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Losing Their Balance - March 14, 2002 | ||||||||||
A particularly dangerous development this week is the resignation of the right wing in Ariel Sharon’s coalition. While the Labor Party (the left side of the coalition) is more than three times as large as the joint National Union-Yisrael Beiteinu faction, Prime Minister Sharon knows that the presence of both sides is necessary in order to ensure the stability of the government. The three-party faction made up of the National Union (itself a combination of the Moledet and Tekuma parties) and Yisrael Beiteinu, has served admirably in ensuring that the government not tilt too far to the left. The resignation of the National Union-Yisrael Beiteinu faction at a time when the IDF is just beginning to re-assert its power in the war is a very confusing move. Had it not been for their presence in the government, Sharon would not have been allowed to send the IDF into the refugee camps. Labor’s leader, Defense Minister Binyamin Ben-Eliezer, would not have allowed it, and he would have been supported by Foreign Minister Shimon Peres. The presence of the right in the coalition equalized the balance and allowed Sharon to force Ben-Eliezer’s hand. Now the right is leaving. Tekuma MK Tzvi Hendel was on the radio this morning, and was asked why they are leaving at exactly the time that the IDF is waking up. His response was that he knows that in two days the IDF will be pulled out of all the camps and villages due to the visit of US Envoy Anthony Zinni. He is demanding that the Palestinian Authority be toppled immediately. What he and the others on the right do not understand, is that Israel needs to be very careful about making such moves. First, Zinni’s imminent arrival does not mean anything. He has been here before, and each time he has left empty-handed. There is little to indicate that this time will be any different. But without the right in the government, Sharon is much more likely to fulfill Hendel’s prophecy as he is pulled left by Labor. Second, the process must be a long one. It has so far taken 18 months. But in that time, Israel has successfully managed to bring the process back from the reckless concessions of Camp David to one where the IDF is in position to control the largest Arab cities in Judea, Samaria and Gaza without serious opposition from either the Palestinians or external factors. Had Israel tried 18 months ago to exert this kind of take-over, we would have been ostracized by the world, and forced to accept a Palestinian State today on more territory than was offered at Camp David, regardless of the terrorist potential involved. There is a very important place for ideology in government, and it is often one that is overlooked and ignored. Ideology must be the foundation for the vision that drives government policy. Unfortunately, for the past twenty years, there has been little ideology underpinning government policy, with the result that Israel finds itself adrift in a harsh world of military conflict and economic non-cooperation. For that reason, the political wings, both right and left, are necessary and integral parts of the political landscape. It is the ideology represented by these wings that can provide the necessary framework for government policy. But while ideology is a necessary element in determining policy, the art of government is the balancing of ideology and pragmatism. When pure ideology is allowed to rule without any pragmatic expression, chaos reigns. One need only look at the Barak government to see the truth of this. What would the cost have been had Ehud Barak been allowed to reach an agreement last January? What would it have been had he signed Camp David? And what would have been the cost had Sharon gone too far too fast and brought about a regional war? While the cost of the current violence to Israel is high in terms of dead and injured, in terms of morale, in terms of personal security, and in economic terms, the cost of such ideological adventurism would have been much higher. All these scenarios show what could happen when a government allows its ideology to run roughshod over pragmatic policy decisions. And by resigning from the government, the right is making the same mistake. Sharon will now be far less likely to fight an all-out war against terrorism, and the left will have vastly increased power in the government. This will lead to a further lack of ideology underpinning government decisions. The result will be more reckless concessions, more IDF pullouts, faster negotiations from a weaker position, and ultimately, the re-election of the left within a year. For a year, Sharon has been walking the tightrope between ideology and pragmatism, while balancing between left and right. He has not done wonderfully, but he is still keeping his balance. He could, perhaps, have walked a bit quicker, translating ideology into pragmatic decisions with a bit more purpose. But he is, nonetheless, still walking. But to walk a tightrope, a man needs a balance beam that is evenly weighted relative to his position. Until now, Sharon has had such a beam in his coalition. With the right’s resignation, half that beam has been sheared off. The left now has the power to pull Sharon down with the rest of the country into the abyss of Israeli concessions, a Palestinian State, and increasing terror. Copyright 2002. All rights reserved. Yehuda Poch is a journalist living in Israel. Reproduction in electronic or print format by permission only. |
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