SOCIALISM-
THE HISTORICAL ALTERNATIVE TO CAPITALISM
A draft statement on its conception of a socialist Germany prepared by the
German Communist Party (Deutsche Kommunistische Partei-hereafter DKP) for
discussion, revision, and subsequent submission to the Party Congress in
May 1998 was published in the Party's newspaper, Unsere Zeit, on 3 January
1997. We present here a translation of the German text as revised through
21 September 1997.
In our century the scientific-technological revolution has created almost
immeasurable opportunities to improve human life. Never have people had so
many chances to develop their productivity and creativity and at the same
time to reduce their physical burdens. It would be possible today to
overcome hunger and misery worldwide, to make possible a dignified human
life without poverty, and simultaneously to pass the earth on to future
generations as a viable ecosystem.
Yet the reality appears otherwise. The vast growth of productive forces and
the increase in social wealth have occurred under the predominance of
capitalist relations of production. These furthered, first of all,
scientific and technological progress and, in the industrialized countries,
social progress as well, as a consequence of the organized struggle of the
working class. The development of the forces of production, however, serves
capitalism only as a means for the utilization of capital. Thus they
actually become a hazard to the foundations of existence of human life. The
annihilation of humanity and all highly developed forms of nature is
possible today through a nuclear, chemical, or biological war, or by the
manipulation of human genes. As the destruction of the living environment
proceeds, it becomes irreversible. Under the compulsion of capital
accumulation-the principle of this social system-there are no effective
means to eliminate this risk. Under capitalist conditions, degeneration and
destruction accompany all scientific-technological progress.
The basis of contemporary society is production by dive privately
appropriated by the few.
The means of production, raw material, and labor must first be changed into
commodities and then into capital, before production can begin. For the
owner of capital, production has a single aim, the utilization of capital,
to squeeze surplus value out of labor, and to realize this through the sale
of manufactured commodities, in order to begin the whole process on a new
stage on a larger scale than previously.
In this manner capitalism has increased the productive forces of labor
immensely. But every rationalization here means not only the production of
new products with less work, but at the same time also production of more
unemployment on the one hand and greater exploitation on the other.
At the same time a competition.
Capitalism is production not for the sake of people, but for the sake of
profit. Human beings do not govern production, but production rules society
and presents itself as the force of circumstance, the force of circumstance
of capitalist competition, of maximization of profit.
All relationships in the society, the life relationships of individuals,
independently of the individual, appear inverted, stood on their head.
Under capitalist conditions, human beings become not the subject but the
object of history; and production relations are transformed from the object
of human creative planning to the subject of history.
For a revolutionary break with capitalism!
The goal of Communists is to abolish these causes of exploitation and
alienation, of war and hunger, of poverty and homelessness, of the scramble
for jobs and of unemployment, of destruction of the environment, and of
discrimination racism, nationalism, and oppression.
This is not possible if we remain in the sphere of the force of
circumstance of capital.
Therefore a revolutionary break with capitalism is necessary: abolition of
the private ownership of the means of production, social labor free from
exploitation, socialization of the means of production, production for the
needs of humanity according to a plan developed collectively, and the
social appropriation of society's wealth.
Today all material prerequisites are present to provide employment for
everyone; conditions already exist to guarantee everyone a life in dignity
with each one performing only a fraction of labor that is now demanded.
For this, however, another social order is required. The perspective of
such a society is no pious wish. It grows out of the contradictions of
present capitalist society itself. It is these developments that
continually give rise anew to the necessity and possibility of socialism.
Its own contradictions force capitalism to bump against its borders, where
it must take stock of the elements for overcoming crises-
Capitalism polarizes society into two great opposing classes: into a class
that has control over the modern means of production, and with it over
social wealth, and into a class of people who are cut off from this control
and have nothing to sell but their physical and mental capacities, their
labor power. On this basis we call this second class the working class,
fully conscious that this class today is structured into multiple layers.
The working class must be, corresponding to its historical responsibility,
the decisive force in saving human civilization and in the achievement by
struggle of the transition from capitalism to socialism. In order to
accomplish this task, it will seek an alliance with all cla
therefore supporting it.
But this new society must look different from the first attempts in this
century. The historical conditions for this society are different. We shall
have to draw lessons from the serious errors made in these first attempts
and create structures that will allow us to avoid such errors. But we shall
not be reinventing socialism. This new beginning for socialism that we
consider necessary will spring from different sources.
This new beginning grows out of the realization that capitalism must be
overcome; it grows out of the hopes, the wrath, and the longings of the
overwhelming majority of people. They desire a life without constant worry,
d on the social and historical interconnections whose foundations
were laid out by Marx, Engels, and Lenin. It must be renewed and taken up
by the working class in order to be fruitful for the future.
It is based on analysis of the experiences from 1917 to 1989. The reasons
for the collapse of socialism and the reasons for its enduring over seventy
years in a world of imperialist enemies and predators both need scrutiny.
Achievements and distorted developments of "real socialism"
After the brief course of the Paris Commune, the construction of a
socialist social system was begun for the first time in 1917 in Russia. The
October Revolution gave humanity the signal for the start of a new world
historical epoch. Under the most unfavorable conditions, great achievements
were accomplished in the Soviet Union and later opment of the
productive forces and the undertaking of production according to a social
plan are possible beyond the profit principle.
They tore asunder the fetters of the imperialist aggression. The long chain
of peace policies of socialism ranged from the first decree of Soviet power
in 1917, which ended World War I for Russia, through the victory over
Hitler's fascism, up to the disarmament initiatives of the Warsaw pact.
Socialism developed economically by itself, without taking part in the
exploitation of the developing countries. To its historical achievements
belong solidarity in support of the people of these lands in their battle
for their national independence, against colonialism and neocolonialism.
n to skilled
employment, free health insurance, and a highly developed mass culture.
The existence of socialism and its achievements improved the conditions for
the struggle for social and democratic reforms in the developed capitalist
countries. The bourgeoisie and its regimes were forced to make significant
concessions.
In spite of these achievements, socialism in the USSR and the European
socialist states suffered a defeat. Internal and external, economic and
political, objective and subjective causes for this defeat include:
The socialist states had to endure extremely difficult initial conditions.
The revolution was victorious, first of all, in Russia, an economically
backward, weakly developed countre shortest possible time, to
centralize all resources in order to bring forth a modern industry and
initiate a cultural revolution. Under these conditions, the Communist Party
had to take on the task of comprehensively representing the leading role of
the working class.
This was still maintained, however, even after the conditions had changed
as a result of industrialization and the cultural revolution. The Party and
state merged more and more into an administrative-bureaucratic apparatus.
Not only did socialist democracy remain underdeveloped, but it was
seriously undermined by the disregard of socialist legality. The extreme
externa
This "model of socialism" was transferred after World War II to the
countries that embarked upon the path of socialist development, including
even the developed countries like the German Democratic Republic and the
Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Although important economic successes
could be initially achieved with the administrative-centralized type of
socialism, it later proved to lack thehe material standard of
living. This had destabilizing consequences.
The socialist countries failed to develop new types of productive forces
adequate for socialism.
In the long run, the socialist value systems could not draw wide support.
We see as the chief internal causes for the defeat of socialism the
increasing ossification of social relations, the failure of socialism to
deal on its own terms with the necessity for ever-new revolutionary
developmental measures in correspondence with the existing level of
development
Also contributing to its demise was the dogmatic ossification of its social
theory, which increfor the erroneous economic and political
decisions that were made.
The defeat of socialism is at the same time the result of external and
internal conterrevolution. From the intervention of fourteen imperialist
states against the new Soviet power, and the economic blockades in the
nineteen twenties, through the anti-Comintern pact to encircle the Soviet
Union, and the aggression of Nazi Germany, up through the embargo policies
and the strength-sapping arms race after World War II, the imperialist
powers left no stone unturned in their effort to destabilize and destroy
socialism.
In the presence of these internal and external factors, opportunistic
tendencies wone collapse of the Soviet system and with it the
other socialist states.
Essential characteristics of a future socialism
Any presentation of socialism can only be provisional, based on the
knowledge of the historical course of a steadily changing background of
technological, economic, political, and cultural conditions. Nevertheless,
one can indicate some necessary prerequisites and incontestable aspects of
a future socialist society.
Contributing to the construction of socialism is of the worldview
of us Communists is Marxism, the scientific analysis and the perspectives
resulting from it. Other approaches can grow out of Christian or general
humanist, feminist, pacifist, antiracist, and ecological convictions. The
future socialism consequently will be formed through the cooperation of
different social forces.
Also to be taken into account is that the Communists in the world, and
above all in Europe, are organized into national parties. The focus of our
activity is above all shaped uropean scale. For this reason we
desire to bring our experiences and efforts to a strengthened theoretical
and practical cooperation of Communists that strengthens the Left and at
the same time gives impetus to cooperation of all progressive forces in
Europe and beyond it in the rest of the world.
Finally, socialism will only be proven successful historically when it, in
forming a world society, becomes a world-wide society which is
characterized by a manifold culture through solidarity and working
together with equal rights.
What will come in place of today's society?
The aim and yardstick for the development of socialism is socialist
humanism. It concerns the overcoming of "all relations in which people are
degraded, enslaved, forsaken, despised beings"; it
Socialism means emancipation and the increasing benefits of freedom for
all. It demands:
Social justice. Socialism brings about social human rights, the rights to
work, social security, and housing.
Equal opportunity. Socialism secures equal opportunity to education and
development and makes possible equal access tr the first time in
history the unity of social and political human rights as the essential
basis for free self-development, that is, at the same time the competent
and consciously responsible activity of the individual in society as "a
condition for the free development of all."
Equal rights. Socialism lays the basis for the real equality of the sexes.
Socialism ensures equal rights for all people regardless of nationality,
religious belief, or worldview.
Solidarity. The relations between people will be marked by a community of
spirit, many-sided aid, and support.
Internationalism. The world will come closer together ever more in
economics, communications, and migration. The socialists of the entire
world will work together with the aim of forming a community of struggle
against imperialism and for maintaining peace; of implementing active
solidarity with oppressed and exploited peoples and of supporting their
Responsibility for the future. Solidarity and internationalism require
responsible treatment of our environment and its resources in the interest
of a life befitting all human beings in all parts of the earth and for the
future of coming generations.
Socialism is the most exciting societal project for the future of humanity.
It leads an enormous step ahead on the way to "liberty, equality,
fraternity," which the bourgeoisie once inscribed on its banners in its the
fight against feudalism, but which was a goal doomed to failure under the
capitalist profit system.
through an economy that will no longer be oriented toward private profit as
the basis of the way and means with which we reproduce our daily life;
through a democracy in which the people are the real masters for the first
time in history.
The dominance of social ownership of the means of production and the
political power (based on this) of the working class in alliance with the
other working people are indispensably necessary conditions for the
construction of a socialist society. This requires likewise a planned
reorganization of social development.
The economy ts through the
exploitation of human labor power and the wasteful manipulation of natural
resources. The task of socialism is the satisfaction of the material and
cultural needs of the people through a higher productivity of social labor
and the application of the natural riches to reliable economic measures on
the basis of social planning and management.
The basis of socialist production relations is the socialization of the
more decisive means of production. In this way a meaningful socialization
will occur instead of a sweeping nationalization embracing the entire
society-Marx and Engels saw nationalization only as a first step in the
appropriation of the means of production. The producers must be transformed
from formal to actual owners of socialist property, alienation from the
property and the means of production must be overcome.
The principal content of the first steps to socialism that our generations ight and obligation to control the production of goods and services
are given over to the producers. Therefore centralized, democratically
determined planning and monitoring agencies are indispensable to carry out
the essential tasks in regard to the socialized property-financial
institutions and large corporations (including manufacturing and
distribution organizations).
Nevertheless, socialism will have different property forms, for example,
state, municipal, cooperative, and private production by small enterprises.
The concrete form of the labor and production processes themselves,
however, will not be subject to central planning. The swift advance of
communications technology with its network of interlinkages growing daily
makes it possible to do what was not possible between 1917 and 1989-the
direct involvement of the producers themselves, prior to production, in the
decisions regarding the work they are to perform.
Little by little-but first under the assumption that private ownership of
the principal means of production has been done away with-it wil
this way, the exploitation of people will be overcome.
Further essential areas will lose their character as commodities, being
taken out of the valuation process and made accessible to all:
* education
* healthcare
* sports
* recreation
* protection of nature
d, and clothing will be
guaranteed.
In this way, socialism can develop into a social formation in which the
people, on an ever-higher scale, will be able to shape and change their
living conditions consciously in accordance with their needs. It is even
necessary in the overcoming of the economic causes of exploitation of
people by other people to overcome the economic factors that lead to social
relations separated from and in opposition to the people.
Socialism will have to find a way during its development to organize the
complex division of labor in production and exchange of goods so that
exchange value will no longer take the place of use value. This goal must
be kept in sight from the very beginning.
Democracy
wer of capital, a comprehensive mass
struggle is necessary. The beginning of the socialist path is not the
result of a putsch, but only the result of the activity of millions of
people-thus, the expression of a deep democracy.
Every bourgeois democracy--however large the formal room for political
freedoms may be-is based on the economic power of the capitalist class. It
is in every case a form of the political rule of capital, the rule of a
small minority over the majority. And even these limited rights and
freedoms are constantly being threatened under capitalism. Only in
socialism, with the political power of the working people and the most
important means of production transformed into social property, will the
democratic rights and freedoms won in struggle by the working class under
capitalism have a secure foundation. The working class, at the same time,
creates qualitatively new freedoms under socialism.
Socialism guarantees the right to work, equal opportunity in education,
effective and lasting social security. It establishes the social basis for
the equal rights of women. Already in its initial phase, the conditions to
put socialist democracy on a lasting basis in the new society must be
created.
Key questions here are the election, accountability and right of recall of
all important political functionaries, oversight by the peoons.
An important place in a socialist democracy is occupied by the trade unions
as the most encompassing class organization of the wage and salaried
workers as well as the representative union and enterprise bodies of the
working class. They are not only involved with the determination of wages
and social security benefits in the enterprises and other working and
living conditions, but they will participate directly in the planning and
management of the economy and society. On all levels they will directly and
continually put forward the interests and the influence of the working
class.
The role and influence of nongovernmental organizations and citizens
initiatives by the working people, women, youth, a
The history of the struggle for socialism has brought forward different
forms for the organs of socialist power: communes, soviets or councils,
socialist parliaments. The people involved may possibly develop new forms
appropriate to their historical conditions. Socialist parliaments must
become real organs of people's sovereignty and representation.
The DKP also supports the right of an active opposition to exist within the
framework of a socialist constitution. The constitution and the fundamental
democratic rights embodied in it; individual political and social human
rights; freedom of culture, worldview, and religious convictions; and also
the rigy legitimized, however, by the people's control over
all organs through elections and the possibility of recall at any time.
What place does a Communist Party have in the future in the political
system of a socialist society? Its task should be to succeed in winning the
confidence of the working people and influence their thinking by putting
forth the best political ideas and initiatives in competition with other
political forces. Above all, the Communist Party will seek to elaborate
strategic orientations for the further organization of socialism and to win
over the majority, to develop a sociali
Socialism can only be the result of the will and activity of the working
class, of the masses of people. It requires the agreement of the majority
of the people. But it can prevail only with determined class warfare
against the embittered resistance of monopoly capital. Confrontations will
continue under socialism; it will be necessary to struggle for the
dominance of socialist values and attitudes.
The DKP will work to bring the understanding of the necessity of socialism
and struggle to bring it into being to ever larger sections of the working
people
Today, the principal concern in the Federal Republic is the defense of the
social and democratic achievements threatened by the cabinet and capital
and the resistance to German imperialism's great-power policy of exploiting
and oppressing the people at home and endangering peace abroad. In these
struggles against the anti-human ideology and social conceptions of
imperialism, forces must be gathered together to force through progressive
reforms, for turning from the dismantling of social and democratic
achievements toward creation of more democratic social and ecologically
oriented potary balances of power. The proposals for this
line of struggle are contained in the DKP program for action.
The main obstacle to social progress is the economic and political power of
monopoly capital. The curtailment and ultimate overcoming of the rule of
this most powerful section of the bourgeoisie is therefore the crucial
prerequisite for opening the path to socialism. The DKP therefore
strives to build alliances and movements that will bring together for
struggle and change the widest possible social forces whose interests stand
in contradiction to the policy of the dominant mrs it possible
that such an anti-monopoly struggle can lead to fundamental democratic
transformations and open the path to socialism.
How this path will be shaped concretely is an open question. It depends on
the strength of the working class, the stability of its alliance with other
democratic forces, the influence of the Communists, but also on the forms
of resistance by reaction. The experiences of class warfare teach us that
whenever monopoly capital has seen its power and privileges threatened, it
has always attempted to use all means at its disposal to prevent social
progress, includiis inevitable resistance must be overcome. The
forces striving for socialism must achieve a strength that will enable them
to prevent reaction from amassing a bloody counterrevolutionary force and
thereby establish the most favorable conditions for the working people to
move on to socialism.
In view of the power of international finance capital and the transnational
corporations, the growing globalization of capitalist production, and the
processes of integration of the monopolies in Europe, heightened emphasis
must be placed on internationalist cooperation of the working class and its
organizations, the development of a coordinated strategy of the Communist
parties and other left forces for the defense of the direct interests of
the working people, and still more to the struggle for overcoming monopoly
power and opening the way to socialism.
Drafted by the Executive Committee of the DKP
(
geocities.com/CapitolHill)