willingly did."
That was a situational and a political reality then. To put it in another
way, it
gave a comfort zone for most Malaysians and many see it that way till today.
The concept may be challenged now with Parti Keadilan Nasional intending
to
field only Malay candidates in Malay-majority seats.
This move, if indeed carried out, will see fewer seats for Chinese candidates
and probably none for the Indians.
About two weeks ago, Keadilan deputy Youth chief Mustafa Kamil Ayub said
his party and PAS had agreed in principle to field Malay candidates in
all the
115 Malay-majority constituencies.
With that, the DAP and PRM would be left with only 78 seats between them.
This proposal did not go down well with many as it does not reflect the
power-sharing concept among the various ethnic groups in order to protect
the
interest of the minorities.
Keadilan secretary-general Mohd Anuar Tahir claimed this "approach takes
into
account the ethnic realities of electoral politics (which) is followed
by all political
parties in the country, including Barisan."
Everyone will agree that communalism is a political fact in this country.
This is the answer to most questions on whether Malaysia's political system
will transcend communal lines into a multiracial representation.
Many, especially middle class Malaysians, feel the current political climate
in
the country has set the stage for the acceptance of multi-racial political
parties.
However, Universiti Malaya Associate Profesor Datuk Mahadzir Mohd Khir
said
one has to ask how power-sharing will be worked out to protect the interests
of
every community, bearing in mind Malaysia's multi-racial and multi-religious
composition.
"When the Alliance was formed as a multi-racial coalition to demand
Independence from the British, it had to prove to the colonial master that
it
would be able to establish a power-sharing system to safeguard the interests
of
the communities besides maintaining harmony," he said.
What the leaders then did was to accept ethnic differences by putting aside
idealistic aspirations.
"Through this way they managed to overcome narrow communal demands by
keeping away conflicts from public discussions," Mahadzir added.
Before this took place, Datuk Onn Jaafar left Umno and formed the multi-racial
Independence of Malaya Party (IMP) but the Malays decided not to follow
him.
They saw Umno as the symbol of their strength to protect their interests
within
the Alliance.
So what happens if Keadilan gets its way in wanting all Malay majority
seats to
be contested by Malay candidates?
Political analysts point out that one has to understand the history behind
communal politics in Malaysia and the need to maintain a delicate balance
between the communities.
They cautioned that primordial sentiments that exist in each community
cannot
be taken lightly especially in a plural society.
"The break-up of former Yugoslavia and the subsequent ethnic strife there
is
what one will see when the pandora box filled with deeply set primordial
sentiment is opened," said a political analyst.
Coming to Malaysia's own backyard, the breakdown in the balance resulted
in
the racial riots on May 13, 1969. Until today it remains as an example
to keep
racial politics at bay.
The opposition alternative coalition of PAS, DAP, Keadilan and PRM has
been
discussing these fundamental questions ever since they got together.
DAP, Keadilan and PRM have been insisting that their struggle is based
on
multi-ethnic politics.
According to them the time has come for the country's political system
to move
beyond communal lines.
And Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia political science lecturer Dr Mohammad
Agus Yusoff agrees with them.
"In the coming election, ethnicity will not be the only factor that voters
will
consider. People will want to talk more about profound issues like justice,
good
governance and economic management," he said.
However, he said racial politics would be exploited by both sides to seek
the
support of voters, adding that PAS and Keadilan must convince non-Malays
that their interests would be protected.
Then the question will be how this could be done when non-Malay
representation is not significant at all under the arrangement proposed
by
Keadilan.
Mohammad Agus argued that the most workable option for the nation was to
get all communities to work together as one cohesive political unit.
Another fear that cropped up is assuming that Malay candidates in the
Malay-majority seats win with resounding victories, how can one guarantee
that
the victors would not slip into chauvinist politics and subsequently Islamic
fundamentalism.
Some will argue that this will not happen and such an idea is being floated
by
the ruling coalition to scare the voters.
"I don't think non-Malays are scared but the question is, can the non-Malays
be
convinced that this scenario will not happen?" Mohammad Agus said.
Besides this, he said the opposition parties have to outline clearly and
convincingly to both Malays and non-Malays in their manifesto their specific
political agenda, what they actually plan to reform besides the periodic
promises they had been making.
"Until then the opposition parties' co-operation will remain fragile," he said.
PAS Youth chief Mahfuz Omar said the most important thing was to have a
government-based on "keadilan dan kebenaran (justice and truth)." With
these
principles, he is convinced that problems of ethnicity could be contained.
As everyone knows, Barisan makes no apologies with its communal-based
political representation through a multi-ethnic coalition.
"It exists before and after the election. The coalition is clear when it
comes to
important issues like the prime ministership, allocation of seats, the
position of
language, religion and women," said Mahadzir.
In his book Ethnic Groups in Conflict, ethnic relations expert Donald Horowitz
wrote that the Barisan as a multi-ethnic single slate party--a coalition
of
multi-ethnic parties--was not formed just to face an election but existed
as a
political unit for a long time and contested in elections under one banner.
On the other hand, the opposition front, said Mahadzir, could not be called
a
coalition but rather an electoral pact still grappling with issues like
premiership,
allocation of seats, choice of candidates and differences in ideology.
"Much time will be spent on politicking than planning programmes," he said.
Scholar Simon Barraclough, who has published a number of articles on
contemporary development in Malaysia, said it would be possible to organise
political action along communal lines yet be void of communal attitudes.
"Similarly, a party comprising almost entirely of one ethnic group might
still
seek to oppose communal attitudes," he said.
Recently DAP proposed that the three major opposition parties--PAS, DAP
and
Keadilan--share the 144 parliamentary seats in Peninsular Malaysia equally.
The proposal was objected to by the others.
Mahfuz in supporting the Malay candidates for all Malay-majority seats
idea
said such a political arrangement must take into account the political
reality in
the country, adding Malay dominance was important.
Multi-racial politics and power-sharing is not a path to achieve an utopian
situation.
To put it in the words of renowned political scientist Arend Lijphart,
it is
"consociational politics" to attain political stability.
Lijphart, in introducing the term, "consociational politics", in 1967 at
a world
political science congress in Brussels, had said such an arrangement was
the
only way to maintain political stability in a multi-ethnic society.
What Malaysians are being offered right now is a tested power-sharing coalition
on one hand and, on the other, an alternative front promising to provide
another
version, as yet untested, of this concept.
And this is the choice the voters have to make.