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Dr. Hódi Sándor, a Duna TV-ben,
az "Esti kérdés" műsorban, elhangzott interjúja
6th September, 19998:40 p.m.
"Evening Question"of Duna Television,
Budapest
the first Hungarian Satellite TV
Speaker: Miklós Hornyik
Guest: Dr.Sándor Hódi, psychologist
Sp.: Good evening, today evening's interviewee is Dr. SándorHódi, writer, psychologist, vice-president of the Carpatien Basin Region ofthe World Federation of Hungarians. His Book "The Bombing of Yugoslavia"was first published some weeks ago, and, surprisingly, the 2nd edition tendays ago. What lead you to writing this book: the isolation in which youlive in Ada, or despair?
S.H.: Isolation, although not due to Ada's geographical featuresbut the atmosphere called forth by the bombings. One usually arrange theirlives so that it should fulfil one's demand for the freedom of activity.When the air raids began, the first step was the blocking the state'sborders, and the drastic restriction of the personal freedom of movement ofthe men with army duty. Political and social lifewere quit; basic human rights, such as right for speech, were abolished. And so wastransportation, since coaches and cars - lacking fuel - were defunct. Andthere we were in Ada ('isle' in Turkish), almost as on an island, withoutthe possibility to do anything. And, as an addition, the air raids came, aworrying matter, the end of which was unpredictable. And then I began towrite a diary as a means of getting rid of these oppressing troubles.
Sp.: How would you characterise life during the weeks or monthsof the bombings?
S.H.: I think the great experience of these was that a regimethat is responsible for the war has always got undercover intentions. Soit is not only that you live on a knife-edge, but the regime providesitself with more freedom to act, by restricting human rights, and castingout new taxes. In peaceful times they find it more important to maintain apparent legacy.
Sp.: So dictatorship works better in a war, does it?
S.H.: That is right. The adage is true: give power insomebody's hand, an you will see what he is like. This is also true for anauthority. In a situation when it can shed its inhibitions, the real facewill come to light. In my opinion, it was most horrifying to see the realfeatures of a regime that is not gentle and benevolent even in peace, asfar as human rights are concerned.
Sp.: You finish your book saying that if everything goes thisway, the real losers of this war will be the ethnic Hungarians living inYugoslavia. Why so?
S.H.: Because all the peoples of the former Yugoslavia have beguna new independent life; and their mental, economical and political life isprovided. Hungarians, on the contrary, are still captured by the policythat ruined the late Yugoslavia and lead the peoples of the Balkan into 3-4wars. Kosovars now have high political freedom, and they are going to gainmonetary support, so in some years they are likely to reach the economicaland social standard of the Middle-Eastern European countries. At the momentthere are no such perspectives for us, ethnic Hungarians. The world seemsnot to notice thesde events. In 1945, Hungarians were the first victims:40.000 Hungarians were massacred, many were expelled, and in the morepeaceful years after the Woröd War II, further 100.000 were lost due to assimilation and emigration. In the past 10 years another 100.000 citizensleft the country, escaping from psychoterror and agressive drafts, orsimply from desperate future.
I is evident that the exile of many and many Kosovars evoke a world-wide furore; and grat monetary and economical efforts are made togive them the possibility to return home. Well, Hungarians exiled fromVoivodina are totally unnoticed from this aspect. As if we, Hungarians didnot have emigrants. There were persons who find it more fair, ethical todisobey the order of mobilisation during the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, or 4th war, andfind shelter beyond the border. Belgrade has not given general and fullamnesty to these people. Lot of them would like to return now, but do notdare to, because they are afraid of being called to account. Politicians ofthe world do not talk about this matter, either. It is as if it did notexist at all. So these perspectives, this future, this human casualty makeme claim that Hungarians are the real victims of the wars.
And let me add that maybe this is not the most discouraging,although it is very hard to put up with. But now encouraging promises canbe heard at international forums; that if Serbia or Little-Yugoslaviastarts on the way of democratic changes, she will be supported in apolitical and financial way. This financial support was promised to theSerb democratic opposition, the local governements in opposition, worker'sunions, the intellectual class, everybody of which Western politiciansthinks they can be carriers of the changes. Well. the Hungarians inVoivodina are perfectly out of consideration from this aspect, althoughhundred thousands of these Hungarians were the evidence, the exclusive proof of how different nations could live together even under the most unbearable circumstances.
This patience, understanding, tolerance and the fact that we fightwith exclusively political means, these are not appreciated by the West. Although the norms of coexistence, which, if at any time in the future, canbe the basis of the region's peace, is a characteristic of ethnicHungarians in Voivodina. They personify it. And if the attempt forappeasement is real, this feature should be prized, confirmed and given asa sample. I think until it has not been realised that a people lives therehaving the features that insure peaceful coexistence, attempts happen in anawkward and haphazard way, and there will not be peace in the region.
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