International Law and European Immigration: Anglophone West Africa through Italy to the United Kingdom

UCLA Undergraduate Law Journal. vol. 3, 2002.

 

Shange H.S. Petrini

 

Introduction

Interests of the developed world affect the people of the developing nations, both in their countries and out of it.  During the cold war many lives were shaped by the struggles for power among ideologies while the corrupt dictatorships that were sustained by first world aid[1] extorted the resources of their country and the lives of the people for their personal gain.  Most recently these people have had to sustain intolerable conditions created by the imposition of the ‘business ventures’ of multinational corporations[2] and the uprooting structural adjustment programs.[3]  But now as these people have tried to seek refuge or to escape to a better life elsewhere (in the First World) they have been subject to treatments that have robbed them of their hopes for a decent life.

Many of the First World nations receiving these immigrants have voiced concern over the exploitation and travail of these people.  Policies that are restrictive of immigration have been justified as a state’s right of sovereignty and self-protection.  But this right has not always been defended nor has it been firmly established in legal treatises.  These nations have acted only according to their own interests and have created paranoid immigration policies for political reasons that cater to the imagined whims of their aspired supporters.  The human rights of these migrants, as established by international law and norms, are being violated, and no adequate efforts are being made to remedy this.

 

Background

There are great disputes on figures of illegitimate immigration to Italy and the UK, but there are innumerable indications that the numbers are very high and increasing.  Countries in Europe have therefore started to greatly increase their levels of restrictions to migration.  This has caused international concern over violations of human rights in Europe and has caused what some have termed to be the “Return of Fortress Europe.”  Restrictions in Europe of migrants basically started in 1975 when there was a recession in the economy and the workers invited to rebuild post-war Europe were turned away.  There were also heightened terrorist attacks in Italy, France and London especially.[4]  This is important to remember as we enter a decade that appears may be rocky for the economic and political stability of Europe (due to the levels of threats to national security from September 11th and the new monetary system of the Euro).  In the analysis of migration policies worldwide, there is a clear correlation of restrictions with economic difficulties and war.[5]  It is therefore important to understand the legal context of the restrictions that have been arising, as well as their justifications.

Because of the high degree of clandestine migration to Europe from these West African countries and difficulties of record keeping both of in sending African countries as well as some of the receiving countries such as Italy and Spain, the statistics show that this particular migrant flow is of negligible dimension.  But in my work and studies in Ghana, Italy and the UK,[6] it was very obvious to me, as it can be to anyone who travels to those countries, that these migrant flows are of extremely great importance.  While it is true that, for example, the Moroccan communities in Italy are much more pronounced and populous, one can also find large numbers of West Africans in some localities in Italy such as Verona and Brescia that are just as large and pronounced.  And in visiting Ghana, especially communities such as Konongo in the Asante region, anyone would be quite astonished to discover that nearly a third of all the households in such towns have one or more members outside of the country (many of them in Italy, Germany and the UK).[7]

West Africa is an important source region of emigrants to consider because of the racial issues that exist between Europeans and Africans.  It has also been observed by Kosinski that “western Europe has been the main destination area for African migrants.”[8]  Of all the Sub-Saharan (or black) African nations, the majority of migrants to Europe come from West Africa, and the majority of these migrants are from Nigeria and Ghana.[9]  Most migrants from Nigeria and Ghana aim to move to the UK but because of the rising restrictions, many of the migrants have started to settle for moving to other European nations such as Italy.[10]  The Commission of the European Community has observed that “the total rate of immigration to Southern member countries [such as Italy] has grown immensely over the past years.”[11]  Italy has been a particularly popular destination due to the ease of entry into the country from Africa.

            Before colonialism there were many migration patterns in West Africa,[12] particularly into areas of Ghana.[13]  The biggest non-traditional migrations in the area occurred when the colonists came causing the people to moved escaping forced migration, war and famine or because of labor recruitment.[14]  The colonists needed manpower and soldiers and so would force whole groups into labor.[15]  They would require taxes of the natives, forcing them to move to the city for temporary employment (sometimes for many months) in order to earn the currency necessary to pay the taxes.  When Ghana developed, it became the primary country of immigration in the region, with Upper Volta (Burkina Faso) providing the majority of the immigrants (idem).  Nigerians have traditionally emigrated to other parts of Africa for years to find better fishing and better crops.[16]  Ghanaians have not traditionally had tendencies to emigrate, but because of the economic difficulties of the early 70’s it has become more and more the norm for their society.[17] 

The propensity to migrate increases as migrant flows persist over time and as the society of the sending country becomes more accustomed to emigration.[18]  This can be seen in Ghana, were the country changed from a principally migrant receiving to migrant sending nation.  Ghana attracted migrants in the 1960’s because it was the first to gain independence and had a booming economy.[19]  In 1969 12.3% of the population were immigrants[20] but as the economy tightened the government decided to expel all immigrants that year.[21]  As a result there were labor shortages in Ghana and the economy and political stability in the country continued to collapse, but at a much quicker pace because of the expulsions.[22]

As Ghana was facing great burdens, the Nigerian economy picked up with an oil industry that was able to provide the nation with growing and expansive social services.[23]  That decade, nine West African countries signed the ECOWAS treaty that would encourage free trade among the nations, as well as free migration.[24]  Many of the migrants that ensued were undocumented, and there were huge numbers of them in Nigeria, mostly from Ghana because of the economic and political problems there.[25]   Ghanaians went very quickly from having very low propensities to emigrate to becoming a nation of emigration.[26]  But as oil prices dove and the Nigerian state overspent or extorted its resources, it was decided that it was time to expel the Ghanaians and all other immigrants who did not have permission for long-term residence.[27]  In 1983 about 700,000 or more Ghanaians were expelled from Nigeria; then again in 1985 another 100,000 were sent back to their homes.[28]  It was demanded that the immigrants leave within a month, which caused a great humanitarian chaos.[29]  As migration to other West African countries became increasingly problematic, more individuals migrated outside of the region, especially to Europe.[30]  Before the 1980’s there were some migration flows of elites from Ghana and Nigeria to attend university in the UK, but migration for labor did not start until the demand for labor created by the post-war reconstruction years of the 50’s and 60’s (some of these migrants were recruited by the UK government).  The choice of the people to go the UK is heavily influenced by the colonial ties that were established between the countries.

It is noteworthy that the migrant streams within West Africa were heavily influenced by European countries, and that those to Europe from that region were also established by the European countries.  It is now those same countries that are struggling so much to restrict those flows, to the detriment of the migrants and the general citizenry of the West African countries as they are denied access to the lifestyle that the West has indoctrinated them to aspire for.

 

The Context and Justification for Restrictive Policies

            There are generally two schools as to whether any international law requires a state to admit aliens into its territory: the sovereignty school, and the interdependence school.  The sovereignty school basically states that there is no requirement or duty to allow migrants to enter the country while the interdependence school posits that states are interconnected and cannot isolate themselves from each other and therefore there are some duties that would require the state to admit foreigners.[31]

At the turn of the century most scholars of international law argues against restrictive policies also for reasons of security and stability.  These same arguments are used contemporarily and are known as the interdependence school.  For example, The Institute of International Law stated that “free entrance of aliens into the territory of a civilized State should not be curtailed in a general and permanent manner”[32] and further[33] that “protection of the national labour force does not, by itself, constitute a justification for non-admission of foreigners.”  Anzilotti somewhat agreed when he stated that “aujourd’hui, sauf les cas très nombreux où des traités (traits d’établissement, etc.) sont intervenus, il existe pour les états une obligation juridique d’admettre les étrangers sur leur territoire” but he differs in his mentioning of an obligation of the state to admit a traveller.  Such language is used by Sibet in his “Traite de droit International Public” of 1951.  He there writes that every state has the duty to admit other state’s citizens because of the “present needs of international life, commerce, trade and exigencies of individual freedom of movement.”[34]  The reception and expulsion of aliens are matters of domestic jurisdiction for which states must be considered competent.  In reality admission is regulated by the national interest of the admitting state.[35] Gentilis and deVittoria both defended the liberty of international travel.  Other theorists[36] such as Bruce Ackerman state that applications for citizenship and entry into the country must be considered by the host state.  Ackerman says that “the Liberal state is not a private club, but all who are honest have the right to demand citizenship.”  According to him the state can only restrict the entry of migrants in the interest of preventing a fascist backlash from the residents.[37]  Further, as stated by Plender

as recently as at the end of the nineteenth century there continued to be support for the view that the power to control the ingress and egress of aliens was circumscribed by international law.  At the meetings of the Institute of International Law in Hamburg in 1891, Geneva in 1892 and Lausanne in 1989 the view was expressed that the first of the restrictions imposed on States by international law is that it cannot isolate itself from foreign States or their subjects.[38]

 

Court decisions and policy statements that have advocated stricter immigration laws have their theoretical roots in the writing of Grotius and deVattel of the sovereignty school.  DeVattel gives basic rights of the state to restrict entrance for its own interest, as he goes into detail in his work of the duty of the state to protect itself and to further its own interest, which are “to procure for its citizens the necessities, the comforts, and the pleasures of life, and in general their happiness… and to defend the whole body against all external violence.”[39]  Grotius in his work[40] put more weight on sovereignty and stated that “it followed a fortiori that a sovereign might exclude foreigners from his kingdom in defense of the personal or proprietary rights of his people.”[41]  It was stated by Q.C. Montague Crackenthorpe in 1892 (UK) that “it can hardly be disputed that every civilized State is entitled to make what regulations it pleases both as to emigration from, and immigration into its territory.”[42]  Heilborn agreed with Crackenthorp and “drew a close analogy between the proprietary rights of individuals and the territorial sovereignty of States.”[43]  He wrote that “the State might prevent persons who did not belong to it from ‘trespassing’ on its property,” yet he did admit that international law limit in the way could treat the alien after arrived.  These opinions of restriction for self preservation have been reinforced contemporarily by such declaration as those by some Latin American theorists who said that the state has the power to exclude or expel if for the defense of the state, social tranquility, individual security and public order.[44]

Professor Chhangani (Legal Status of Aliens in Nigeria (1981) JILI, 271) refutes that Sibet is not correct because of the conflicts of this position with sovereignty.  He states that “it de-emphasizes the sovereign right of a State to exclude aliens at will, which is incident of territorial sovereignty.”[45]  Also, the state has the right to protect itself or the immigrant from himself and this theory ignores the concept of national interest or the welfare of the admitting state.  Grotius generally supported Gentilis and deVittoria in their pro-migration statements, but also brought up the issue of exclusion for purposes of self-preservation.[46]

Contemporarily laws and statements have become bold in asserting this right of the state (a development to be outlined in the next section), as can be evidenced in Nishimura Ekiu v. U.S., which says that

it is an accepted maxim of international law, that every sovereign nation has the power, as inherent in sovereignty, and essential to its self-preservation, to forbid the entrance of foreigners within its domains, or to admit them only in such cases and upon such conditions as it may see fit to prescribe.[47]

 

A parable statement can also be had in In Re Adam in the UK.  Plender says of Kelsen that “[he] stated that it was an accepted maxim of international law that every sovereign nation had the power to admit aliens only in such cases and upon such conditions as it might see fit to prescribe and to expel them at any time and for any reason.”[48]  Most works and textbooks on international law also agree.[49]  Also, in The Chinese Exclusion case Justice Field argued that “the power of exclusion of foreigners was an incident of sovereignty of the United States, which could not be granted away by treaty or otherwise.”[50]

Much of the justification for the right to restrict migration are to preserve the states duty to protect its own interests.  Many such clauses can even be found in some of the examples cited above which support the rights of migrants to enter a state, for example the proposition of the Institute of International Law of 1892, Article 6 (but this also states in Article 7 that this protection cannot be economically centered).[51] 

This debate between the interdependence and sovereignty school is unsettled theoretically.  States have preferred to accept the sovereignty ideology as it serves their interests, and the reasoning of this school has become de facto and de jure law.  It is important to understand the context of the assumption of these policies as being often rooted in paranoia caused by perceived outside threats and not assume that such ideas are obvious or have had a long history.  Richard Plender in his work “International Migration Law” posits that the arguments for restrictive migration policies talked about in so many of the international law textbooks “does not have an ancient pedigree.”[52]  Although we should be careful in falling prey to a reverse fallacy of tradition or ancient date, it is useful to outline this argument and time line so that we can understand the roots of extant policies.  Francesco deVittoria stated that “it was permissible from the beginning of the world, when everything was in common, for anyone to set forth and travel wheresoever he would.”[53]  Many other of the idealist school also supported the idea of a duty of a state to allow entry to travelers.  As states started to impose more restrictive policies at the end of the 19th century many legal theorists, scholars and professionals met world wide to oppose this, but their voice was unheeded.[54]  Some of these restrictive policies include the restrictions in the United States of Chinese in-migration, which has just been discussed supra.

There is evidence that freedom of migration was a norm perceived as inherent in international law and human rights, and that it changed from that status according to special policies that were intended to be temporary and to address security concerns of the time.  A good case study of this is provided by Plender in his analysis of developments of these policies in the UK.[55]  Clause 41 of the Magna Carta of 1215 guaranteed the possibility of merchants to enter England and to remain there free to travel in and throughout the kingdom “in accordance with ancient and lawful customs.”[56]  After the Flemish, Irish and Huguenot influxes English law then empowered the King to exclude someone for admission if the King saw fit.[57]

About the time of the French revolution and the conquests of Napoleon, there arose a sort of Francophobia in the United Kingdom.  In 1792 an Alien Bill was passed, which was intended to be temporary only. It compelled ship captains to give an account of foreigners to the customs officer or they would be fined.[58]  The alien was to give the officer a personal history and declare his status or get deported.  It also allowed for any arms of aliens to be seized, and for the King’s council to determine that aliens of any description cannot land in England.  When a traveler did arrive, they had to register their name and address with the local authorities[59] and any alien who was imprisoned was to be deported.  If such a quit order is issued and not complied with, the foreigner was to be put to death.  These policies reflected the fears of the government of Jacobin emissaries among the immigrants and this same fear caused similar laws to be passed throughout the western world.  These preclusions were based on concerns of national security.  It appears in historical analyses of texts that this started the phobia of immigrant populations. 

Many other restrictions were passed during times of conflict and were wartime acts. These acts were intended to be temporary, but restrictive migration policies are not downward flexible.  The 1792 Alien Bill[60] was allowed to relax for a few years after, but then it was re-enacted in 1815, 1826, 1818, and the crown did not surrender deportation power to the houses until 1826.  Finally in 1848 Aliens Removal Act was passed.  This established that the Home Secretary or Lord Lieutenant may deport aliens against whom any written allegations had been made.  The Act of 1905 loosened up the system a bit by establishing a system of alien registration as opposed to restriction yet it still sustained the other statutes.[61]  In 1914 this was renewed, but the bill was a little more restrictive than the one in 1905, and restrictions continued throughout the World Wars.  Immigrants were needed for labor in the post-war reconstruction period and many were actively recruited, but then in 1961 the first statutory control of immigration in the UK passed with a bill and more restrictions were placed by the conservative government in the 1970’s.[62]

States have great interests in demonstrating competence of maintaining the security of the nation from perceived threats, but these threats that supposedly migrants cause which are used to justify the restrictions of rights are perceived and are not empirically established.  Yet they dominate policy decisions that have a great effect on the respect for the human rights of the migrant.  Generally it has been said that migrants have ill effects on the economies of the recipient nations, but sociological and economic studies of Portes (op. cit.) et alit show that this is not the case.  In fact many times when migrants are restricted to a great degree, the economies of the nation suffers because they lose a large body of their cheap labor.[63]  Further economic analysis has shown that instead of migrants having negative effects on the sectors where the natives are employed (hence the perception that “they are stealing our jobs”), high levels of immigration only have negative effects on the sectors of employment and the geographic regions where other immigrants are employed and live.[64]  Migrants are marginalized to these sectors and communities because the native populations do not what them.  More and more migrants are then competing for the same jobs and depressing the demand for labor and wages in those sectors and positions.  This only has negative effects for residents of the country who are migrants.

            Notwithstanding the social realities that have been indicated time and again by these studies, states continue to frame their rhetoric according to popular lore and assumptions of the effects of migrant populations.  Italy has implemented migration policies according to the whims of influential political bodies and the EU,[65] while the UK policy has been driven by the winds of the political rhetoric of election winning.

 

The Political Context of Restrictions: Italy

Italy has traditionally been a country of emigration.  But soon after the Second World War as there was a call for needed labor to rebuild northern Europe, many immigrants started to come through Italy from Africa and the Mediterranean.  When these labor recruiting nations such as France, Germany and England started to shut their gates to immigrants, many immigrants ended up in Italy enroute or as an alternative to going back to their poorer home countries.  These immigrants got pushed from the north to Italy.  In 1998 the foreign population legally present in Italy was 1,344,153.[66]

Since Italy has traditionally been a country of emigration, its policies and treaties at the turn of the century were directed to address emigration, but they lacked the structure and means to manage immigration which was needful when they started to experience these inflows.  The laws, decrees and ministerial directives that were made through the mid-1970’s were vague, therefore the administrators were unorganized and arbitrary in their decision-making.[67]  The first immigration statute was Law 943 in 1986, which was passed in committee.  But this was still underdeveloped and under-funded and so was poorly implemented and subject to subversion through bribes, corruption and extreme inefficiencies.[68]  In response to protests organized by the unions and to the murder of a young South African immigrant[69] in August 1989 an emergency decree 416 was posited in December of 1989 which was later enacted by the Martelli law in 1990, the first comprehensive immigration law in Italy.[70]  With Martelli, 225,000 illegal immigrants were given amnesty and proper identification and a family unification policy[71] was set (policy which puts priority on the reunification of legal workers with their families through the legal expedition of settlement in the host country).[72]

At the beginning of the 1990’s Italy was struggling to become a respected member of the EU and to comply with the Schengen laws that had started to be implemented.  New laws were passed in 1992 for the immediate expulsion of aliens convicted of arson, theft, illegal entry and the aiding of illegal entry.[73]  As it is in the United States, expulsion means a life ban on re-entry.[74]  In 1998 there was another law passed to restrict illegal immigrants so that Italy could better conform to the EU Schengen immigration treaties it had signed years ago.[75]  In 1999 various laws and decrees were set forth to confirm and further implement the 1998 and 1992 laws and to be more explicit for the social assistance and deportation of immigrants.[76]  This latter (1999) is indicative of the political left’s leaning to restrictive policies during its turn in government.  Attempts to conform practice with promises made by Italy in the Schengen agreements have resulted in heightened border patrol and regulation of illegal immigration.  Pressure of labor unions[77] and the opposition of leftist parties have served to moderate[78] extremist laws from the powerful right coalitions, but there is danger of this changing as politics and the unions become somewhat co-opted by EU interest and as Italy supports an extreme right government. 

Parties use immigration as a way to call the other a racist, diverting their popular appeal.  For example, the left accused Lega Nord of being dangerous racists when they suggested that all immigrants be fingerprinted, but when one of the left suggested it, it was accepted with no such protests.  The persistently high levels of illegal immigration is also a way for the opposition to prove that the government is ineffective.  Immigration is not as important of a policy issue for discussion by parties as it is a point of debate for political purposes.  But this tool is changing somewhat as politics in Italy leans to the right.  The parliament is currently dominated by the Casa delle Libertà (House of the Liberties) and is composed of many different parties of the right including the fascists Alleanze Nazionale (once the MSI), [79] which is a strong member, and Lega Nord.[80] According to Professor Joseph LaPalombara of Yale “[the right’s] sudden popularity feeds on the same xenophobic and racist sentiments that boosted France’s National Front…[except] the racist dimension is hardly even camouflaged.”[81]  In fact numerous attempts have already been made by the rightist government to pass new laws that would be of the most restrictive nature in the world and that would deny migrants of essential services that Italy has a duty to humanely provide.[82]  These have been quelled by the opposition, nonetheless both the right and left have been more adamant about stifling illegal immigration, which laws will have an effect on legitimate migrants and asylum applicants trying to find refuge in Italy.

Restrictive immigration policies in Italy have been implemented not only because of extreme rightist policies[83] but because of their struggle to be a part of the EU by conforming its behavior to EU expectations.  The EU has great concerns for Italy’s border security, as it is a favorite nation of transit for migrants from Africa aiming toward Germany or the UK.

 

The Political Context of Restrictions: the United Kingdom

In the past, England, like Italy, has been considered a nation of emigration, but there have been huge increases in immigration figures over the past 100 years.[84]  A tradition of Victorian pride has sought to retain the popular ideal that England is a safe heaven for all those who are oppressed, as it had done long ago by taking in the Huguenots, Palestinian refugees and Jews from Russia.[85]  The migration flows started mostly after the wars as there came huge numbers of people from the commonwealth countries, particularly India, seeking residence as British citizens.[86]  However there have been increasing levels of scapegoating migrants for social problems in society and migrants are suspected as criminals and cheats of the asylum system.

The issue of migration has been used for political bantering between the two parties and not as an issue of serious policy debate.  It has long been a means for bringing racist and nationalistic perspectives into English politics.  Around the turn of the century anti-immigrant opinions were openly racist and anti-Semitic on both sides of the political spectrum, but these views were not supported by the public generally and were not expressed in their campaign rhetoric.[87]  During an election in 1906, anti-alien rhetoric was experimented with by the left that eventually lead to rioting that destroyed a great deal of Chinese property.[88]  After WWII because of the publication of the Nazi atrocities, “any attempt to limit of prohibit [aliens] entry was open to the charge of being racist.”[89]  Contemporarily, Blair has been accused by conservatives of playing the “immigration card” for elections.[90]  Tony Blair in his turn has accused the Conservatives of being racist because of their restrictive proposals for immigration policy and because of Hague’s raising of opposition to the government’s asylum laws.[91] 

One can see how different the intentions of the party members are during elections and while in office.  Labour members often run on a restrictive platform that is carefully presented so as not to sound racist and yet appeals to the restrictive sentiments of the public, and then will support liberalizing policies when in office, as Straw has done when he spoke of wanting to stifle illegal immigration and better coordinate the system.[92]  During the election he told of when he worked on asylum cases in his Blackburn constituency and “only one was genuine,” but when he was in office he supported liberal migration policies in favor of human rights and UN treaties.[93]

Like Italy, and most of Europe, the general trend in the UK has been for the government to have a keen interest in restricting levels of migration.  In England it is an issue of perceived asylum application abuse.  Many arrive to the U.K., state that they wish to declare asylum and then while their paper work is being processed they disappear, not giving the authorities the chance to deny their application and deport them.  There were a lot of anti-immigrant sentiments as a result of the elections around the turn of the century.  In the 1892 election, conservatives used anti-immigrant speeches while the Tories gave their speeches on the same topic to people who had never before seen an alien.[94]  It was one of the main topics of debate.  The speeches were very anti-Semitic and racist but there was no real positive effect on the results of the election as a result.[95]  In 1968 the conservative Enoch Powell gave his famous Rivers of Blood speech in which he stated that immigrants were going to overtake the country and cause racial tensions that may escalate to violence and war.  The Conservative party adopted a more moderate position against migration, but it was inspired by this speech of Powell.

William Hague of the Conservative party gave an address a few years ago citing Powell’s Rivers of Blood speech, but afterward when complaints came in he gave a speech to the contrary, saying that racism has no place in the Conservative party and withdrawing all his previous statements.[96]  Another conservative, John Townsend, more recently made similarly racist comments, cited Powell and then stated that, “illegal immigrants have got a new ploy.  They call themselves asylum seekers.  In my view the only way to deal with the problem is to send them back quickly.  Many come from violent societies and inevitably crime is already beginning to rise in the areas where they are.”[97]  He later withdrew all his statements just as Hague had been compelled to do.  The party has stifled these comments while also trying to moderate policy decisions so as to not incite the public against them by seeming racist.  The conservatives cry for “a safe haven, not a soft touch, on asylum.”[98]  This appeals to the Britons’ memories and ideals of providing humanitarian refuge while also restricting the “immigrant problem.”

After the anti-immigration rhetorical experiments during the elections at the turn of the century, Labour declared itself  as the defender of the ideal of brotherhood and of pro-immigration[99].  While Labour controlled the Home Office, it reported that immigrants help the economy by filling labor shortages, decreasing inflation and helping to boost growth.  There are labor shortages that government would like to relieve, especially in public sector, therefore, government wants to encourage managed migration.[100]  Yet the Labour party has tried to show evidence of its diligence in restricting migration to justify its service in government.  For example, while the party declares that asylum applications rose 9% last year, it points out that this is still not as sharp of a rise as some other European countries that experienced a 15 – 65% rise.[101]  It has also produced statistics that show that 89% of applications were denied and that the amount of removals has doubled.[102]  The party tries to show that it is open to immigration, while appeasing the public by showing its success in regulating immigration.

Britain stared to implement policies to mange the influx of foreigners much earlier than Italy because immigrants showed up on their doorstep in large numbers as early as the late 1800’s.  Before leaving office in 1905, the conservative party had passed an Aliens Act that sought to deal with the immigration issue, but it was ignored by the Labour government.  There were some other minor policies put into place until 1976 when parliament passed a Race Relations Act.  This act spelled out the need for strict policies to prevent racial conflicts and sustain good race relations.  Legislature continued with acts that used racist language, referring heavily to an ‘us’ and ‘them.’  To fill post-war reconstruction labor needs, the British Nationality Act was passed in 1948 which allowed commonwealth members to go to the UK and work, but this raised the ‘colored’ population and social unease and so was weaned away in the 1960’s.  The main immigration law was passed in 1971 under the labor party.  This established a family unity policy, restricted economic immigrants, and established no quotas for asylum applicants, i.e.: all who qualify can receive asylum.  Because there were rising problems with smuggling persons over the canal, the 1987 Immigration Act (Carrier’s Liability) was passed.  In 1988 a strict law was enforced by the Conservatives to punish overstayers and illegal entrants[103] and in 1998 there was a more explicit law passed by the Labor party delineating asylum law enforcement.  The latest act was passed through the Labour government, via the Secretary of State of the Home Department, Jack Straw, known as the UK Immigration Act of 1999.  This was a follow-up to his “fairer, faster, firmer” speech and white paper.  The law makes it easier for legitimate immigrants to gain visas, etc, but makes it much harder to get asylum.  There is an attempt to deal with the asylum cases at the port of entry as much as possible and explicitly defines that asylum will not be granted for those from “safe” countries (or countries with no oppression).[104]  It is interesting that a member of the same party that passed the relatively lax law in 1971 should pass this kind of law.  With the New Left (a shift to the center in many policies, including migration), some more restrictive policies have been considered, as can be seen with the ‘fairer, faster, firmer’ speech.  Immigration will probably continue to be used as a political tool in order to win votes and establish a party image.

One of the reasons for restrictive European policies is because of the perceived threats of migration that exist (not always based on fact): migration is perceived as a “threat to a country’s territorial integrity, as a treat to economic prosperity and/or the preservation of core national values, and as a threat to a well functioning international order.”[105]  Vernez has shown that the higher the sense of national identity and core values in the migrant receiving or host nation, the more restrictive the policies of that nation tend to be.[106]  This could apply only somewhat to the UK and Italy, but the UK is contemporarily much more diverse and open of a society than Italy. 

Italy has a tight social structure and this as well as the pressure they face from rightist governments in the EU such as Germany and France gives them a higher potential to employ increasingly restrictive and draconian migration laws.  At this time the UK has opted out of the Schengen agreements and will continue to set the tone for increasingly restrictive policies in the EU.  Such policies will undoubtedly proliferate with the renewed terrorist threats of 9-11.  And even if the society in these countries are becoming more critical of racism and more accepting of migrants, the shifting of Labour in the UK to the center (New Labour) and the dominance of rightist parties such as Forza Nuova and Lega Nord in Italy will also lead to more restrictive policies.

 

Human Rights Violations

There are an incredible number of laws and policies that can be very difficult for the migrant to discover and it is difficult for the migrant to know all of his or her rights.  Generally in the texts of international instruments there has been less on the protection of migrant workers, and more on their restriction.  One of the more positive aspects has been the prohibition of racial discrimination, but in the empirical analysis there has been little progress made in that area.[107]  Equality of treatment only applies to a “few defined respects” [108] and the migrant is often precluded from the relief of many human rights instruments because their ambiguous status as non-citizen compromises their de jure definition as being ‘human.’  Still, one of the biggest progresses for migrant rights has been the Draft United Nations Migrant Workers Convention (MWC), which resulted from UN investigations of illegal migration from developing countries to Western Europe.  This encourages the human rights of the migrant, even when illegal, and the migrant is not thought of as mere elements of economic policy.[109]  Yet this treaty remains unsigned by any developed nation.  The developed countries receiving migrants rather support instruments that protect their own interests, even to the detriment of the migrants in their borders.

            Some of the general issues that arise in instruments that address migrant issues are those of employment, education, housing and health, cultural preservation and the right to life, remittances, visas and migration regulations, the family, fair and equal treatment, political participation and representation, the protection of the interests of the state and legal rights of judicial review.  Many of these are a re-emphasis of basic humanitarian documents, trying to push states into proactive measures to assist migrants, while others are very easy to understand and can be assumed, such as the restriction of the right of the non-citizen migrant to participate in elections or run for office.

            The Italian and British governments have made attempts of varying degrees to implement some of these standards.  While the Italian government has incorporated these into its laws and policies of migrants yet has not empowered them within the country, the UK has in many instances disregarded any such standards.  The implementation and enforcement of these laws has improved in Italy as it has made great Bureaucratic changes to meet EU membership and Schengen requirements, but this improvement has been in increasing efficiency in restricting migrants and not protecting their rights.[110]  Still, most of the human rights violations in Italy appear to be committed not directly by the system, but occur via society and the government’s growing apathy towards improving this encounter.  But in the UK the society in general has grown accustomed to the presence of migrants and minorities, and most of the human rights violations committed against migrants are by the system or the government directly.

 

The United Kingdom

            Many Europeans see racism as being an issue of the United States, with our civil war, freedom summer of ’64 and LA race riots, but in fact high levels of racism are also evident in Europe.  A study by the London Research Center (a governmental agency) reported that 1 in 14 blacks and Asians in London were harassed in or near their homes and it was estimated that 57% of harassments are reported.[111]  Migrants are also persecuted by the British system on many levels.  The Home Office and Immigration and National Directorate (IND) in the UK are responsible for migrant policy interpretation and implementation and do so arbitrarily and autocratically.  According to an investigation by the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants and the Prison Reform Trust in 1984

The workings of administrative detentions under the Immigration Act [of 1971] [show] the dangers of injustice and abuse to be found in an executive discretion that can, and does, operate outside and even in contradiction to, the recommendations of the courts.  It is a discretion almost totally unfettered by independent scrutiny and which lies beyond the safeguards of liberty found the Bail Act.[112]

 

According to the National Council for Civil Liberties in 1994 650+ people seeking asylum[113] were held in prisons in intolerable conditions where families were kept separate from even communicating.[114]  They had adversarial relations with the Immigration Officers who interpret the law arbitrarily (according to their own understandings of it and not the courts) and denied the applicants the possibility of appeal.[115]  Asylum applicants are still treated this way.  Some studies have also stated that this decision-making by the Immigration Officers denies the applicants of a trial to which they are entitled by international law.[116]

Another investigation by the United Kingdom Immigration Advisory Service provided evidence to the Parlimentary Sub-committee on Race Relations and Immigration that the IND provided totally inadequate appeal of rights, that they didn’t disclose the reasons for rejection where no rights of appeal existed, there were extreme (and deliberate?) delays in application processing and that migrants that enter the country seeking asylum are treated as criminals.[117]  While some state that “it is plain that there is no general obligation in international law to afford a judicial review of the merits of a decision to expel an alien”[118] measures in the UK and Italy have been passed and signed that seek to secure for the migrant rights to legal counsel,[119] adequate time for preparation of defense,[120] hearing of their case in a timely manner,[121] dignity in proceedings and in detention,[122] the right to have contact with diplomatic authorities,[123] etc.  There have also been clauses that seek to protect the migrant from profiling by the police, a huge issue in Europe.[124]  Yet in many instances these have been violated by law enforcement officials and the immigration agencies based at embassies in the sending countries.[125]  Statistics of the Home Office have further shown that police stop more blacks than whites and that more blacks are arrested on suspicion of crimes than other races, even though they are a minority, and not the majority of those convicted of any crime.[126]

It has been made clear in international instruments and domestic law in the UK that asylum applicants are not to be treated as criminals, but as guests, but migrants were regularly imprisoned while awaiting decisions on their applications for asylum and were held in police stations and prisons that were used to hold criminals.[127]  This is according to interpretation of the Immigration Act of 1971 and is in violation of law and policy in the UK and internationally.

According to the research and report of the scholar Penny Green[128] a number of asylum applicants in detention suffered from a widespread hunger strike that protested abuse they were subjected to by the security guards.  These security guards were poorly trained in relating with minority migrants and had had no background checks on being hired.  They are unfamiliar with refugees’ status as being non-criminal and therefore treat the asylum detainees deplorably.  Many of the detainees were subjected to racist comments and behavior.  The detainees participated in this strike because there was no other way to submit their complaints.  This is unfortunately a situation that persists for many asylum applicants.[129]

In trying to process their applications the migrants have to go through great lengths and they are considered criminals at the outset.  Students who seek to apply to stay because of dangerous conditions at home are treated as lawbreakers.[130]  The Home Office and Immigration Officers is prejudiced against any facts presented, even those which are supported by very compelling evidence or evidence that proves them beyond a shadow of a doubt; it will go to great lengths to research for any possible inconsistencies in the applicant’s story, and then will hold tenaciously to justify further suspicion and detention and ignore all reason that disproves their assertions.[131]  The migrants are treated with prejudicial disdain and their applications are arbitrarily denied as a result.

The Refugee Council produced a critical analysis of the Home Office’s favorable report on conditions in Nigeria,[132] which is used to justify the rejection of those citizens’ asylum application.  This report takes issue with the key facts of at least 25 key statements in the Home Office report.  “[The report] presents an acutely distorted picture of political and human rights conditions in Nigeria” which are in stark contrast to reports by migrants, NGO’s[133], other governments[134] and other departments of the United Kingdom government.[135]  All of these sources have reported of huge numbers of violations of basic human and political rights including the violent suppression of possible opposition on all levels, the creation of evidence for treasonous activities for the personal motives of the President, false accusation, imprisonment and execution.  The citizens who flee from this persecution and violence are denied entry to the UK[136] and are sent back to a country that the Home Office has deemed safe and peaceful (Nigeria), despite all reality screaming in their face otherwise.  There is evidence that this is the case in many other instances.[137]

 

The Republic of Italy

The authorities in Italy are extremely arbitrary and sometimes corrupt.  Each individual officer makes their decisions based on their personal understanding of law and their own whims.  Often when illegal migrants are detained they can be mistreated[138] by the authorities (beaten, etc.). 

Migrants are often the victims of racism not only because of the exploitation of their employers, but also because of public perception that migrants are criminals.[139]  As a result migrants tend not to report incidents of racism because of their fear of how they will be treated by prejudiced institutions as a result[140] (the police, the community, the judges, employers, friends, etc).

An example of the social conditions that migrants have to endure can be had in the CESTIM reports on the “Occurrences of Racism in Verona.”[141]  The 1994 report contained newspaper clippings of acts of racism, which averaged about 4.6 in a month.  Most of these were committed against black or African migrants.  CESTIM has indicated that these numbers have declined only slightly.  It is important to remember that this report is only of those acts which actually come through the news, and there are innumerable others that happen every day.  Verona is a good case study because of the concentration of ‘black’ migrants in the area.  Another study from a group at the department of sociology at the University of Rome (La Sapienza) also surveys the incidences of racism committed against immigrants that are reported in the newspapers.[142]  This study reports only cases of violence and because this study used national and regional newspapers[143] instead of local ones, and because many of these are of regions where there are lower concentrations of migrants than others,[144] this report is more superficial than that of CESTIM.  This study still reveals that there is at least (often more) one incident of racial violence against immigrants a day and that every five days an immigrant dies as a result of these attacks.  According to this report[145] “18.2% of the attacks result in the death of the victim, 41.2% are “resolved” with hospitalization and at least 3.2% of the cases the victim suffers from permanent physical harm.”[146]

Notwithstanding the amnesty programs for illegal immigrants granting them documentation and permission to stay[147], it is estimated that 30% of migrant workers in Italy are still working illegally.[148]  Illegal immigrant were cheaper to employ and easier to control for the employer.  The fact that illegal employment is estimated to be still so high is evidence that migrants are still being exploited by their employers and that social structures are difficult to change in this society, regardless of political attempts to do so.  If the migrants do not agree to work under the table (without taxes or benefits being paid), they are unable to find work.  Many of these migrants are still victims of racism as a result.  They are discriminated against because of the perception that their labor is not worth the equal value of that of an Italian and because they are denied benefits that help them to live a decent life and take care of their families.

There are also great levels of racism and discrimination in the housing sectors, as migrants are restricted to living in areas that are impoverished and intolerable.[149]  As a result of poor housing conditions, many migrants suffer health problems, which has a great effect on the family and youth.  This is in violation of international instruments signed by Italy which give the migrants the rights to choose their own area of residence[150] as well as not to be concentrated in one area that could attract poverty and an undue pressure on the surrounding native communities to support their needs[151] (through social programs via taxes, etc).  Indeed there are more homeless immigrants in Italy than in any other European Union member nation.[152]  Individual experiences of migrant relate of suffering terrible living conditions in abandoned buildings, boxes, etc. on arrival to Italy and in times of hardship during their stay.[153]  Migrants to Italy expect to suffer such experiences, as they have become the norm.[154]  Such conditions are much worse than those they left in their impoverished homelands.[155]

It is interesting to note that in Veneto, a region where there are high percentages of migrants, of the inmates in a major prison in Padova 30% are immigrants.  These migrants complain of discrimination (98) and a sense of hopelessness.  The study claims that most of the migrants in this prison were led to illegal activity because of the difficult social conditions that excluded them from having a decent livelihood (105).  It is also interesting to note from the data provided in the appendix of this report (115) that most of the migrants in this prison are unskilled laborers.  This is another indication of the difficulties that the migrants have in attaining proper employment.

 

Treaties and Agreements Between the Nations

There were no multilateral instruments regarding migration before those that were initiated by the ILO and the UN in the mid-1980’s.  Before then there were some bilateral instruments, mostly among European and between European and South American countries, but these were before the World Wars and were not renewed.  There was also the Statute of the Council of Europe in May 1949 which had a humanistic intent to repair some of the damages in response to Nazi atrocities and also in reaction to the communist bloc[156] but this dealt with migrants only indirectly.

Policies and agreements between Europe and West Africa have been to restrict migration, as opposed to help the migrants in their struggles (the only ones that have been benefited the migrants have been between Francophone countries; none such exist between any other African and European countries).  The paucity of such agreements does not follow the huge number of international instruments that have been created that should proliferate the efforts of European countries in this regard.[157]  While Italy has made laudable efforts to create a more humane environment for the migrants there (with Italian language classes, huge programs by the catholic ‘caritas’ organization, etc.) there have been very few such effective or state sponsored programs in the UK, and in fact the United Kingdom has been turning away even asylum applicants in greater and greater numbers.  Whereas West African nations have had a more hands off stance towards protecting their migrants rights overseas.[158]  This may be because of their preoccupation with other domestic and regional[159] issues as well as their frustrations with concluding fair agreements with European nations.

It is difficult for nations with very different backgrounds to conclude agreements that can be consistent and reliable.  In West Africa this problem was initially overcome for the European countries by force with slavery and colonial exploitation.  This smoothed some of the problems of Europe relating to this region as well as greatly complicated them.  It created structures in the countries in west Africa that are easy for the European governments to relate to, but it has also left its mark of an imposed system of which the west African nations have at times shown resentment.  Because of corruption and a number of other problems (such as economic), that could even be said to come naturally with state building, the world has lost confidence in West African nations and is weary of taking them seriously.

The issue of international law being established by those nations with the political and economic power to the compromising of the rights of the weaker nations is demonstrated in this issue of migration policy.  One of the demonstrations of this are the contrary policies of the ‘developed nations’ imposing through conditionality liberalized trade policies in developing nations[160] vis-à-vis restrictive immigration policies.[161]  While the borders of the ‘developing’ nations grow looser, those of the ‘developed’ nations grow tighter.  This is of course according to the interests of those with the power.  The dependency and neo-imperialism schools argue that this is in violation of the sovereignty of those nations.  In this case the Hobbsian ideology dominates international norms (under the contradictory shroud of ‘liberalism’).  This issue is interesting when one keeps in mind that the migration flows that are being restricted are those that were established by the European nations.

Developing countries in general have only participated in the drafting international standards since the 1960’s, but Ghana and Nigeria did not participate in any such activities for a few years after that (many humanitarian agreements were not signed by Ghana or Nigeria until the 1990’s).  The west has had dominating influence in the drafting of international agreements.  Leary[162] points out the irony that the impetus for concluding western dominated treaties is a reaction to western atrocities such as the Nazi genocides.  (Of course this has now changed with the atrocities in Rwanda, but some would even argue that these were also of western origin, as it has been shown that the ethnic groups and their stratified identities were a colonial construction or exacerbated by them.)  The rich cultures of Asia and Africa value a sense of community and duties to family more than ‘individualism’ and individual rights, which are championed by western ‘liberalism.’  Emphasis of individualism and property rights is at the root of western conceptualizations of human rights and justice as is the protection of the individual from the state.  There has historically been little attention paid to social inequalities by this and there has also been neglect of whole groups, especially women, slaves and children.[163]

Although there has been some exposure to western human rights through the colonial legacies and the transference of western legal and administrative structures, there have still been difficulties in the complete implementation of these structures, and many African nations are struggling to identify a system that might take into account their own values and culture.  The discussion of rights of nations have excluded measures to prevent interventions of the west in developing countries, the rights to economic development and self determination, and some say that western conceptualizations of international law have promoted intervention through the sustenance of “liberal” ideologies.  Because developing and non-western nations have been excluded from international decision-making for so long, many values and interests (such as those Islamic) are excluded altogether.[164]  Some of the basic concepts of individualism, citizenship, obligations, and development differ greatly between the African and European nations.  One of the obvious and immediate examples of this is the confrontation of western individualism with African communalism.  The rights of the group are compromised for the rights of the individual.  African nations are struggling in a post-colonial world to regain and assert their unique identity and cultural values, and the recognition of these values is overlooked in inducing these nations to sign instruments drafted by dominant western values.  The way that African nations behave with international instruments such as the ECOWAS is different than the norms of the European nations in the EU.  There should be efforts made to form relations and instruments that account for and respect these differences. 

An example of the communal nature of African society[165] and the legitimacy of their political structures is the Asante kingdom which rose to power as a regional influence in modern Ghana around 1700 and continues to have an important influence on the micro-social life of the region.  This system is demonstrative of the values of community and cooperation that are a part of most societies in West Africa, and that are strange to Western Europe and most formations of treaties and human rights documents.  It accounts for the needs of all the people, individually and collectively. As we may now say in our contemporary conceptualization of political systems, the political system was almost purely inclusive, democratic, had an effective system of checks and balances and an effective mechanism for the transfer of power.  This hierarchical system was able to maintain order in the kingdom and many of their structures remain preserved today in traditional culture.[166]  This system is demonstrative of the values of community and cooperation that are a part of most societies in West Africa,[167] and that are strange to Western Europe and most formations of treaties and human rights documents. [168]  This political tradition as well as others have been criticized by western scholars as primitive and as being responsible for the huge levels of patrimonialism and corruption that is so common in West Africa.  But in actuality, this is a valid system that has never been able to really establish itself in a modern society legitimately, but has been left to struggle against imposed western systems.  The characteristics of African society account for the strong ties of migrants to their home societies, their difficulty in assimilating to a culture of which they cannot feel apart of, and the confusion that many Africans feel when faced with racism and prejudice in Europe.

The great dominance of western values and conceptualizations of rights and citizenship has often caused international instruments to be ignored in African countries as they have proved to be of little relevance to their societies.[169]  It has been difficult for nations to relate to West African countries also because of their unique position socially and economically which sometimes limits their abilities to participate in international politics the way that other nations do.  Hence, it has also been observed that “African countries are rather insensitive or unsusceptible to the influence of the ILO norms” and that “weakness in legislative and administrative matters continue to impede the majority of African states from implementing the norms.”[170]  Although there has been a dominance of western institutions on the concluding of international instruments, there is now also evidence of the influence of non-western ideas on western thinking (e.g. Declaration on the Right to Development).  And in fact Leary states, “It is no longer possible to discern with ease a common Western approach to human rights which distinguishes that approach from those of other cultures.”[171]  This is progress, but too slow to empower the dramatic change needed to include values from this society to be respected in treaty drafting.  This continued neglect contributes to the unequal and unilateral nature of treaties attempted with West African nations.

 

Bilateral Agreements

There has been a surprising lack of international agreements between Ghana, Nigeria and individual European nations.  While newspapers in the European migrant receiving nations complain about the rising numbers of illegal immigrants and asylum abusers from West Africa, those nations have preferred to handle the matter domestically instead of working with the sending nations.  The few agreements that do exist serve the interests of the European nations, often impeding on the sovereignty and rights of self-determination of the sending nations.  By actively involving the migrant sending nations in seeking solutions to the receiving nations’ problems, the rights of the migrants can be more appropriately addressed (or also represented).

Notwithstanding the large amount of international agreements which try to proliferate the agreements for these purposes,[172] there are very few if any agreements that have been made with African countries and Northern countries with the interest of protecting migrant rights (defining African as is done normally, to the exclusion of South Africa and the countries North of the Sahara).  There was a bilateral agreement for labor migration that was concluded between Ghana and Germany in 14 May 1964[173] and Senegal, Mali and Mauritania maintain bilateral agreements with France for social rights, trade union membership, and slightly liberalized entry and exit facilitation[174] but these are the only extant agreements of this nature in the region.

Bilateral treaties for migration “now constitute a major source of international legal norms in the protections of the human rights of aliens” and it has also been said by others that migration is legally effected the most via bilateral international agreements.[175]  But on the list of foreign policy priorities for the EU, Africa is near the bottom; East Europe and America are the priority.[176]  The UK currently holds no reciprocal or bilateral agreements with any African country.[177]  The only significant treaties between the UK and West African nations were during the colonial times, and these were manipulative and coercive.  For example, there was the treaty between the Queen of England and Yoruba king Alafin of Oyo in Nigeria.  This was a promise to by the king there allow free migration to Lagos to all (especially the British).[178]  This treaty was one sided and only facilitated migration.  It did not protect the Yoruba’s interests in any way.  There were also treaties between the Asante and UK, for example, to allow the migration of just one British representative to Kumase before the turn of the century, but this was just some few years before the British subjected them to colonial rule by force (with Powell, founder of the Boy Scouts, at the head of the tyranny).  Italy does have treaties with Nigeria that protect the property and rights of migrants both to and from the countries.  A similar set of agreements are being drafted with Ghana.[179]  These agreements with Italy are somewhat reciprocal as they concentrate only on those issues that would be common to both Italians visiting these countries as well as Africans visiting Italy.  Hence these exclude the interests of African migrants almost entirely (unless they were to visit Italy as tourists or to settle there permanently, both of which are extremely unusual for African in Italy).

One of the reasons for the historical paucity of agreements between these nations is because of the relations that Ghana and Nigeria have maintained with nations that are adversarial to EU nations.  For example, when Ghana was experimenting with socialism in order to rescue their economy, they had attempted to establish very close ties with the USSR and China.  They had also established close relations with Libya and had maintained these for quite some time.  Further, during the cold war, the NATO nations wanted to be careful not to expel too many citizens from African nations because the wanted to appease them so that they would not move closer to the side of the USSR.  This may explain some of the contrast between EU treaty relations with North Africa and West Africa.  There have also been may stressful elements in relations since the cold war, such as the incident in the mid-1980’s of an Italian vessel attempting to dump radioactive waste at Koto.  It was reported that Nigerian students in Italy were being harassed by the government when Nigeria protested and made this event public (although Italy was still able to quell its wide publication quite effectively).[180]

 

Multilateral Agreements

In the major EU instruments, such as the Schengen, but more specifically Tempere and Dublin, there has been a preoccupation with quelling interstate crime and therefore also illegal migration.  One of the greatest ironies in the relations between Africa and Europe is that counter to trade liberalizations, there have been restrictions on immigration.[181]  Europe has been trying to open the borders of Africa to its exports, while closing its own to migrants.  The EC has some agreements with some countries individually, but these are principally in American and Caribbean and exclude Africa.  These agreements of the EU cover such issues as Jobseeker’s allowance, short-term incapacity benefit, long-term incapacity benefit, maternity benefit, disablement benefit, retirement pension, widow’s benefit, guardian’s allowance, child benefit and attendance allowance.[182]

The main multilateral tie that exists between these nations and West Africa is the Lomé conventions.  This convention was revised since 1975 with Lomé II (1979), Lomé III (1984), Lomé IV (1995), and the latest Lomé IVbis (1999).  With Lomé, the organization of the African, Caribbean, and Pacific Nations (the ACP) also arose.  The ACP group grew out of Protocol no. 22 of the UK Act of Accession to the EEC.  The UK was in still in the process of assisting its ex-colonies with the transition to independence and had important aid ties with these countries upon its becoming a part of the EC.  The French colonies were already a part of the new relations to the ECC via the Yaoundé Convention.  It was decided that ties of the ex-colonies of France and the UK would be extended to the EC in general, and the Lomé conventions were held to define the relationship of the EC to these nations in order to continue to assist in their development.

The Lomé convention is the “world’s largest financial and political framework for North-South cooperation.”[183]  Lomé wanted to increase “matters of common interest, including human rights, democracy, the rule of law and good governance” and it also established non-reciprocal trade preferences with these nations.[184]  This has been a medium for multilateral aid and, as has been the trend of aid instruments in the 1980’s and 1990’s, has been subject to measures that have imposed conditionality on the recipient nations.

Conditionality has come into use since the structural adjustment programs of the World Bank and USAID came into effect.  It basically means that aid will be withheld to recipient nations until certain criteria decided unilaterally by the donor are fulfilled.[185]  These criteria have been in areas such as greater ‘democracy,’ liberalized economic systems, etc.[186]  Although Lomé was instituted to provide economic assistance to the ACP nations, such dialogue “has taken a back seat to greater conditionality.”[187]  Lomé III (1984) was the first EEC cooperation treaty with a human rights clause opening the door for discussions of these clauses being satisfied and in 1995 Lomé IV became the first contractual agreement with a structural adjustment clause.[188]  The Art 5 of Lomé IV introduced human rights and democracy clauses at the request of European nations.   These had their root in the Maastricht Treaty 130U of chapter XVII on development policy.[189] 

The EU imposed conditionality on the treaties and the ACP’s met to protest and produced the Libreville Declaration in 1997.  There they declared that they support democracy, etc but not conditionality.  There was also talk of liberalizing the trade protections and ACP’s asked for 10 year adjustment period until free trade would be imposed. They also protested a non-execution clause that says that the whole Lomé treaty would not be valid if the ACP nation is (unilaterally) judged to go against principles of good governance (conditionality).[190] 

With the revised Lomé IV (IVbis) the “respect for human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law become essential elements of the Convention.”[191]  The emphasis of “essential element” means that “any violation could lead to partial or total suspension of development aid by the European Union after prior consultation of other ACP nations and the abusing party.”[192]  But after much protest by the ACP’s and some compromises, good governance is now a fundamental element, not an essential one[193] removing the severity of its perceived violation.  And although protested, it was decided that the disbursements of aid funds to the ACP would be in installments throughout the year, which basically has meant that “they would be awarded subject to the country achieving the expected/agreed development policy performance,”[194] giving the donor country more power to monitor compliance and distribute according to continual compliance to these conditionalities.

One of the key parts of the conditionality clauses in the last Lomé document was in regards to illegal migration.  The measure calls for more rights of migrants, but also contains clauses that seek to further control illegal migrant flows.  Lomé Article 13 addresses fair treatment of ACP legal immigrants and even conjectures for the training and other facilitation efforts for the employment of immigrants.[195]  It would further “ensure through the legal or administrative measures which they have or will have adopted, that migrant workers, students and other foreign nationals legally within their territory are not subjected to discrimination on the basis of racial, religious, cultural or social difference, notably in respect of housing, education, health care, other social services and employment.”[196]  But the illegal immigrant clauses were very controversial.  These clauses stated that the ACP’s must accept illegal immigrants back, which is normal, but it also contained a clause that they would accept illegals from any other ACP (stateless or third country nationals).  It also stated that this instrument would impose the negotiation of bilateral agreements in these regards at the request of any party (which would obviously be at the request of the EC nations).[197]

The biggest controversy about this clause was that it was introduced at the last minute during the drafting and negotiations of the convention so that it would receive only limited debate and opposition.[198]  There is no evidence that suggests but that they had indeed been well aware that this would come up during the convention and its introduction was intentionally delayed.[199]  The EU states claimed to not be informed of the measures that had been taken that would necessitate the proposal of the migration clauses in Lomé, but their participation in Tampere,[200] Maastricht,[201] and Amsterdam makes it clear that they were informed.[202]  Negotiations began in 1998,  but the migration clauses were not introduced until December 1999.  They needed to be signed in just a few months.[203]

There is also controversy because one of the instruments that necessitated Art 13’s introduction (the article that treats illegal migration) was incorporated contrary to established democratic law.  Title IV Art 63(3)(b) of the Maastricht treaty stated that the EU can conclude agreements regarding the repatriation of illegals with third countries in order to bring this into the Amsterdam Treaty, but only after “consulting the European Parliament” according to Art 67.1.  This was not done and yet it became part of the Amsterdam treaty anyhow.  There is also argumentation that the decisions to implement this by the EU also bypassed legislative decision and was therefore undemocratic.[204]

In the end “the ACP were willing to accept readmission of their own citizens, but they rejected the readmission of non-nationals or stateless persons who transit their territory.  They held the view that the proposed clause had no basis in international law”[205] and from analysis of international texts and norms, it appears that they were correct.  Eventually Art 13 was signed with changes made allowing illegal migrants to be sent back with the administrative support necessary for their return.  There is still language of an obligation for the acceptance of their return and the ACP states are to provide the illegal migrants with the necessary documents for this return.  Further, they will still accept third party nationals or stateless who arrived in the EU from that country (in transit) and were refused asylum or just expelled for any reason.[206]

In order to assist the developing ACP countries by decreasing the degree of their unfavorable terms of trade, the Lomé conventions contained measures to allow the ACP to trade liberally with the EC while protecting their own markets from EC exports.  But despite the opening up of the EU markets to ACPs, ACPs have lost considerable market shares.  This could be partially because preferential treatment was only given to certain products in exclusion of more than 60% of ACP exports.[207]  These exclusive measures were emplaced by the EU for domestic political reasons.  In the EU, corporatism is very strong many nations, and this causes the nations of the EU to support measures that protect primary and secondary sectors, many of which compete with similar industries in the ACP.  Although the ineffectiveness of Lomé has been blamed on the poor economic policies of ACPs, these structural adjustment policies have mitigated the benefits intended by the Lomé trade agreements.[208]  There policies are not a result of those countries’ decisions, but a result of structural adjustment policies imposed by the western institutions of the IMF/WB.  Another interesting issue with liberalized trade in this context is that with the strengthening of trade ties between APC and EU, there are fewer ties among APC and therefore less migration between APC’s,[209] which could relieve migration to the EU.[210]

 

Conclusion

Amid news of terrorist threats and other international occurances the realities of the thousands of migrants in Europe has gone ignored for many years.  Serious Samuri did a report that was televised on CNN on the plight of these migrants, but this is the only international attention that this issue has received.  This problem is discussed at length in Europe, but only from the perspective of the ‘interests’ of the European nations.  Most people are completely unaware that migration from West Africa to Europe even exists.

This paper has basically outlined some of the issues that are prelevant in the problem of migration between these two regions.  It is not prima fascia apparent that the EU has the right to restrict migration if we view the issue in a historical context.  Indeed, many of the reasons for the restrictive policies of these nations are more politically and socially determined than legally and logically.  It is often taken for granted that States have the right to restrict immigrants as they wish and it is assumed that this right has been justly established by debate and fair litigation with the interests of the all parties being considered, but this is not the case.  This norm is a modern one.  The right of restriction has become an ideology that drives policy just as liberal capitalists’ assertions of the supremacy of the market is ideological claim that drives current world policy.  The philosophical/rhetorical issues of migration restrictions and compromising migrant rights that have become unquestioned today are still unresolved.  Even if these arguments of solidarity and safety were unchallenged these are not the reasons that drive restrictive policies anyways, rather these policies are formed according to international pressures paranoia and domestic political battles.  While migration may or may not be a human right, the fair treatment of travelers is, but migrants in Europe are treated as criminals and are subjected to the naked xenophobia of those societies.

As countries of the west are struggling to impose ‘minimum standards’[211] for conceding rights to ‘undesirable’ foreigners, the rest of the world is struggling for equal rights for their citizens.  The popular voice of the dominant west continues to establish international norms according to their own interests, which are often defined by the imagination of the paranoid nationalist or the pragmatic capitalist.  Countries in the developing world are precluded from this capacity due to the unequal terms of treaty formations.  There has been just concern for the right of migrants since the 9-11 incidents as history has shown that concerns for national security lead to heavier restrictions on migration.  As a result Europe and the US will continue to marginalize attention to the human rights violations suffered by migrants within and entering their borders.  According to Vattel nations have a duty toward travelers that come into the country, and the lives of these migrants have permeated society in Italy and the UK in one way or another.  The neglect of migrant livelihoods in Europe will contribute to the degeneration of society.



[1] Because of the cold war.

[2] Which result in the exploitation of the people and the environment for the good of turning a profit.

[3] Which have cut government spending on social programs that support the most vulnerable of the society such as the children, the old and women. Husain, Ishrat. Adjustment in Africa: Lessons from Country Case Studies. IBRD/World Bank, 1994.

[4] Known as “gli anni di piombo” or the years of lead in Italy where a bomb at the Bologna train station killed more than 600 people.

[5] Richard Plender. International Migration Law. Martinus Nijhoff, London. 1988. page 342.

[6] Shange Petrini. West African Emigration to Italy and the U.K. Unpublished B.A. hnrs thesis, Department of International Studies, UCLA. 2002.

[7] See id.

[8] Kosinski, Leszek, John Clarke.  “African Population Redistribution – Trends, Patterns and Policies.” Redistribution of Population in Africa. Heinemann, London 1982 at page 4.

[9] See PETRINI supra note 6.

[10] Although Italy should be called a port of entry and country of transit, many migrants spend their lives trying to pass on to the UK or Germany but never succeed.  Therefore in this article we will treat it as a country of destination.

[11] Commission of the European Communities. Social Europe: Immigration of citizens from third countries into the southern Member States of the European Community, A comparative survey of the situation in Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal. Supplement 1/91.Comission of the European Communities,1991.page 31

[12] Adepoju, Aderanti. “International migration in Africa south of the Sahara.” International migration today. v. 1. UNESCO 1988 at page 60.

[13] K.C. Zachariah and Julien Condé. Migration in West Africa: Demographic Aspects. Oxford University Press, 1981 at page 31.

[14] See id at 35, and Adepoju, supra note 12, at 65.

[15] See Zachariah supra note 13.

[16] See Ekanem, Ita I. “Nigeria.” Handbook of International Migration. Greenwood Press, New York: 1990. at page 257. and ADEPOJU supra note 6 at pages 36, 60, 81. 

[17] See Adepoju supra note 12 at page 70.

[18] Alejandro Portes. “Economic Sociology and the Sociology of Immigration.” In Portes, ed. The Economic Sociology of Immigration. New York, 1995.

[19] See Adepoju supra note 12 at page 43.

[20] See id at page 65.

[21] VanHear, Nicholas. New Diasporas. University of Washington Press: Seattle, 1998. at page 73.

[22] See id at page 74.

[23] See Adepoju supra note 12 at page 43 and VanHear supra note 21 at page 72.

[24] See Adepoju supra note 12 at pages 62 and 77.

[25] See id. at page 66 and VanHear supra note 21 at page 72.

[26] See Adepoju supra note 12 at page 70.

[27] See VanHear supra note 21 at page 76.

[28] See id. at pages 72 and 77.

[29] See id. at page 76.

[30] See id. at page 78.

[31] Exemplified by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights Art 13(2): “every individual has a right to return to their home state.”  Also supported by some Latin American theorists (see Plender supra note 3 at page 61).

[32] Art 6 of proposition of 1892.

[33] in article seven of the same proposition as n31.

[34] Martin O.U. Gasiokwu. ECOWAS: Problems of Citizenship and Free Movement. Mono Expressions, Jos, Nigeria. 1998. at page 103.

[35] See id at page 104.

[36] Bruce Ackerman (1980) “Social Justice in the Liberal State.” Yale University Press, New Haven.

[37] See also Baubock, Rainer. Transnational Citizenship: Membership and Rights in International Migration. Hants, England: Edward Elgar: 1994. at page 328.

[38] See Plender supra note 5 at page 2.

[39] Book I, Ch. II §14.

[40] De Jure Belli Ac Pacis, 1702, Vol II, ch II, para 15.

[41] See Plender supra note 5 at page 63.

[42] See Plender supra note 5 at page 71.

[43] See Plender supra note 5 at page 72.

[44] Example in J. Irazamy y Puente. Exclusion and Expulsion of Aliens in Latin America. 36 AJIL, 1942. 252. See also PLENDER supra note 3 at page 3.

[45] op. cit.

[46] which was also discussed by deVattel.

[47] Nishimura Ekiu v. United States. 142 US 651; 12 S Ct 336.

[48] See Plender supra note 5 at page 1.

[49] Hyde (International Law, 1945), Jessup (A Modern Law of Nations, 1964) and Fenwick (Cases on International Law, 1951).

[50] The Chinese Exclusion Case, Chae Chan Ping v. United States. 130 US 581; 9 S Ct 623.

[51] See Plender supra note 5 at page 72.

[52] See id at page 2.

[53] Francisco de Vicotria. de Indis et de Ivre Belli, Relectiones. Ed. Ernest Nys. William S. Hein and Co., Buffalo, NY. 1995.

[54] As has been cited supra: the meetings of the Institute of International Law in Hamburg in 1891, Geneva in 1892 and Lausanne in 1989 where the view was unanimously expressed that one of the first of the restrictions imposed on States by international law is that it cannot isolate itself from foreign States or their subjects. See Plender supra note 5.

[55] See id.

[56] See id at page 62.

[57] See id at page 62.

[58] The ancestor of ‘carriers liability’ also initiated by the UK, now an essential element of migration law and regulation.

[59] Many of these, such as this one specifically, are still law.

[60] Mentioned in the previous paragraph.

[61] Such as deportation for civil disputes or criminal action, et alit.  But it did away with the capital punishment for refusing to quit.

[62] See Plender supra note 5 at page 84.

[63] Such as in France in the late 1970’s and in Ghana and Nigeria after those expulsions.

[64] George Borjas, “The Economics of Immigration.” Journal of Economic Literature. December 1994. see also Mark Ellis. “A Tale of Five Cities? Trends in Immigration and Native-born Wages.” in Waldinger, ed. Strangers at the Gates. Forthcoming. which has an interesting analysis of different sectoral assimilation in different urban contexts according to the economic environment particular to that locality.

[65] In accordance with Schengen for EU membership qualification.

[67] John W.P. Veugelers. “Recent Immigration Politics in Italy: A Short Story.” The Politics of Immigration in Western Europe. Frank Cass, Essex: 1994. at page 34.

[68] See Jenks note 70 supra.

[69] See Veugelers supra note 67 at page 41.

[70] Rosemary E. Jenks, ed. Immigration and Nationality Policies of Leading Migration Nations. Center for Immigration Studies. August, 1992. at page 3.

[71] For the implications of such a policy, see Shange Petrini. “US Policy and the de-Humanization of Immigrant Women.” UCLA Undergraduate Law Journal. vol. 2, 2001.

[72] See Jenks supra note 70 at page 4.

[73] See id at page 6.

[74] See Petrini note 71 supra.

[75] Julie Watts. “The Unconventional Immigration Policy Preferences of Labor Unions in Spain, Italy and France.” Working Paper No. 5.  The Center for Comparative Immigration Studies, UCSD. 14 March 2000. at page 16.

[76] ILO Natlex Database. http://www.ilo.org/natlex

[77] Unions are generally pro-immigration.  They know that they can’t stop immigration and ideologically they want to support all workers.  Many employers will hire illegal immigrants in order to avoid paying taxes and higher wages.  Therefore, unions generally support laws that permit the regularization of immigrants which they hope will result in the workers of the underground being brought to the surface.  See Watts supra p 3.

[78] See Watts note 75 supra at page 178.

[79] They tested some xenophobic rhetoric during the negotiations of the Martelli immigration law, but eventually backed off this dangerous issue for awhile.  See also Veugelers (op cit.) p 43.

[80] An extremist nationalist/separatist party of the north of Italy.

[81] Karen Wolman. “Right-Wing Party Gains Support in Northern Italy.” The Christian Science Monitor. 27 June 1990, 6.

[82] There is heightened support for the rightist Forza Italia, which has the majority in parliament at the moment.  See article in Zuccolini. “Immigrati, espulsioni più facili.” Corriere della Sera. In Primo Piano, pg 9. Venerdì 27 Luglio 2001. and Baldinin, Ferraino e Zuccolini. “Immigrazione, il centrodestra si divide.” Corriere della Sera. Sabato 28 Luglio 2001. also “Pugno di ferro verso gli immigrati.” L’Arena. 28 Luglio 2001.

[83] Who use the justifications of protecting the society from the threats of migration.

[84] Tom Rees. “Migration Policies of an Empire: The United Kingdom.” The Politics of Migration Policies. Center for Migration Studies, NY: 1979. at page 67.

[85] John A. Garrard. The English and Immigration. Oxford University Press, 1971. at page 67.

[86] Robert Miles, Diana Kay.  “the Politics of Immigration to Britain: East-West Migrations in the Twentieth Century.” The Politics of Immigration in Western Europe. Frank Cass, Essex: 1994. at page 25.

[87] See Rees supra note 84 at page 71.

[88] J.P. May. “Chinese in Britain, 1860 – 1914.” Immigrants and Minorities in Britain. George Allen and Unwin, London: 1978. at page 111.

[89] See Miles supra note 86 at page 25.

[90] Lucian Kim. “Britain wants a wider moat around ‘fortress Eruope’.” The Christian Science Monitor. 9 February 2001, 7. at page 7.

[91] The Economist. “Playing the race card, again.” The Economist.com. 21 December 2000. and The Economist. “Speak no Evil.” The Economist.com. 26 April 2001.

[92] See Kim note 90 supra.

[93] The Economist. “Straws in the wind.” The Economist.com. 9 April 1998.

[94] See Garrard note 85 supra at page 71.

[95] See id at page 73.

[96] Operation Black Vote. April 30, 2001. http://www.obv.org.uk/reports/fulltexthague.html.

[97] The Whitehall Database of the Economic and Social Research Council. http://www.nuff.ox.ac.uk/Politics/whitehall/PostsFound.asp?PostName=home+office

[99] See Garrard supra note 85 at page 184.

[100] The Economist. “Go away, we nee you.” The Economist.com. 25 January 2001.

[101] Robin Cook (UK Foreign Secretary). “Celebrating Britishness.” 19 April 2001. http://www.labour.org.uk/lp/new/labour/labour.www_main.main?p_full=1&p_language=us&p_cornerid=235415

[102] See id.

[103] See Jenks supra note 70 at page 6.

[104] See ‘Law and Policy’ IND Home Office website. http://www.ind.homeoffice.gov.uk/default.asp?pageid=20

[105] George Vernez. National Security and Migration: How Strong the Link? P-7983. RAND; Santa Monica, Ca. 1996. at page 7.

[106] See id.

[107] Based on my conversations with representatives of various organizations for equal rights in Italy and London.

[108] See Plender supra note 5 at page 325.

[109] See id at page 311.

[110] According to the interests of the EU states and the purpose of Schengen, which is to loosen interior borders and strengthen those exterior.

[111] London Research Center. Harassment in London. London Housing Survey, 1992.

[112] Robin Cohen. Frontiers of Identity: The British and the others. Longman House, London: 1994. at page 115.

[113] Normally studies of immigration policy draw a clear distinction between applicants for asylum and other migrants (such as economic migrants) because of the great differences in the procedures, laws and contexts of the situations, but since the UK normally only will accept most migrants from West Africa for long term settlement through the asylum process, it is an appropriate context to include here, as economic migrants have often become asylum applicants.

[114] Panikos Panayi, ed. The Impact of Immigration: A documentary history of the effects and experiences of immigrants in Britain since 1945. Manchester University Press, Manchester: 1999. at page 57.

[115] See id.

[116] See Cohen supra note 112 at page 113.

[117] See id at page 113.

[118] See Plender supra note 5 at page 472.

[119] ILCn151 8.4 present case if above rights violated.

[120] MWC (Part III, Art 18.1) right to equity with nationals of the State concerned before the courts and tribunals… fair and public hearing… competent independent and impartial tribunal established by law. (2) presumed innocent until proven guilty according to law. (3.b) adequate time for preparation of their defense (f) interpreter for free. (5) right to appeal (7) not on trial for crimes proved innocent in the past.

[121] MWC (Part III, Art 16) (6) brought promptly before a judge … within a reasonable time. (8) right to take matters to court… without delay… assistance… interpreter.

[122] MWC (Part III, Art 17.1) Migrant workers and members of their families who are deprived of their liberty shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person and for their cultural identity. (2) separated from criminals if held. (5) same rights as nationals to have visitors (8) if a migrant worker or a member of his or her family is detained for the purpose of verifying any infraction of provisions related to migration, he or she shall not bear any costs arising therefrom.

[123] MWC (Part III, Art 16.7).

[124] MWC (Part III, Art 16.3).

[125] European governments have strengthened the amount of investigation they do in the sending countries to detect bogus petitions for relief using more detectives that do their work both in the home communities of the intended migrants as well as in the embassy offices where they make their petitions.

[126] The Home Office. Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System. London, 2000.

[127] See Cohen supra note 112 at page 108.

[128] Private Sector Involvement in the Immigration Detention Centres. London: Howard League for Penal Reform, 1990.

[129] Personal interview with representative of the non-profit Detainees Support and Help Unit, London, July 2001.

[130] See Cohen supra note 112 at page 114.

[131] See id at page 120.

[132] Matthew Grenier. Beyond Belief: The Home Office and Nigeria. London: The Refugee Council, 1995.

[133] Including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International.

[134] For example the United States.

[135] The Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

[136] From 1985 to 1995 only four applications out of 10,380 for acceptance as refugees were accepted.  28 were granted an Exceptional Leave to Remain (Grenier, 1).

[137] See Grenier supra note 132.

[138] For example, in Verona a Ghanaian woman was beaten by the police for an unexplained reason and injuries treated by the medic were only reported as dictated by the police (which were minor and incidental) (CESTIM supra 141).

[139] See COMMISSIONE PER L’INTEGRAZIONE note 107 at page 34.  Also,

Agenzia per l’Impegno del Veneto, COSES Consorzio per la Ricerca e la Formazione, ed. “Il Detenuto Extracomunitario nel Carcere Penale di Padova.” Osservatorio Regionale, Immigrazione Veneto. Quaderni di ricerca 2. Regione del Veneto, Assessorato Politiche Flussi Migratori, 1997.

[140] See COMMISSIONE PER L’INTEGRAZIONE note 107 at page 34.

[141] CESTIM. “Episodica del Razzismo a Verona.” Verona: Centro Studi Immigrazione, 1994.

[142] Michele Sorica. Più di uno al giorno: Atti di violenze contro gli stranieri nel corso del 1996: analisi di 20 quotidiani italiani. Conferenza del 1997 Anno Europeo Contro il Razzismo. Roma, 1997.

[143] Exemplis gratis: Il Corriere della Sera, Il Gazzettino, Il Giorno, Il Mattino, Il Messaggero, Il Piccolo, Il Resto del Carlino, La Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno, La Nazione, la Repubblica, La Stampa, et alit.

[144] L’Unione Sarda, La Gazzetta del Sud, Il Giornale di Sicilia, et alit.

[145] See Sorica supra note 142 at page 5.

[146] Translation. Originally: “Il 18,2% delle aggressioni finisce con la morte della vittima, il 41,2% si “risolve” in un esito ospedaliero e c’è persino il 3,2% dei casi she subisce lesioni permanenti”.

[147] See Martelli Law discussed in the second paragraph of The Political Context of Restriction in Italy in this article.

[148] Commissione per l’Integrazione. Primo Rapporto sull’Integrazione degli Immigrati in Italia. Dipartimento per gli Affari Sociali, Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri. Roma, 1999. at page 5.

[149] See id.

[150] MWC (Part III, Art 39).

[151] MWC (Part III, Art 64.2), ILCn151 11, TDCRD (Annex 21).

[152] See COMMISSIONE PER L’INTEGRAZIONE note 148 supra at page 27.

[153] See PETRINI supra note 6.  See also Comfort Udo Ekpo. Nuovi Schiavi. Associazione Nigerital. Verona, 1995.

[154] See Nunzio Ferrante. Frontiere si, reticolati no! Immigrati terzomondiali: dal rifiuto alla accoglienza. Caritas Italiana. Roma, 1999.

[155] Most migrants that arrive in Italy are of the higher classes in their home societies, as it takes a lot of money, social resources and education to successfully migrate to Europe.  See PETRINI supra note 6.

[156] Jacobson, David. Rights across Borders: Immigration and the Decline of Citizenship. Baltimore: the Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. at page 81.

[157] The Declaration on the Human Rights of Individuals Who Are Not Nationals of the Country in Which They Live (1985) (hereafter as DHRINN) GA res 40/144, annex 40 UN GAOR Supp (No 53) at 252, UN Doc A/40/53 (1985); the International Convention on the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (1990) (hereafter as MWC) GA res 45/158, annex 45 UN GAOR Supp (No 49A) at 262, UN Doc A/45/49 (1990); the Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (1992) (hereafter as DRPBM) GA res 47/135, annex, 47 UN GAOP Supp (No 49) at 210, UN Doc A/47/49 (1993); the World Conference on Human Rights Vienna Declaration (1993) (hereafter as WCHR93) UN Doc A/CONF.189/5; the Third Decade to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination (1995) (hereafter as TDCRD); International Labour Organisation Constitution (hereafter as ILOC); the International Labour Conference Convention (no. 143) Concerning Migrations in Abusive Conditions and the Promotion of Equality of Opportunity and Treatment of Migrant Workers (hereafter as ILCn143); the International Labour Conference Recommendation (no.151) Concerning Migrant Workers (hereafter as ILCn151).

[158] In the analysis of statements made by Ghanaian and Nigerian officials found in the libraries and accessible archives of those respective High Commissions in London and Rome, the issue has only been very briefly mentioned by state representatives in a few exceptional cases.  Certainly never in any shadow of the challenging and confrontational stance of Mexico’s Vicente Fox towards the United States.

[159] ECOMOG and UN missions to Sierra Leone, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, to just name a few.

[160] For more information, see Francis, Fitzgerald A. “Structural Adjustment in Africa: Theoretical and Practical Issues.” Planning African Growth and Development: Some Current Issues. ed. Ernest Aryeetey. ISSER/UNDP, 1992.

[161] Lomé Conventions, discussed later in this article.

[162] Virginia A. Leary. “The Effect of Western Perspectives on International Human Rights.” Human Rights in Africa: Cross-Cultural Perspectives. The Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C. 1990. at page 15.

[163] See id at page 17.

[164] See id at page 16.

[165] It is a common western fallacy to view Africa as a whole unit making impossible generalizations of an extremely complex continent.  Nonetheless discussion of African values such as is being attempted here has been made by many African political philosophers such as Soyinka, Nyerere and Nkruma.

[166] Shange Petrini. “Traditional Systems of Communal Management in Sountern Ghana and its Implications for an African Political System.” Developments. UCLA,  forthcoming.

[167] For more discussion of Asante social systems and legal paradigm see Kwasi Wiredu. “An Akan Perspective on Human Rights.” Human Rights in Africa: Cross-Cultural Perspectives. Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na’im, Francis M. Deng, eds. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1990. 243-60. and Petrini note 166 supra.

[168] But some are a part of the African Charter of Human Rights OAU Doc CAB/LEG/67/3 rev 5, 21 ILM 58 (1982). For example the responsibility of the individual to the state and the right of economic development.

[169] This is also because of their paradigm of international law which allows for the implementation of signed international instruments to be left to the supreme discretion of the state according to their arbitrary self interests.  This can especially be seen in Nigeria’s policy decisions re migration immediately after the signing of ECOWAS.

[170] Sharon Stanton Russell, Karen Jacobsen, and William Deane Stanley. International Migration and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: Vol. I World Bank Discussion Paper, 101. African Technical Department Series. The World Bank, Washington DC, 1990. at page 111.

[171] See Leary supra note 162 at page 29.

[172] MWC (Part III, Art 64.1) Without prejudice to Article 79 of the present Convention, the States Parties concerned shall as appropriate consult and cooperate with a view to promoting sound, equitable and humane conditions in connection with international migration of workers and members of their families;  MWC (Part III, Art 68.1) collaborate with view to preventing and eliminating illegal or clandestine movements and employment of migrant workers in an irregular situation;  ILCn143 (Art 15) This Convention does not prevent Members from concluding multilateral or bilateral agreements with a view to resolving problems arising from its application.

[173] See Plender supra note 5 at page 357.

[174] See Russell supra note 170 page 109.

[175] See Plender supra note 5 at page 309.

[176] Dieter Frisch. The future of the Lomé Convention: Initial reflections on Europe’s Africa policy after the year 2000. ECDPM Working Paper Number 11. Maastricht: ECDPM. 1996. http://www.oneworld.org/ecdpm/pubs/wp11_gb.htm.

[177] Cox, Simon, Duran Seddon, Helen Mountfield. Migration and Social Security Handbook. 2nd ed. Child Poverty Action Group, London: 1997.at page 372.

[178] Rev. Samuel Johnson. The History of the Yorubas. Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1921. at page 652.

[179] Dipartimento per gli Affari Sociali. “Stati generali sull’immigrazione: Politiche locali e percorsi di integrazione.” Rapporto sul Convegno a Vicenza, 12 Gennaio 2001. Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri. Roma, 2001.

[180] Olajide Aluko. “The Expulsion of Illegal Aliens from Nigeria: A Study in Nigeria’s Decision-making.” The Structure and Processes of Foreign Policy Making and Implementation in Nigeria, 1960-1990. The Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, 1990.

[181] See Vernez supra note 105 at page 6.

[182] See Cox supra note 177.

[183] The European Commission. The Lomé Convention: The Cotonou Agreement. Europa/Development.  ECC. http://europa.eu.int/comm/development/cotonou/lome_history_en.htm

[184] Clara Mira Salama, Stephen J.H. Dearden. “The Contonou Agreement.” DSA European Development Policy Study Group Discussion Paper No. 20, February 2001. http://www.oneoworld.org/euforic/dsa/dp20.htm at page 2.

[185] See Francis supra note 160 for more information.

[186] Are obviously ideologically based.

[187] See Frisch 176 supra note 33.

[188] See id.

[189] See id.

[190] See Salama supra note 184 at page 3.

[191] See European Commission supra note 11.

[192] See id.

[193] See Salama supra note 184 at page 6.

[194] See Frisch supra note 176.

[195] None of which in Italy or the UK have been implemented.

[196] From the convention text.  But there has been little effort made on the part of these to implement these things.

[197] See Salama supra note 184 at page 6.

[198] Such a practice (as the filibuster also) may be well known in western politics, there exists no equivalent in African traditional bodies.

[199] See Frisch supra note 176.

[200] It can be seen in the Tampere Summit of October that year conclusions 26 and 27 the EU intent in using readmission clauses in conjunction with conditionality for aid.  Also other intents since 1998 with the Council Migration Working Party and their action plans (Statewatch News Online).

[201] The Maastricht treaty states in Art 63(3)(b) of Title IV that the EU can conclude agreements re repatriation of illegals with third countries and to bring this into the Amsterdam Treaty, but only after “consulting the European Parliament” according to Art 67.1.  This was not done and it became part of Amsterdam (ibid).

[202] Statewatch News Online. Lomé Convention used to impose repatriation on the world’s poorest countries. http://www.statewatch.org/news/ju100/01lome.htm

[203] See id. The Guardian also stated that they threw the clause in at the last minute.

[204] See id.

[205] See id.

[206] See id.

[207] See Frisch supra note 176.

[208] See Salama supra note 184 at page 10.

[209] Both of which are patterns that have been demonstrated by numerous economic development texts, such as those written by Todaro and Massey, et. alit.

[210] Linus Atarah. WTO Rules Used to Kill Lome Convention, NGOs Say. Third World Network. October 1999. http://www.twnside.org.sg/title/lome-cn.htm

[211] The International Minimum Standard was developed by western countries in the 19th-20th centuries.  It is meant to assure security of persons and property of their citizens who wished to invest capital, utilize skill or otherwise do business in the less developed parts of the world.  Some of its protagonists included Borchard, Oppenheim, deVisschuer, Jessup, Schewarseberger, et al.  It was explained by E. Root that  “The basis of protection of citizens residing abroad… [is a] standard of justice, very simple, very fundamental and of such general acceptance by all civilized countries as to form a part of international law of the world.”  This is in contrast to the Minimum Rights Theory that is popular with developing countries and many international UN instruments.  It guarantees the necessities that a migrant would need for survival in a host country.  This theory is followed by, and evidenced in, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the African Charter on Human and People’s Right, the International Covenants on Civil & Political Rights, etc. See Gasiokwu note 34 supra.