*EUR211 09/19/95

SMITH WARNS CONTINUING CONFLICT WITH KURDS UNDERMINING TURKEY

(Text: Statement to Helsinki Commission) (1000)

Washington -- The chairman of the Commission on Security and

Cooperation in Europe, commonly called the Helsinki Commission, has

warned that Turkey's continuing civil war against its Kurdish

population is undermining the country's stability.

U.S. Representative Christopher Smith (Republican-New Jersey) told

a September 19 meeting of the commission that the complex and

profound crisis is polarizing the nation's population along

national, ethnic and religious lines, undermining attempts to

further democratize and reform Turkey's political system and

breeding extremist violence, terrorism, repression and human rights

abuses.

Following is the text of Smith's statement to the commission:

(Begin text)

I'd like to welcome everyone here and especially thank our

witnesses for joining us at this Helsinki Commission hearing

entitled "Turkey-U.S. Relations: Potential and Peril." Today, we

will examine both the potential mutual benefits of closer relations

with Turkey, and the peril of unconditional support for a

government unable to resolve crises that threaten the existing

political order and regional stability.

Turkey, a NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) ally and OSCE

(Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe) participating

state, is poised as a unique strategic and economic partner astride

the Middle East, Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Balkans.

Turkey stood by the United States in Korea, against Saddam Hussein

during the Gulf War and in its aftermath in Operation Provide

Comfort. Turkey also supports our efforts to bring peace to

Bosnia. Turkey has purchased billions of dollars of U.S. military

equipment over the years and has been identified as one of the ten

biggest emerging markets for U.S. exports. The potential benefits

of closer cooperation are obvious.

At the same time, however, a complex and profound crisis

increasingly divides Turkey's citizens along national, ethnic and

religious lines, threatening the existing social and political

order. Extremist violence and terrorism is polarizing Turks and

Kurds, Islamic groups and secular and anti-secular proponents.

While the rights of all Turkey's citizens are restricted under the

mantle of combating terrorism, Kurds bear the brunt of such

repression. An undeclared civil war in southeast Turkey has

claimed more than 17,500 lives, robbed the predominantly Kurdish

region of economic opportunity, and drained Turkish coffers of over

7 billion dollars a year. Since 1992, security forces evacuated or

destroyed more than 2000 Kurdish villages in southeast Turkey and

displaced more than two million people in a campaign frighteningly

similar to ethnic cleansing. Extrajudicial killings,

disappearances and the use of torture are widespread. This crisis

undermines attempts to further democratize and reform Turkey's

political system and has preserved a prominent role for the Turkish

Armed Forces in national politics.

Freedom of expression has also fallen victim to the war on

terrorism. Numerous articles in the 1990 Penal Code and Article 8

of the "Anti Terror Law" criminalize speeches or writings which

advocate pro-Kurdish positions. In March 1994, 13 duly elected

parliamentarians were imprisoned or exiled because of speeches,

writings or alleged contacts with PKK members. In February 1995,

Yasar Kemal, one of Turkey's most well-known authors was charged

with "separatism" and "racism" for an article published in a German

magazine. Hundreds of academics, artists, journalists, human

rights activists, Kurdish activists and others are political

prisoners or await trial for "thought crimes." Publications,

especially those dealing with Kurdish issues, are regularly deemed

"separatist propaganda" and then seized, censored or banned.

Turkish human rights NGOs and others who advocate political and

legal reforms face persistent and severe persecution. Fifteen

Human Rights Association branches in southeast Turkey have been

closed by authorities. Hundreds of human rights activists have

been killed by death squads, imprisoned, or face harassment and

legal action. The leaders of such groups face constant

prosecution, and publications, including information on torture and

village evacuations, are routinely banned and seized. Individuals

affiliated with human rights groups are often arrested and branded

"terrorists" or "traitors" in the press.

Given such conditions, a major question to examine today is how our

government can move relations forward and at the same time promote

peaceful and democratic resolution of potentially devastating

internal problems. No nation, including our own, is immune from

human rights problems. When we speak out on Turkey's compliance

with OSCE human rights commitments and question unconditional

support for a regime conducting military operations against its own

citizens with U.S.-supplied equipment, we are not supporting

terrorism, threatening Turkey's territorial integrity, or acting on

behalf of forces hostile to Turkey. By encouraging

democratization, respect for human rights commitments and peaceful,

political approaches to the Kurdish crisis, we seek to encourage

stability and strengthen our friendship. Recent amendments to the

Turkish Constitution, while welcome and a step in the right

direction, do not directly address the underlying sources of

conflict. Only when Turkey resolves its internal crises can we be

assured of a mutually beneficial, long-term relationship based upon

shared democratic values as well as shared political, economic and

strategic interests.

In closing, I'd like to point to critical parliamentary elections

in Turkey next year. Many believe this election will be an

historic last chance for the present political system and

constitution. Efforts by successive Turkish governments to

strengthen democratic institutions have not resolved underlying

sources of conflict. If the newly elected group of Turkish leaders

is unable to decisively move toward peaceful resolution of the

Kurdish impasse, many related crises will be exacerbated. Islamic

fundamentalist and nationalist parties increasingly cut into

support for Turkey's centrist, secular parties. Should centrist

parties lose power, Turkey will likely turn away from the West and

could face increased internal conflict. Such an outcome would be

devastating to both our countries and would pose serious obstacles

to continued close relations and regional stability.

I look forward to hearing from our panelists on how they view this

important relationship. One final point, I would point out that

the Government of Turkey was invited, but declined to participate

in today's discussion.

(End text)