Traditional Systems of Communal Management in Southern Ghana and its Implications for an African Political System

Traditional Systems of Communal Management in Southern Ghana and its Implications for an African Political System

Traditional Systems of Communal Management in the Asante Kingdom and Near Regions

The region of southern Ghana covers many cultures. As with any region of the world, there is much diversity that makes any generalizations difficult. But for certain analysis, generalizations are necessary, as will be needed with this paper in it’s attempt to address the implications of a modern African political system in reflection of the traditional socio-political structures of the Asante kingdom and Fante people. The Asante kingdom rose to power as a regional influence around 1700 and continue to have an important influence on the micro-social life of the region. The Asante did not assimilate all of the people in the regions that they conquered in battle (Minister, Ayesu).

By observing what we know of the structure of this kingdom, we can see an example of a political system that successfully interacted with the values and cultural context of most people in Ghana. This system was effective in establishing an empire that, debatably, may have become a tremendous power in West Africa to establish an even more impressive civilization than was hampered and supplanted by colonialism at the turn of the century. This was a communal system that accounted for the needs of all the people, individually and collectively. As we may now say in our contemporary conceptualization of political systems, the political system was very inclusive, democratic, had an effective system of checks and balances and transfer of power. It is the hope that this summary may lead to a conceptualization whereby we may analyze and imply the possibility for a modern African political system. Africa is not a backward country in need of a civilized system, but has a legitimate legacy of effective self rule that can be used as a source of inspiration for self-definition of a political system that addresses it’s unique value system and culture.

Sources for this paper have been compiled from just a sampling of the few publications that are available in Ghana, from lectures and comments of experts in the field of Ghanaian culture and sociology, and from direct observation of the Fetu Afahye festival in Cape Coast and a court proceeding at the palace of the King in Kumasi. This is not intended to be an exhaustive or even authoritative account of the history or social conditions in Ghana, but to give a general, summary understanding of the socio-political conditions of the Akan region that may lead to further study and in-depth consideration. This paper will seek to posit some theories and ideas based on a summary vision of the Asante system that may lead to further research.

This hierarchical system was able to maintain order in the kingdom and many of their structures remain today preserved in traditional culture. The first constitution that set up this system was posited by Osei Tutu (Anti, 19). Everyone that found themselves in the area were assimilated into the culture and given a place in the structure (Perbi, 14). This is seen in the saying “Ananansaafoo kuuro nye kese da,” or “the town of the people who are hostile to aliens never grows big.” Each person understands clearly their place in the social system, therefore confusion as to power relationships and who leads are materialized (Minister). Everything is centered on the family and rights and citizenship in the community is determined along matrilineal lines. The king serves an important part of the community as he is the link between the ancestors and the living. Even though the king is the religious leader, he also will follow the practitioners or priests during celebration as they understand religious matters better than the chief, as can be seen at the Fetu Afahye festival preparations in Cape Coast. But when, during this festival, the chief would dance, the tranced priests would follow his steps, showing his position in the community as a leader. One could also see the priest showing consideration to the elders of the village, as they would listen to the singing and chanting of them during the dancing ceremonies in preparation of Fetu Afahye.

Although the chief or community leader is also the religious head, being the key to the ancestors, in rites and rituals, the chief takes council from the practitioners who have a more specialized expertise in religious matters. There is also a chief priest, whose position is according to matrilineal orders, priests and priests in training. Anyone who wishes can go through the training period, which entails a number of entrancements, may do so regardless of their matrilineal position, although their prodecessors may also choose to become priest through the same training process. The training usually takes about two years. There are also specialized roles within the priests, such as a man whose position is most similar to that of “two spirits” in most the native North American cultures. This man behaves like a woman, and has female characteristics in his personality, though is not necessarily homosexual in practice (which is a taboo in the Akan cultures). It is felt that he has a particular talent because he has been given insight into both male and female spiritual and social matters.

The structure of the society is based on families, matrilineally. Each family is a member of an extended family and lineage. A lineage has a common ancestor. Each lineage is also a member of a clan. A federation of four or five lineages is a clan. There are a total of seven clans (and seven nton patrilineal divisions) in the Asante region (Perbi, 15). Each clan has a head called an Abusuapanin who has a seat in decision-making councils of chiefs.

Each town has a council and its town chief. Each town council will send their chief to serve on a District or Oman council, which is comprised of representatives of a collective of towns. The Oman in turn has representatives from its council who sit in the Confederacy Council (Wiredu, 250). Because of this structure, many have called the Asante Kingdom a federation. Each body below a council can make decisions independent of the higher council, leaving it freedom of self-governance, as long as this does not impede on the decisions of another group represented in the council. But a council above the relevant group cannot make decisions without the consent of the lower. In this way all opinions and interests are represented and mitigated without arbitrary rule of a bureaucracy. There is no despotism of the majority to the detriment of the minority, but all decisions are made or negotiated with the approval or voluntary concession of all. Along with this strata, there are also fist, second, third and fourth divisional chiefs (Anti, 21).

The traditional social structure of the individuals in the Asante kingdom is almost like a caste system. You belong to a group by virtue of your birth, in your mother’s family. The family of the chief are of the lineage of the first person to settle or found a village, or that lead the battle in it’s conquest (Ayesu). The next level of this structure is that of the people who were born or whose lineage has an established, founding history in the town. These are referred to as the town born. The next stratum is of war captives, ‘marrying born’ or individuals who marry into a town born lineage, and pawns of the chief’s court. The final stratum of the structure is of the slaves or slave born (Perbi, 6). It is estimated that at the turn of the century there were about 700,000 to 900,000 people in the whole kingdom, 1/3 of which were slaves (Perbi, 11). Although, one’s status is because of birth, it would not be possible to move up the strata, it is possible for a family group to move up over time in a modern context (which will be discussed later).

The Confederacy Council (also referred to as the Kotoko Council or Asantemanhyiamu) of the Asante Kingdom is headed by the chief, although decisions reached by the council are assumed as the opinions of the chief, regardless of his personal feelings (Anti, 20). The council is composed of First Divisional Chiefs, the Queen Mother, some nobles, the chief of Dormaa and the Akyeame or chief linguist. The chief can be destooled by the uncompromising will of any one of these members singularly (idem).

The selection of the chief is made by this group by the request of the Asafo through the Asafohene in the case of Fante and other southern “states.” The Asafo and the Nkwankwaohene (or chief of the common people or young men) then confirm the selection of the chief by the council (Ayesu; Wiredu, 249). The Queen Mother plays a dominant role in this meeting, as she knows more than anyone else the members of her lineage who can qualify as chief (idem).

The Asafo is a traditional military institution that goes back many centuries that originates in the Fante region. Because of their effectiveness, they were also replicated in the Asante Kingdom and other Akan towns. The Asafo is a group of men and women who serve the community through community development projects and protection. They serve as the civil service of the town or section of town. All of the members are volunteers, but the leaders of the Asafo and their important counterparts have right to their positions by virtue of their lineage, of course subject to general approval (as with all positions in the Akan structures) (Ayesu).

Every individual fits into this system as a member of society through assimilation, marriage or matrilineal lines. The structure of the society was/is quite stable. Every member has a place and everyone knows where that place is. During cultural rituals such as the Fetu Afayhe parade in Cape Coast, there are constant symbols that remind the individual of the hierarchical system and its order. During these festivals, if individuals do not observe certain rituals or gestures, or try to behave in such a manner that would not be according to their social position, social sanctions quickly follow to remind the person of their place and their responsibilities in that place. In this way confusion is avoided and there is little need for an oppressive system with a top-heavy power structure. The whole society participates in enforcing and reaffirming sanctions so as to preserve the social order. The people are also able to maintain order in the upper levels of the system.

The political system of the Akan region is very participatory and allows for easy change of power according to the will of the people. The people have an unofficial chief, the Nywankwaahene, that confirms the selection by the queen mother and the council of the chief (Wiredu, 249). He is an informal chief because he is not of the royal lineage and is not a member of the council, but as an outsider of the political elite he is able to better represent the will of the populous, as his name infers. Although it is not known empirically what would happen if his approval were not had, surely if the council could not secure the approval of neither him nor the Asafo, the appointment could not be legitimated by virtue of council appointment alone. After the chief has secured the stool, he still does not have the support as the divine, infallible leader that so many heads of state of other nations have (Wiredu, 250). Policy decisions are reached by consensus in the council, which is made up of lineage heads that represent the interests of their lineage or constituent body. Once such a decision is attained, the chief then adopt that approach as his own opinion. Therefore he is treated as having absolute power in public because it is seen that his opinion represents the will of the people (idem). He is seen as a symbol of the unity of the council and a link to the ancestors. If the chief fails in this or looses the confidence of the council or the people in this capacity, he is destooled (idem). The Queen Mother further has the role of reproving the King in public for his activities that for any reason she feels may have been inappropriate. The Queen Mother and the Kotoko Council serves as a check against the power of the King and the Asafohene and Kwankwoahene serve as a check against the Council. The Queen Mother is selected by the King when appropriate and in consultation with the Council. The power of the kingdom is also somewhat decentralized by allowing the Oman councils to determine their own policies.

So, if a comparison were to be attempted between traditional forms of democracy and the Asante system, the King would be the Head of State, the Queen Mother the Head of Government (though not precisely because the their positions are more interchangeable), the Kotoko Council the legislative body with the fist division chiefs the upper house and the nobles and other members the house of commons. The Asafo and Asafohene are similar to the cabinet and the administrative bodies of the services of the country. One major difference is that there are no political parties. But to say that there appears that there is a lack of parties does not mean that there is only one party (which leads to conclusions similar to assertions by Mobutu and Moi) but that this institution is unknown in the Akan cultures. They are unified as families under a system of social order that they wish to defend and maintain as a traditional legacy. This issue will be better addressed later in this paper, but let it be said that the Asante Kingdom was ruled by a very democratic and legitimate system, comparable to our own. This system was perfectly representative of the will of the people, taking into account the interests and will of the minority negotiated with the majority, having a place for every individual in the community and allowing all of its parts self-rule. This system was also one that had its own mechanisms of protecting and affirming the traditional rights of its individuals.

To understand the conceptualization of individual rights in the Akan region, one must first understand the conceptualization or definition of the individual. The individual is composed of three parts: the okra (life principle), mogya (blood principle), and sunsum (personality principle).

The okra is the part of the individual which, at birth, comes from God and is not created. It is a piece of God with a destiny that it has the right to pursue and that deserves respect. Every person must be respected as possessing a piece of God. Even though the individual has the right to pursue its own destiny, it must face the full consequences of its decisions (Wiredu, 244).

As has been said before, the basis of the society is the matrilineal system. Although there are some very few rights or obligations that can be had by virtue of citizenship in the patrilineal system through the sunsum. As can be seen by its name, the individual receives their personality and individuality from the father from this sunsum. One of the only rights that can be had by virtue of this citizenship is the right to sexual education from the father’s sister (idem).

Most of the rights of the individual are understood in terms of their membership in the kinship network, which citizenship is given by the mogya from the mother (idem). One of the most important rights that come through this is right to land (Wiredu, 246, 253). Land provides the key element of survival and of obtaining a living. Because land ownership is so important, it is protected as a right and land is forbidden to be sold and can only be redistributed by a careful process of the chief and council according to use and need. Since the ancestors own the land, it is the chief that can do this since he is the link to the ancestors (Wiredu, 254). When a person is born s/he is totally dependent on the mother and father. The person retains this right throughout her/his life, that is the right to be nursed. The individual is insufficient by himself or herself. Likewise the person has the obligation to provide help to the mother and other elders in the lineage when they grow old (ibid, 245). An individual can also have the right to positions which are reserved for members of the lineage, such as governmental positions.

Many other of the rights of the individual are had by virtue of the okra. Through the okra the individual is a member of a universal family and is by its very existence social. “A human being, simply because he is a human being, is entitled to help from others” and communities in the Akan region have been known to go to war for the freedom of an individual of their community or to avenge their mistreatment (ibid, 247). The individual within a society has the right to freedom of expression and ideological belief. This includes religious belief. While Akyingyefo (debaters) do / did exist in the Asante society, they were very uncommon. This is partly because of the Akan belief that it is not possible to change the ideas of a person or control the way others think or feel (ibid, 256, 260).

The rights that the individual can require of their lineage or community are “predicated upon the fulfillment of certain roles that have a reference to circles of relationships transcending the kin group… a demonstrated ability through hard work and sober thinking to sustain a household and make contributions to the communal welfare” (ibid 246). The degree to which the person fulfills these obligations to kin and community is the degree to which they are considered a person or ‘onipa.’ There are degrees of being onipa in the Akan conceptualization that is based on fulfillment of obligations. Since every onipa is of God, a full onipa can have access to great resources and all the help that is needed from everyone in the community and kin group.

Problems and conflicts between individuals are usually resolved within the relevant venue (within the family, lineage, etc.) There is usually no need to take a case to the chief’s court (Wiredu, 252). But if there are conflicts, particularly heinous criminal acts, that can’t be so resolved, every individual and case has the right to a trial. This applies even if a party to the case, including the perpetrator, is dead. No punishment may be exacted without this right being fulfilled (idem). Although there are examples of when some conflicts could not be resolved peacefully, this typically led to a party’s migration as opposed to a revolt or internal war (idem). In this way the Asante kingdom was also able to spread to cover its territory quite well.

The court would traditionally convene on Fridays (Anti, 25), although now they also meet on other days of the week[1]. The proceedings are open to the public and they now use technological means to allow everyone present to hear and observe the proceedings (amplification, etc, although they are not as yet televised nor videotaped). Each case is heard by the chief in the presence of the council. It is not necessary for the whole council to be present for the hearing to proceed, as they can be informed later of the facts and proceedings before decisions are reached, but court cannot be considered in session until the king is present with his linguist and some other representation of the council.

The court has jurisdiction to hear a number of cases. These cases can be passed up from “lower” councils or, contemporarily, brought to the court by concession of the parties involved (it has been known for the court to handle land and property disputes in the region, for example)[2]. Traditionally, the court would hear cases involving matters of stool disputes, disputes over constitutional matters, land disputes, destoolments, murder, treason, not rendering gold found in the region to the king, seduction, perjury and challenging the authority of the king or “swearing of the King’s oath” (idem). Most of these more felonious offences were punishable by death, banishment, perpetual servitude, or the severing of a part of the body[3] (idem). There are other misdemeanors that may be heard by the King, but usually only when they are passed up from another council or involve a member of his own council or court. This may include violations of custom or ritual, such as loitering in the fetish grove, breaking of an egg to let it waste in public, pouring palm-oil in the street, smoking a European pipe in public, whistling in the street, working on a Thursday, carrying a package wrapped with green palm leaves, not hiding oneself when the eunuchs of the King call, planting a tree in the street, or wearing Kokoa sandals in the King’s palace (idem).

It is possible to have a representative or advocate of one’s case. An Asafohene of Kumasi may plead your defense and ensure your bail (more than one Asafohene, i.e. Nsafohene, may also participate) (idem). This system became known as the court-Nnamfo system and was eventually seen as one of the kingdom’s greatest vices because of the corruption and costliness that it brought (idem).

The procedural rules and customs follow the rules of the stately court, i.e. one speaks through the linguist and not directly to the king, sandals are removed in royal presence, etc. But there are also legal procedural codes that are followed. The hearing begins with the prosecution or plaintiff stating the facts, who then brings in the evidence of one or more eyewitnesses who are under oath. Contemporarily physical evidence, such as documentation, and expert opinion can also be used. If at this point the prosecution does not default because of lack of convincing evidence (as judged by the council), the defendant may present their defense in the form of witnesses, etc. If the prosecution does default in the case of a felony, then the defendant swears his innocence and goes through an ordeal in which he must chew the bark of an Odum tree and drink lots of water. If the accused vomits, then this is considered a testament of his innocence, but if he does not then he is punished as judged appropriate by the council (if he does not die from this ordeal) (all supra idem).

Today most criminal cases and civil disputes are heard by the state courts of the Ghanaian government and the Asante court hears mostly cases of tribal and stool disputes (when the lineage and therefore right to rule of the chief is disputed). There is currently no official book of codified laws, but this is currently being collected by the National Chieftaincy Secretariat (Ayesu). The laws of the land are kept simple and memorized by the council, but previous court decisions may be used as precedence for contemporary decisions.

Another medium through which rights are established and social order negotiated is at festivals. In Asante there is the yam festival and in Fante the Fetu Afahye, to cite just a few (which would of course also leave out the traditional and western New Years celebration in those regions). These festivals are a medium through which the society is able to remember and communicate the structure, play out the unwritten constitution and renegotiate its application or the political status quo (Irene). Every person that has an operative role in the society (the Asafo companies, the council members, attendants of the chief’s court, the priests, etc.) has a visible role in the festival, whether it is in the performance of ritual or participating in processions. This role that they serve is static and definitive. It is important that this is understood clearly by all of the players, because the unwritten constitution of the society is demonstrated and communicated in reaffirmation of the social order (idem). The role in which every individual serves to remind of their political place in the society and their relationship to others in the society. For example, in the Fetu Afahye procession, every member of the procession had a definite place in the procession which they would not transgress. If it happened, for example, that one Asafo member was found lingering for too long in the space of another company or the space of one of the chiefs in the rear, an argument would ensue. This is the opportunity for people in the community to show their discontent with the social order and the place where they may try to enact a change in the order, if possible (idem).

It was very interested to attend the Fetu Afahye to observe the functionalist role of the festival as described supra and to observe how modernization has had an effect on it. Everyone in the procession had his or her place in that procession. The priests led the procession, followed by each Asafo company of Cape Coast, some with their Asafohene, and followed by the chiefs of the area, in order of level or importance. It was also interesting to see the preparation for the festival, as described in another earlier section of this paper, when one could observe the community leaders’ role in the religious observations. As far as the modernization aspect, each of the Asafo companies wore t-shirts that had the label of a local beer company on it. It turns out that they are all sponsored by these breweries which make a lot of money during these festivals due to the high alcohol consumption that accompanies them (Ayesu). Sponsorship has become a necessity, as traditionally it was the chiefs that provided all of the funds for the festival, but now the chief has been removed from a position of collecting taxes from the people for redistribution, the state now serving in that capacity. Therefore the chief often has little if any resources that can be contributed for the festival. This is when the role of the sponsors comes in great usefulness. It has been known for some beer companies, such as Star, to also sponsor funerals (idem).

The west has had effects on the society of Ghana for many centuries. Indeed, the region has been open to trade with the Islamic nations of northern Africa for many more centuries and have therefore been effected by the changes in technology and modernization of the western world in many ways, both directly and indirectly. But one of the strongest effects that Europe has had on the people of the Akan regions has been through direct contact and trade along the Fante coast. At first the Europeans were interested in relations with the Akan people for trading reasons, but the goods in demand soon also turned to slaves. Many different European kingdoms have set up or controlled forts along the Fante coastline, including Portugal, the Dutch and the English. I visited two of the major forts in Elmina and Cape Coast. Being able to walk in the slave dungeons and learn about the dehumanizing and horrendous conditions that they were subjected to has had a permanent profound affect on me.

The Fante were obviously the first people that the Europeans had contact with. But when it became clear that the European’s principle interest was in trading for gold, the Fante became the middlemen in the exchanges between the Europeans and the Asante, from whose region the gold in the region originates. This led to a number of battles between the Fante and the Asante, as the Asante sought to gain direct trading access to the Europeans, avoiding having to go through the Fante. The availability (or rather scarcity and demand) of western goods on the Akan markets had huge effects on their culture. When gold could not be provided in sufficient quantities, the Europeans also began to accept slave labor in exchange for their guns, gunpowder, alcohol and other rare, magical items. The story is that in 1441 12 African men were taken from the town around Elmina (Mine d’Oro) castle to be trained as priests in Portugal. But when they arrived in Europe, they were instead set to menial tasks. The priests observed that the men were very built and productive at manual labor. They were therefore put to these tasks full time and the demand for more labor from West Africa ensued (from the tour guide at Elmina Castle). Starting in 1521, Elmina Castle converted its storage areas from being used for dry goods to slaves. This had sad effects on the local society. The natives were anxious to rid themselves of the slave demand of the Europeans, but with no success. The forts in the area changed hands of the different European kingdoms many times. The natives always helped the Europeans in hope that the new rulers would not enslave them or contribute to this trade, but in every instance they were frustrated. There were some conflicts between the Europeans and the native populations, which always led to devastating effects on the native populations, as in 1873 when the town of Elmina was destroyed by the English.

Some historians also point out that the natives also had contributed to the slavery. They played a role in the slave trade by trying to keep the Europeans out from the inner part of the county where there was the center of their kingdoms by bringing slaves to them so that they felt no needs to penetrate the country further. The Asante would use the westerner’s guns that they had bought to protect their king to raid some of the villages to the north. In this way they served as “junior partners” in the slave trade (citation).

In addition, the Asante had a servant legacy of its own. This would be expected given its open trade with the Islam states in the north. One would expect therefore that their practices of indentured servants would also be conditioned by these cultures. But it is impossible to tell the effects that other cultures may have had on the society of the Asante and their uses of servants because of the paucity of historical sources. But one thing is apparent, from the known historical sources, that the Asante held servants (or slaves) and that these people were in their positions for life (in contradiction to the practices of the Muslims). The reason for this is could be because of the importance of a rigid social structure for the Kingdom’s order and organization. But it is important to realize that the sources that we have that recount of Asante slave practices come from the Europeans, who may have had limited knowledge of the social customs and realities of the society and may have made many very wrong assumptions. It could also be that the Europeans may have fabricated or exaggerated their accounts in order to politically manipulate the colonial departments and decision makers back in Europe. This could be with the intent to justify their own practices of slave selling (which was very profitable) or to attain political resources or advantages that would help them maintain the status quo of the slave trade, notwithstanding the abolition policies that the governments took. Discussion and accounts can be had from this period in Perbi’s “the Abolition of Domestic Slavery by Britain: Asante’s Dilemma.” Here we read that some of the governors and colonial politicians urged the government to proceed carefully with abolishing slavery in the regions as it would lead to social upheaval because of the integral place that slavery had in the indigenous societies. This would ward off any heavy enforcement attempts by the British that could effect their own profits from the slave trade. It is known that slaves were held in the Elmina and Cape Coast castles even long after abolition was passed as colonial policy. Therefore there may have been some that would have an interest in falsifying accounts in order to manipulate abolition’s enforcement and this needs to be taken into account when considering the validity of these sources. Nonetheless, if we are to have confidence in the accounts as they are from the colonial leaders in Ghana at the time, it does appear that slavery was indeed an integral part of their society. This would also correspond with what we know about the Asante rigid social system.

According to this account (given by Perbi), Asante was the biggest slave owning and slave trading state in precolonial Ghana. It had existed since before recollection and had become an established institution of the state and society. It became indispensable for the smooth running of the state and society and there was much concern over the potential political loss of power that would ensue because of large free slave populations in the Asante (Perbi, 1). In 1894 the Asantemanhyiamu Council of the Asante Kingdom accepted a British resident in their community, but they strongly opposed the UK’s proposal of creating for them a protectorate status and also abolishing slavery. The Asante council requested the UK to uphold it because it was an essential aspect of the Asante social structure. In the correspondence between the colonial officials and the government one reads the colonial officials urging the government to act very carefully and that if the Asante knew of the UK’s intentions of abolishing slavery in the area, it would be impossible to create any treaty with them. Some supporting evidence for this could be had in observing that the French, Italians and Belgians also exercised caution in abolishing slavery. But this could also be because of the pervasive coerciveness of the colonial managers.

One can read (authentic?) letters from the Asante council to the British government pleading for them to not try to effect their slaves in any way. The slaves served as the Gyase for the king, and he would loose most of his wealth and prestige in the kingdom if he were to set his servants free or to pay them for their services. They served a very important function in maintaining the rule of the king and his social position. He did not want to oppress his own people with taxes, etc in order to do this. But one important point should be made here. The Asante concept of servitude did differ from the European concept in that the slave was treated as a member of the family. It is true that they are servants for life and they could not escape this position throughout their generations, neither could the marrying born or immigrants escape their position in the society. The social structure was rigid. But the slaves were treated with great respect, fed, clothed and were no abused in any way. Although they were not of the lineage of the king, they were treated as his family. In fact, the British official in Kumasi commented on a number of occasions that he did not understand the need for abolition due to the boggling well-treatment of the slaves in the society. For this reason, many scholars have had difficulties classifying these servants as slaves at all (Ayesu et alit) and think that this is an overgeneralization made through a western paradigm (one should keep in mind the concept of the okra in the previously discussed in this paper).

The enforcement of abolition was later used as a moral justification of the invading of Kumasi in 1896. It was felt that the only way to be able to enforce abolition in the area was to invade and impose authority. After the battle-less invasion, policy was set that would make the owning of slaves that were enslaved before British occupation legal, but the further acquisition of trading of slaves was punishable and un-allowed. After the bloody battle of Yaa Asantewaa of 1900, the Asante council ‘conceded’ and ordered the abolition of slavery to be effective in 1902. Even though the British abolished slavery in this year, reports of colonial authorities assisting in the hunting of runaway slaves and flogging them were still rampant, but through the political pressures of the missionaries in the area, the colonial authorities took a more proactive approach to enforcement according to legislative intent.

One issue that resurfaces in the analysis of this issue is the lack of reports of large numbers of freed slaves returning to their homelands, which was feared would be the result of abolition. All documented cases of redemption were slaves that came from 12 to 90 kilometers from Kumasi, and none of them were from the coast or northern regions. This is further evidence for the view of many historians that the Asante were not in the practice of raiding areas in order to procure slaves (but, then again, maybe they were, but then sent all of those slaves to the European castles on the coast). It is said that the “Asante acquired their slaves from capturing people of ‘insolent’ kings and not from making war to catch slaves I the bush like a thief.” The surrounding regions sent gold, cotton and slaves (as much as 1,000) yearly as a tribute to the king. But even after abolition, very few slaves ran away from their owners and it is estimated that less than 1/4^th of all the slaves in the region were actually redeemed after abolition. In fact, there is also record of citizens of Effiduase whose chief had petitioned the colonial leaders for their return from “slavery,” which petition was granted, but who refused then to go back (Perbi, 9). This could have been because of the disparity in living standards between the Asante Kingdom and the surrounding regions which induced people to want to remain even if as slaves, but this is indeterminable due to the paucity of historical evidence for this argument. It may have been that enforcing ‘abolition’ by the British government was just a way to further weaken the power of the kings by eliminating a sector of their employ.

Although the Asante and Fante people had maintained relations with the Europeans for many years, colonial subjugation did not become an issue for the Asante until 1894 when the Council accepted to allow a British resident in Kumasi. This was under the terms that the resident not intervene in any way with judicial matters and the Council also made clear that they were opposed to the British propositions of making the Asante Kingdom a protectorate state and of abolishing slavery (Perbi, 3). As has already been discussed, the British Empire then decided not long after that they would subjugate the Asantehene under the guise of abolition. Notwithstanding the Asante efforts to defeat the British Empire, colonialism seeped into their society slowly as missionaries set up churches into the Asante Kingdom and as some of the servants and people of the tribes (remember the worth of the individual in Asante social structure) started to move onto missionary land to make a living. This was especially protested when the Nkenkwaa would abandon their posts (idem, 9).

Because many of the members of the army were what was classified by the British officials as slaves, the Asante then recruited forces for their armies from the Hausa in the north[4] (idem, 13). There were also great effects on the structure of the society. To prevent the exodus of slaves and their discrimination in the society because of the lack of defined place in it, the Asantehene reinforced and codified the principle of assimilation of non-Asantes into the state (ibid).[5] The slaves of the household were officially adopted by the family and then took on their names and identity.[6] Others would remain in their civic positions in the staff of the Gyase, but under new, negotiated terms as official employees (ibid). This helped to avoid the effects that were feared abolition would have on the stability of the empire.

With the 1901 development projects that were started by the colonial authorities, Asante, non-Asante, free and freeborn were employed for the projects to work side by side (ibid). This had profound social impacts on the society, both re-arranging the status quo as well as redefining their social identity into an even more unified, common group. But the colonial practice of using the chiefs in order to impose their plans for community development also enraged the local power bases. The British did not understand the reality of the dissipated or distributed political power of the community. When the officials compelled the chief for his permission to quickly begin development projects, they didn’t allow for the traditional system (the council, Asafo, etc) to evaluate their options and possible solutions before conceding permission for the chief to allow the implementation of these projects (Ayesu). This cause much enragement and upheaval in the community, especially among the Asafo (Ayesu). But these protests were not well understood by the colonists and they were deliberately ignorant their causes. Because the colonial authorities could relate easily with the power head in Kumasi, the Asafo were banned from the Asante Kingdom, but because political power was so widely distributed in the Fante, these Asafo, and their protests, continued.

Even in modern society, a person’s tribal identity remains important and state officials defer to the authority of the chiefs in some small instances. Some evidence for this can be seen when, for example, a person is arrested, the police will ask his name as well as his origin. They will then seek out his chief and family to inform them of his actions. This makes him subject to the social sanctions of his kin. The chief and family will come to where he is held to plead for his complete defense or for justice in his punishment, as they see appropriate (Minister). The chief or king can also serve as a very important link for the President of the state, or for other state officials, as the chief usually has a better connection with the people. There have also been instances when a political leader will appeal to the chief and seek to appease him in order to arrange for votes in his favor from that town or region. There is much evidence for this with the chief of the Bosumtwi Lakeside Oman, where one can see posters of Kuffour in the remote villages on the lake from his campaigning, can hear the stories from the people of his visit to the distant lake and can also see the construction of the chief’s new palace, being built by the President for the chief in reward for his help in winning the elections.[7] The popular support for the Asantehene can be seen in this comment by his Minister of Finance:

The president is a leader of a western form of government that we are still experimenting with. The King is working with a system that has been refined through the centuries.

The King is receives a percentage of the taxes and money from the resources extracted from the region, but this percentage has been diminishing over the years (Minister). This had lead to some disputes, but so far there have been no changes in the King’s portions.

I was witness of a symbol of the state asserting their dominance over the traditional leadership system at the Fetu Afahye procession when, in the middle of the parade, the president and his diplomatic entourage decided to encounter the parade head on by driving at an incredible speed up the road that the procession was descending. This was in the wrong direction from the president’s destination and not on the principle street of the city anyways. One could only think that this was the president’s way of reminding the traditional system during their symbolic show of power, his way of writing himself into their non-verbal constitution.

The government has helped to organize a National House of Chiefs, which is based in Kumasi, and where chiefs from all regions of Ghana convene and advise the government (Ayesu).

There are many aspects of the traditional system of politics in the Akan region that can be used as a sound example of participatory democracy. Of course there were discrepancies in practice, as in every political system, but this was a system that was able to maintain a large Empire for centuries, even under the pressure of heavy Islamic trade pressures and colonialism by the Europeans. It was a system in which decisions were reached by consensus in council through the lineage heads of the community and in which the change of power was condoned and effectual. The Asante were a people who had maintained social order in their communities and were able to provide for the necessary infrastructures for their society (town planning, road building, communication, etc). Although our information on the original precolonial structures of this system is not flawlessly documented and supported, as the Asante did not have a written language, it would not be unfeasible nor exceptional for this system to have been one of the more democratic systems in any kingdom at the time. After all, didn’t Benjamin Franklin concede that it was the Navajo Nation that gave the real inspiration for the structures set out in the Constitution of the United States? It would be wise for political scholars to analyze some of the colonial or imperialistic assumptions that may be held that “western” political systems are more fair or inclusive and orderly. This may then also allow for the possibility of Ghana, as well as Africa, to have the right to self-determination of their own political system and have the freedom and support to be creative in forming a system that may account for their unique and valuable cultural and social norms.

Part II: Patrimonialism, Contemporary Interpretation and Analysis of Modern Conceptualizations of “African Communalism” and “One-Party Democracies”

Based on previous research paper “Socialism and Patrimonialism in Africa: Umajaa in Benin” as well as Bates et al.

Part III: Analysis of Traditional African Political and Social Philosophy and Implications for a Modern Model

Abusuahene (clan chief) Twafohene (head advance guard) Adontehene (head of main Asante army) Ankobeahene (head of body guard) Kyidomhene (head of rear guard)

Messangers of the chief and assistants of the Akyeame (serve as the diplomatic staff);

Nkonnwasoafo (stool carriers) Asokwafo (drummers and hornblowers) Akyiniyekyemfo (umbrella carriers) Barimfo (caretakers of the royal mausoleum) Aguarefo (bathroom attendants) Akragwafo (soul washers) Ahoprafo (elefant tail switchers) Papfoafo (fan bearers) Asoamfo (hammock carriers).

Sodofo (cooks) Akokwafo (floor polishers) Adabra (eunuchs) Kwadwomfo (Minstrels) Atumfufuo (gun bearers)

A.A. Anti. Kumase in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries. Damage Control Ltd; Accra, 1996.

Akosua Perbi. “The Abolition of Domestic Slavery by Britain: Asante’s Dilemma.” Legon Journal of the Humanities, vol. 6, 1992.

Awedoba. Social and political systems of Ghana. Lecture at the University of Ghana, 23 August 2001.

Ebenezer Ayesu. Personal interview at the University of Ghana, 6 September 2001.

Irene Odotei. Fetu Afahye Festival. Lecture at the University of Ghana, 29 August 2001.

Dr. Jona. Political Economy of Ghana. Lecture at the University of Ghana, 29 August 2001.

Minister of Finance of the Asante King. Lecture at the Univesity of Technology, Kumasi, 27 August 2001.

Kwasi Wiredu. “An Akan Perspective on Human Rights.” Human Rights in Africa: Cross-Cultural Perspectives. Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na’im, Francis M. Deng, eds. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1990. 243-60.

[1] The stool dispute I observed was held on a Tuesday.

[2] I suppose this could be comparable to our informal mediation services in the United States.

[3] There is precedence for the levying of a fine in lieu of these punishments in Agogohene v. Asantehene, 1972 (Anti, 24), although this is an option available only those who had the political resources and money for exceptional representation to negotiate such a judgment (as happens in the United States when one is able to afford superb legal defense).

[4] This became known as the Hausa Army that comprised the Gold Coast Regiment in 1917.

[5] Kumasihene Nana Osei Tutu (1697-1717) made it an offense to refer to the origins of another man and institutionalized the saying “Ananansaafo kuuro nye kese da” (the town of the people who are hostile to aliens never grows big).

[6] Although they were restricted for a time from having stool or land privileges of the lineage.

[7] The right wing chief of Abonu gave me this information unsolicited in my interview with him for a separate research project.