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A R E P O
R T O N T H E E M P L O Y M E N T
O F F E D E R A L T
R O O P S
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––––––––––––––––– General Douglas MacArthur
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August 15, 1932
Dear Mr. Secretary,
On the afternoon of July 28, 1932, in response to your
instructions, Federal
troops entered the District of Columbia for the
purpose of assisting civil officials
in restoring order in certain sections of this city
where considerable bodies of
persons had successfully defied police authority and
were then engaged in
riotous activity.
Within a few hours this mission was substantially
accomplished and with no
loss of life or serious casualty, after the arrival of
the troops, among either the
civilian or military elements involved. By July 30th
all Federal troops were
withdrawn to their proper stations and the local
situation was under the
complete control of the civil authorities.
I am giving below a comprehensive account of this
incident, to include the
sequence of events leading up to the employment of
Federal forces, the
authority under which the troops acted, the principal
troop movements
involved, and the results accomplished. Attached as
appendices are copies of
official communications having an immediate bearing
upon the incident: a
detailed report of Brigadier General Perry Miles, who
was in direct command
of the Federal troops; a photographic record of
particular phases of the
operation, and typical newspaper articles and
editorials dealing with the affair.
The purpose of this report is to make of permanent
record in the War
Department an accurate and complete description of a
particular employment
of Federal troops on a type of activity in which
elements of the Army have often
been engaged since the founding of the Republic.
G R O W T H A N D A C T I V I T I E S O F S O - C A L
L E D B O N U S A R M Y
During late May, 1932, large groups of practically
destitute World War
veterans, self-styled the “Bonus Army,” or “Bonus
Marchers,” began arriving
in the City of Washington with the announced intention
of conducting an
aggressive lobby in favor of the immediate payment of
Veterans’ Adjusted
Compensation Certificates, commonly called the bonus.
With no normal means of support they established
themselves, with the
consent of local authorities, in vacant areas and
abandoned buildings,
principally governmentally-owned. Subsistence and
supplies were obtained
through donations from local and outside sources and
for the large majority the
only protection from the elements were rude huts
constructed from scrap
material. The largest of these encampments was named CAMP MARKS,
situated
on an alluvial flat on the left bank of the Anacostia
River, northeast of the
Bolling Field area. In the same vicinity was CAMP BARTLETT,
on privately owned
ground. A portion of the Bonus Army took possession of
an area
southwest of the Capitol where demolition activities
incident to the Federal
Government’s building program had already begun.
Smaller detachments were
located in other parts of the city. The aggregate
strength of the Bonus Army
gradually increased until it reached an estimated
maximum of some ten to
twelve thousand persons, including in some cases
families and dependents of
the veterans.
Speaking generally, all their early activities in the
city were peaceably and
lawfully conducted. They organized themselves under
leaders of their own
choosing, and these cooperated reasonably well with
the civil authorities in the
preservation of order. Manifestly, however, in a large
body recruited as was this
one, the inclusion of a lawless element was inevitable.
As the Bonus Army’s
increasing size gave to the members thereof a growing
consciousness of their
collective power and importance in the community,
efforts to solve acute
problems of existence often went beyond the limits of
legality. Individual
solicitation for material assistance was frequently
couched in terms of demand
rather than of request. In some cases merchants and
others, when called upon
for contributions, were confronted with covert threats
which amounted to
nothing less than a system of extortion or forced
levy. But the principal and
most weighty objection to the concentration of such a
force in the District of
Columbia was occasioned by the deplorable conditions
under which these
people were compelled to live, entailing an
ever-present danger of disease and
epidemic.
Until the end of the Congressional session the
marchers used every possible
influence to secure support for their project among
members of Congress. Even
after the proposal was decisively defeated in the
Senate on June 17th, these
efforts were continued, and recruits for their cause
were sought throughout the
United States. Meanwhile the sanitary conditions under
which they lived, with
the arrival of the summer heat and rains and the
further crowding of the
occupied areas rapidly grew from bad to worse.
After it became apparent that Congress would not
favorably consider the
bonus project there was of course no longer any
legitimate excuse for the
marchers to continue endangering the health of the
whole District population
by the continued occupation of these areas. From
another viewpoint also the
concentration in one city of so many destitute persons
normally residing in
other sections of the country was exceedingly unwise
and undesirable. The
natural outlets through which they could benefit from
the resources heretofore
made available for the care of the needy by the
charitable instincts of the
American people were the local institutions of their
respective communities. In
their own communities they and their relative needs
were known or could be
investigated, and each could receive assistance
accordingly. By coming to
Washington they deprived themselves individually of
this assistance, while
collectively they presented to the charitable
resources of the District a problem
of insurmountable proportions. But though the
necessity for the dispersion of
the Bonus Marchers daily became more evident, its
accomplishment was
plainly to be accompanied by many difficulties because
of the destitute
circumstances of the great majority. In appreciation
of this fact Congress, just
preceding its adjournment on July 16th, provided funds
for transporting them
to their homes, and some fifty-five hundred took
advantage of this provision of
law.
As this partial evacuation took place an influx of
newcomers occurred, in
many instances later arrivals being of radical tendencies
and intent upon
capitalizing the situation to embarrass the
Government. Former leaders of the
Bonus Army lost, to a considerable degree, the
authority they had so far
exercised over the mass, and the subversive element
gradually gained in
influence.
During the whole period of its stay in the city the
Bonus Marchers were
assisted in various ways by the local police force.
Help rendered included the
collection of clothing, food, and utensils; permitting
the use of vacant areas and
abandoned buildings; providing some medical service,
and securing the loan of
tentage and rolling kitchens from the District
National Guard. In this matter the
efforts of the police were humanitarian and more than
praiseworthy. In the light
of later events, however, it is likely that a portion
of the marchers interpreted
this attitude as an indication of timidity rather than
of sympathy, and were ready
to take advantage of this supposed weakness whenever
it might become
expedient to do so.
I M M E D I A T E C A U S E O F R I O T S
In late July the evacuation of certain of the occupied
areas in the vicinity of
the Capitol became necessary in order that the
Government’s parking and
building program might proceed. On July 21st the Bonus
leaders were formally
notified by the police of this situation and requested
to make prompt
arrangements for the removal of occupants from the
affected areas. Although
there still remained ample time for veterans to apply
for Government
transportation to their homes, these requests were
largely ignored. Prolonged
negotiations were productive of no real results.
Since the projected operations were part of the
program for unemployment
relief they could not be indefinitely delayed, and
finally the District
Commissioners directed the police to clear these
areas, using force if necessary.
Accordingly, on the morning of July 28th a
considerable body of police went to
the encampment near Pennsylvania Avenue and 4 1/2 Street and
compelled the
trespassers to evacuate. Within a short time large
groups of men arrived from
other camps, apparently under some pre-arranged plan,
and a struggle for the
possession of the disputed territory ensued. The
police were overwhelmingly
outnumbered and were quickly involved in a serious
riot. The mob, composed
of veterans and others who had intermingled with them,
was incited by radicals
and hot-heads to a free use of bricks, clubs, and
similar weapons. Several
policemen were hurt, one most seriously, while
another, in defending himself,
was forced to shoot and kill one of the Bonus
Marchers. In the pictorial
supplement attached hereto are several photographs
showing the desperate
nature of these encounters.
O P E R A T I O N S O F F E D E R A L T R O O P S
The situation rapidly assumed such a threatening
aspect that the District
Commissioners reported to the President their
inability longer to preserve law
and order in the area affected and requested immediate
assistance of Federal
forces. They gave it as their opinion and that of the
Superintendent of Police that
if such help failed to materialize, considerable
bloodshed would ensue.…
The President promptly directed the Secretary of War
to cooperate with the
civil authorities in restoring law and order in the
District of Columbia. The issue
had now become a broader one than that of the simple
expulsion of recalcitrant
persons from an illegally occupied area in which they
were physically
interfering with essential Government activity. By
their open and determined
defiance of the Metropolitan police the members of
this mob, recruited from all
or most of the bonus camps in the city, had threatened
the integrity of Federal
authority within the confines of the
Federally-governed District of Columbia.
The dispersion and expulsion from the District of the
force became thus the
only logical answer the Government could make to the
mob’s action.
At 2:55 P.M., July 28, 1932, the following order was handed me by
the
Secretary of War:
To: General Douglas MacArthur, Chief of Staff,
United States Army.
The President has just now informed me that the civil
government of the
District of Columbia has reported to him that it is
unable to maintain law
and order in the District.
You will have United States troops proceed immediately
to the scene of
disorder. Cooperate fully with the District of
Columbia police force which
is now in charge. Surround the affected area and clear
it without delay.
Turn over all prisoners to the civil authorities.
In your orders insist that any women and children who
may be in the
affected area be accorded every consideration and
kindness. Use all
humanity consistent with the due execution of this
order.
PATRICK J. HURLEY,
Secretary of War.
…Promptly at 4:30 P.M. the troops began moving east on Pennsylvania
Avenue, the Cavalry and Tanks leading; the Infantry
following in extended
formation.
The march to the Capitol area was made without
incident. Upon arrival
there, and while troops were taking up designated
positions, repeated warnings
to disperse were given to a large crowd of spectators
on the north side of the
Avenue. These people were in no sense law-breakers and
their dispersion was
desired only to safeguard innocent bystanders from
accident incident to
subsequent activity. These warnings were temporarily
ignored, but later when it
became necessary to release tear bombs against the
rioters, the prevailing wind
carried a light gas concentration into the crowd of
spectators and the area was
quickly cleared.
T R O O P E M
P L O Y M E N T
The rioting elements were immediately ordered to
evacuate the area south of
the Avenue, which order they ignored. In line with my
determination to give a
reasonable time to any and all groups to disperse, no
troop movement was
initiated against them until 5:30 P.M. At that
moment they were still apparently
determined to hold their ground.
It is to be remembered that for many weeks members of
the Bonus Army had
seen all their wishes and desires, as far as the local
situation was concerned,
acceded to by civil officials, and more recently they
had successfully defied
constituted authority and withstood police efforts to
evict them. It is doubtful,
therefore, that when the Regular troops were deployed
in their front the rioters
really believed that the eviction order was to be
definitely enforced. At least it is
a fact that as the troops started to move forward the
mob showed a surly and
obstinate temper and gave no immediate signs of
retreating. As the soldiers
approached more closely a few brickbats, stones, and
clubs were thrown, and
it became apparent that some hint must be given of the
determination
underlying the employment of Federal troops in this
contingency. This hint was
given through the medium of harmless tear gas bombs. A
number of these were
thrown by the soldiers among the foremost ranks of the
rioters, and from that
moment little organized defiance was encountered.
Troop operations were strictly confined to evacuation
of Governmentallyowned
tracts. A short distance south of Pennsylvania Avenue
was a bonus
detachment reported by the police to be occupying
leased property. These men
were not molested. For the same reason no action was
taken against a small
group of bonus seekers on the 7th Street Wharves—a
detachment brought to
my attention by General Glassford in person.
The program previously outlined for the day’s
activities was carried out
expeditiously, albeit with a leisureliness that
permitted every member of the
Bonus Army ample time to make his unhindered way, if
he was so minded, out
of the path of the troops. I was particularly desirous
that the drift of the
dispersed groups be toward the Anacostia encampment
and away from the
principal business and residence sections of the city.
This was accomplished
through appropriate dispositions and movements of the
troops.
Source: The Bonus March: An Episode of the Great
Depression by Roger
Daniels (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Publishing
Corporation, 1971), pp.
291–300.