Homicide
Reprinted in part from NOVA - Network Information Bulletin Volume 1, Number 3; October, 1985

Nearly 45,000 men, women, and children are victims of criminal
homicide in the United States every year.
As staggering as that figure is, it does not begin to indicate
the toll of suffering that homicide extracts. If one estimates
that each of its victims is survived by a minimum of three loved
ones for whom the violent death will produce deep and bitter
grief, the annual casualty rate escalates to over 130,000
individuals. And if one appreciates the intensity and duration of
the trauma suffered by these survivors, we can conservatively
estimate that we have in our midst over a million wounded and
scarred Americans, all victims of the murders of just the past decade.
"Survivors of homicide victims" is a phrase used to describe
those individuals who had special ties of kindredship with the
person murdered, and who were therefore victimized not only by
the loss of someone close but also by the horrific circumstances
of that untimely death. Survivors are usually thought of as
family members or close friends, but at times, the term may
include people with seemingly more distant relationships such as
neighbors, schoolmates, and members of the community at large.
Let it be said at the outset: nothing in life prepares survivors
for the day when a loved one is murdered. Most people live with
illusions of immortality both for themselves and the people they
know, at least before they reach old age. Death of a younger
person is always a shock to those who grieve, who may even be
stunned by the expected death of an old infirm relative.
But murder involves more than death. For a majority of victims,
it cuts short a healthy, young life, and for all victims, it is
committed through an act of wanton cruelty.
The dimension of cruelty compounds the sense of sorrow and loss
with acute feelings of injustice, distrust, and helplessness.
WHAT ARE COMMON REACTIONS TO HOMICIDE?
The common response to any extraordinary trauma is crisis. The
long term effect of the crisis is influenced by a number of
objective factors, such as:
a. the intensity of the event;
b. the suddenness of the event;
c. whether the event was anticipated;
d. the ability to understand the event;
e. our state of mind prior to the event;
It is clear that learning of a loved one's murder is intense,
sudden, and virtually impossible to understand.
Hence, most survivors face a long period of emotional struggle to
reconstruct a devastated life.
That private turmoil is characterized by a number of different feelings.
TURMOIL AND NUMBNESS
Survivors report suffering an initial phase of shock and
confusion. The shock at receiving the information of the murder
is experienced both mentally and physically. Typically, the
survivor feels unable to accept the news of the death and even
less able to comprehend the murder. After a rush of sensory
reactions which accompany the adrenaline response to the news,
many survivors collapse into a state of stunned affect and physical exhaustion.
But that paints too predictable a picture. In fact, the feelings
aroused by the devastating news, and the way these show
themselves in the survivor's behavior, vary considerably from one
person to another, so that there is a wide range of normal
responses in thinking, feeling, and behavior. All of the
following are typical survivor reactions during the acute stages of crisis.
Preoccupation with the survivor's personal loss; horror about the
suffering that the murder victim may have suffered; a need to
know every detail of the victim's death; restlessness and insomnia; an inability to concentrate, flashbacks to the
memory of receiving the death notification or to the memory of,
or an imagined picture of the crime itself, rage at the
assailant, fear for one's own life or that of other loved ones;
self blame about something the survivor did or did not do to
prevent the murder; hostility towards everyone who cannot bring
the victim back to life; and utter hopelessness and helplessness.
For many survivors, the strongest point to focus for their
feelings is over the loss, and with this normal focal point of
nearly all grieving, the normal mix of grieving emotions,
including a guilt-inducing sense of anger at the person who died,
is present. For those who cannot imagine a life without that
loved one, ideas of suicide are common.
For most survivors, the distress attributable to the murder
itself is compounded by a number of other stressors.
ADDITIONAL STRESS FACTORS
The first such stressor is the notification itself. Many
survivors remember that event as severely traumatic. Notification
by telephone, notification with incomplete or, worse, inaccurate
information, notification that takes place in public, or worse,
through the media all cause additional pain. In contrast,
notifications performed by trained law enforcement officers, done
in person and sometimes with the aid of a crisis counselor, are
remembered by some survivors as events of powerful kindness amid
the terrible pain.
A second stress factor is the impact of other life changes.
Despite the shock and numbness of the survivor, life around them
does not end. If there is a divorce occurring in their family, or
employment or economic problems, or illness, these stresses
rarely go away for very long, and on the contrary, sometimes lead
to extraordinary strife.
Third, any violent death produces unwanted and untimely demands
on the family. The survivors may be faced with the task of
identifying the victim's body, making funeral arrangements,
handling medical or ambulance bills, notifying other friends or
family of the news, hosting friends or family in their home for
the funeral, dealing with the media, and so on.
Fourth, death often necessitates a number of role changes for
survivors. If a husband is murdered, his wife may have to take on
the roles he once had in child rearing. At times a son is called
upon to become "the man of the house." All children may find
themselves parenting their own parents should the adults lose the
ability to attend to household tasks.
Fifth, death often causes financial stress, especially when the
victim was the sole or primary source of income. Then there are
medical and funeral expenses, and other costs of the crime-for
cleaning up the victim's home, for dealing with other acts of
violence, for any attendant theft, for cooperating with, and even
subsidizing in practical terms, the criminal justice follow-up,
and so on. Obviously, these involve costs to the spirit as well
as to the bank account.
Sixth, many survivors find comfort in their religion, but even
their religious community may react with misguided compassion.
Statements such as "it was God's will," "your loved one is better
off in Heaven," or "God called him" often alienates survivors not
only from the person speaking but from their own faith. Some
survivors report that they are advised to "forgive the murderer"
or "pray for his redemption." Such advice is not only infuriating
but painful to hear.
And seventh, the aftermath of murder is made more stressful than
other types of death by some of the responses survivors receive
from their families, friends, and neighbors.
Murder is a hideously distasteful subject. People do not like to
think it can happen and avoid acknowledging the event. They may
try to blame the murder, at least in part, on the victim or the
survivors. If they can somehow explain what was "wrong" with the
victim or his or her family, they can sustain the illusion that
murder could not happen to them or their loved ones.
Relatives and friends of the survivors may urge them to "get on
with their lives," "forget about the past," or "concentrate on
the family they have left." [In my family, we often heard,
"well... at least you have other children."] There is a tendency
to overlook the fact that all survivors grieve in different ways
and process the grief over different lengths of time. Obviously,
survivors never forget the murder or the victim. Less obvious to
many, good memories of the victim's life are often comforting,
and so "living in the past" can often be a healing thing.
Conversely, focusing on the family members who survive the victim
may not necessarily serve the healing process. It sometimes is a
good, short-term coping mechanism (like working hard at the job),
but it can be used as a substitute for "grief work" which is put
off for longer and longer periods of time. One factor in these
intrafamily dealings is the discovery, reported by many
survivors, that having other loving family members to turn to
does not mean that they can serve as an emotional replacement for
the murdered relative.
A UNIQUE STRESSOR: THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
Even if the offender receives a just and appropriate sentence
from the from the perspective of the survivors, they are often
surprised by their response. Survivors typically assume that a
just conclusion will salve their pain, and they are sometimes
shocked when it does not. One reason for this is that, from the
point of arrest onward, most survivors concentrate so much on the
criminal justice dimension that they do not allow themselves the
time or space for grieving. Hence, when the trial is over, their
emotions are no longer "on hold" and they are plunged back to a
starting place in the grieving process, where they are faced with
the excruciating knowledge of the everlasting void caused by the murder.
The sentencing stage is of vital concern to survivors. Thanks to
legislation mandating "victim impact statements," survivors in
most states now have a right to have some input in sentencing.
Sometimes it is limited to a written, objective statement of how
the murder affected the survivors financially, medically, and
emotionally. In some states, this information may be supplemented
by the survivors' opinions as to what the sentence should be. And
in at least a few states, survivors are permitted to speak to the
judge at the sentencing hearing itself.
All of these are gratifying to most survivors, at least when they
feel that their involvement made a difference.
In the majority of cases where a prison sentence is imposed,
survivors in most jurisdictions will soon be concerned about the
probability of parole. That concern has turned into fear and
anger in many states which are nowadays using early release, even
of violent inmates, as a method of reducing prison overcrowding.
For virtually all survivors who see the offender sentenced after
a trial rather than a guilty plea, there is the prospect of
seemingly endless appeals, and of a possible overturning of the
conviction, even of an acquittal in the second or third trial.
The final group of stressors accompanying a murder trial and
conviction concerns a sentence of death. For the majority of
survivors who strongly favor the death penalty in capital murder
cases, there is the statistical likelihood that a death sentence
will not be carried out, at least not for years while appeals are
heard and, not unusually, retrials are ordered. Then there is the
possibility that, once carried out, a death penalty does not
produce the emotional catharsis the survivors had expected.
The plain fact remains that the criminal justice process is at
least as likely to compound the survivors' distress as to reduce it.
THE TOLL OF STRESS ON THE SURVIVORS' SUPPORT NETWORK
Wherever the stress factors come from - from the loss itself, from
the circumstances of the murder, or from the outside stressors
with their "second wounds" - they add up to a terrible strain on
the survivors' natural support network. For the fact is that its
members will have different methods for dealing with their grief
and will operate on different timetables. For some, those strains
may prove too heavy, and marriages will break up, or children
will leave home, or relatives may drift apart. All will find that
at least some friendships will deteriorate.
Because of the extraordinary effect murder has on survivors, some
of them feel they are going crazy, especially those who receive
no education about normal human reactions to catastrophic stress.
Nightmares, insomnia, periods of uncontrollable sobbing,
occasional hysterical laughter, nausea, headaches, physical
heartaches, fatigue and other reactions may go on for months and years.
Even for survivors who manage to reconstruct a useful life, "bad
days" will continue to plague them. As one survivor stated, you
finally know that you are going to be okay, not because the bad
days go away, but because you reach a point when there are more
good days than bad ones.
SITUATIONAL FACTORS THAT AFFECT THE SURVIVORS TRAUMA:
The relationship of the survivor to the murder victim.
The relationship of the survivor to the murder victim can result
in significantly different responses. While it is impossible to
explore all possible relationships in this bulletin, a review of
some of the relationships may help illustrate the issues.
PARENTS:
With the advent of modern medicine in the last century, people
who become parents have learned that, in the natural order of
things, parents almost always die before their children. Hence
the shock of death of one's child, compounded by murder, is
exacerbated even more by the disillusionment of what has become
an almost sacred belief.
Parents assume a natural role of protectors of their offspring.
While they sometimes acknowledge that they may not have been able
to protect them from terminal illnesses or natural disasters,
they convince themselves that they could have, been able to
protect their son or daughter from the murderer. This sense of
protectiveness increases parental guilt and self-blame.
Parents normally spend a great deal of time planning their
children's future, and many consider that their child's future is
their own link with immortality. The grief over the loss of the
child is complicated by grief over the loss of a portion of that
immortality. This can be especially devastating to parents of an only child.
In the event of death or murder, the father is expected
to be strong, to offer comfort to his family, to cope with most
of the funeral arrangements, insurance claims, or other details,
and to maintain his job.
If the father is unable to cope because of the emotional turmoil,
society is far less forgiving than it might be of a mother. On
the other hand, as our society experiences the impact of the
working woman, expectations may become more comparable.
A mother is often more verbal in her anger and more active in her
outward fight against the murder and the sources of the second
injury. The murder of a child for the mother often catapults the
mother in to an activism she has not experienced in her previous
life. There is almost a sense in the reports from mother
survivors that they feel that if they had become more involved in
politics, their community, or in social change in general, that
they might have been able to prevent their child's murder. Hence,
they may become committed to that external force in order to
compensate for their previous apathy.
In discussing parents, it should be noted that in today's family,
the parental responsibilities may be shared with step-parents.
Many times this group is ignored. Indeed, the anguish over a
child's murder may be intensified if parents who have been
divorced and remarried have to deal with their former spouses.
Even though some counselors believe it is necessary and healthy
to encourage such reunions in order to facilitate the grieving
process, it may add to the distress of the natural parent or his
or her new partner. Step parents often love their step-children
with equal intensity as the natural parents. When others expect
their grief to be less, their agony is increased.
SIBLINGS:
Siblings of children who are murdered are often forgotten in
discussions about the aftermath of murder.
If the siblings are young, it may be the first time they have
encountered death, let alone murder. It is very difficult for
them to understand the permanency of death and the fact that
their brother or sister will never return. Their friends of
schoolmates may make the situation worse. Children often have a
ghoulish sense of humor and are not kind in their play.
Many times siblings are also best friends. The pain of loosing a
confidant, a pal, a teammate can increase the sorrow. Conversely,
the child who had a difficult relationship with his or her
sibling (which is the norm) may fantasize all sorts of terrible
things - that he or she "willed" a rivals death, that the good
child died and the evil one survived, that the inadequate
expressions of love now coming from their parents is the dead
sibling's form of revenge, and so on.
In far too many cases, parents cannot find the emotional reserves
to take care of surviving children. Hence, the siblings feel
devalued, unworthy of living, and discouraged. And, as mentioned
before, parents often report that they feel the child who was
murdered was somehow special or they had a special relationship
with him or her. If they express these feelings in front of
surviving children, the children may feel jealous and angry.
If the parents become active in a victim rights campaign or
dramatically change their lifestyles, the remaining children may resent
the time away from home or the fact that they can't live "like normal" anymore.
EXTENDED FAMILY MEMBERS AND FRIENDS:
Extended family members and friends of the murder victim may have
been closer to the victim than the immediate family. It is not
unusual to find that a best friend or a favored aunt is more
deeply affected by the murder of their loved one than a brother,
sister, or even a parent. Yet it is often the case that the
support network that bands together to console one another, or
to deal as a unit with the criminal justice system and other
outsiders, excludes these special people.
CHILDREN:
Children who lose a parent to murder face serious adjustment problems. They often interpret a parent's death as desertion even
when death is caused by murder. They may ask why the parent
didn't fight harder or run away. They in turn may blame the
parent or blame themselves for the event. In blaming themselves
they often feel that the parent died because the parent didn't
love them. Hence some studies suggest that children who survive
the murder of a parent have persistently low self esteem.
The parent's death also interferes with the child's development
process. Children normally grow up and learn to become
responsible for themselves as they learn to control their
environment. The helplessness that accompanies their sense of
loss may leave them with a sense of ineffectiveness, leading in
time to apathy, depression, and passivity.
Anger is more intense in children who survive their parent
because they resent abandonment. The surviving parent may be
placed in a very difficult position. The bereaved child may
idealize the murdered parent and project hostility on the survivor.
OTHER FACTORS
Holidays, birthdays, and other formerly - happy events are
usually marred by the loss of the loved one. The fond memories of
yesteryear become bittersweet with the knowledge that the loved
one will never be part of future memories of such family rituals.
WITNESSING THE EVENT:
A third factor affecting the reconstruction process for survivors
concerns their role as witnesses to the event. There is no doubt
that individuals who witness a murder - any murder - are
vulnerable to severe repercussions for having been present at
such a horrific event. How much worse, then, when the witnessed
murder is of a loved one.
Often the witness could also have been killed, so that his or her
terror and horror are intermixed. It is very common for such
witnesses to feel extraordinary guilt about surviving.
Witnesses may have an increased sense of impotence and self -
blame. Whereas non - witness survivors may fantasize that, had
they been present, they would have prevented the murder;
witness/survivors know that they were there and could not, or did
not, prevent the killing.
In many cases witnesses are also afraid that the assailant will
retaliate against them at another time. Since they will be
involved in the criminal justice process, they may become torn
between telling what they saw and vindicating their loved one,
and their extreme fear of retribution.
Other survivors may blame the witness - survivor as well. If a
parent witnesses the murder of the other parent, the children may
hold the surviving parent accountable for the death. The child
who witnessed the murder of a sibling may feel that their parents
believe that the wrong child was killed.
RELATIONSHIP TO ASSAILANT:
A critical factor in dealing with the aftermath of murder is the
relationship of the assailant to the victim and to the survivors.
Since many homicides occur between intimates, many survivors must
deal with this added complexity. An adult man who kills his
brother may leave his widowed sister-in-law and her children as
survivors. His parents may feel forced to make a choice between
giving emotional support to the murderer and the victim. With one
choice, they must lose a second child, and with the other, they
abandon the company of their grandchildren. The likelihood of
their being able to sustain a relationship with both is negligible.
A husband who kills his wife and who is sent to prison for the
crime leaves his children parentless, and competing sets of
grandparents may then end up in a custody battle. The same
children may be forced to visit their father in spite of their
hatred of him. If a boyfriend kills his girlfriend, society often
interprets the act as an excusable crime of passion. Or there may
be other complications, like the boyfriends past friendship with
other family members. These and other unthinkable convolutions
have left some survivors trying to forgive the murderer and
others feeling only anger, betrayal, and revulsion.
MURDER ACCOMPANIED BY SEXUAL ASSAULT:
When a victim is sexually assaulted as well as murdered, many
survivors have additional difficulties dealing with the incident.
Survivors talk about the degradation and terror that the victim must have felt.
MURDER ACCOMPANIED BY TORTURE:
A major issue for survivors to confront is whether the victim
suffered as a result of the murder. It is a critical question and
may seriously the reconstruction process.
When survivors are reassured that the victim was killed instantly
and "didn't even know what happened," there is often a certain
comfort in that knowledge. Survivors who know that the murder
took place over time, or involved maiming or humiliation, often
face years of imagining the process of suffering. They report
trying to think what their loved one was thinking or feeling during the murder.
If the victim had particular fears or ideals that were exploited
by the killer, the survivors often grieve for the victim's
additional loss. For instance if a victim was afraid of the dark
and was forced to stay in a dark room prior to the murder, it
gives the incident an added dimension of horror. If a victim was
very religious and was forced to destroy a crucifix or a bible,
it may seem to increase the sadness of the event.
MURDER PRECEDED BY KIDNAP:
Kidnap and murder cases are particularly painful because often
the murder is preceded by a period of time in which the victim
was missing. In some cases, the fact that the victim was
kidnapped is a well known fact; in others, the victim may have
simply vanished. The length of time in which the victim is
missing adds to the trauma because the survivors don't know what
has happened. And the survivors imagine the worst possible scenarios.
ATTRIBUTES OF THE ASSAILANT:
Although it may not seem that the attributes of the assailant
would be of particular concern to survivors, often they are. One
of the first issues in this area is whether there was more than
one assailant. Murders in which two or three individuals beat,
raped, or tortured the victim may seem more violent than some
murders with only one victimizer.
The age of the assailant can become a fixation if a child or an
adolescent is the murderer. Survivors often have a great deal of
difficulty comprehending brutal violence in young people,
especially if their own experience affirms a belief in the
innocence of childhood and youth.
The race of the assailant can be very important. As a statistical
matter, the prototypical murder in the United States involves a
young, black, male victim-and young, black, male, murderer.
Black-on-black crime is for many in the black community a painful
and difficult subject, leading to debates mainly on the causes of
the violence and methods of reducing it; less often debated are
issues about what is owed the victim-and the offender.
At least in past years, when the debates were more prevalent,
they sometimes worked hardships on black families who were
grieving over the murder of a loved one and were troubled that
the crime was being treated as something impersonal or symbolic,
not as a personal tragedy and a community outrage.
If the crime is inter-racial the murder may reconfirm old
prejudices or generate new ones. All victims are at risk of
getting jolting reminders of the crime from "cues" associated
with the event - a sight, or smell, or sense of time or place - and
some victims find that the triggering cues start expanding from
the very particular to the more general. It seems to be fairly
common that survivors grow fearful of an entire race of people
when the homicide was inter-racial.
RECONSTRUCTING A LIFE:
Having reviewed a host of factors that make the aftermath of
murder a heartbreaking ordeal, we turn to a description of how
hearts are mended and lives reconstructed. We start with the
healing process as it has been recalled by survivors, one where
it is a landmark of progress when the good days start to
outnumber the bad. That process includes several features.
First, survivors realize a need to give up previous life
patterns. Individuals who survive the murder of a loved one
become different people than they were before. That itself is a
family stressor - - everyone has changed. Survivors develop new
patterns of thinking, feeling, and acting.
Second, survivors often adopt a different lifestyle and redefine
their own sense of self. For many, this may involve becoming
active in supporting a victim rights group, for others it may
entail adopting a new hobby, still others move away from their
old neighborhood, acquire new skills, or get a different job.
Third, the reconstruction process usually involves an increased
remembering of the murder victim-not the murder. Survivors want
to think and, often, talk about the life of victims , their
personality traits, their habits and aspirations and the future
life that was taken from them. It is often very important for
survivors to talk about their "bad" thoughts about victims
because they want to remember them as warm, alive, but genuinely
human beings, not as saints.
Most survivors feel that they never "recover" from the impact of
the murder. But many do report reconstructing their lives and
developing something positive out of the tragedy.
In fact, more and more survivors commit their lives to creating a
meaningful outcome to their tragedy. That commitment may
involving lobbying for legislation to give survivors more rights
and more access to the criminal justice process. It may involve
establishing a program to assist other survivors in the
reconstruction process. It may involve monitoring the parole
system so that the murderer is not released and cannot harm
anyone else. Whatever the cause, survivors may become absorbed in
helping activities in memory of their loved ones.
ASSISTING SURVIVORS IN RECONSTRUCTING THEIR LIVES:
Having reviewed some of the ways in which survivors fight their
way back from the abyss, it is important to examine some of the
tools that can be used-by criminal justice professionals, victim
assistance staff, and survivors themselves - to speed the healing process.
Survivors should be given assistance with funeral
arrangements if they want such help. This may include providing
an escort to the morgue, providing them with information
concerning their options for funeral homes. funeral services,
burial services, and the like. If the victim was murdered in his
or her own home, the survivors may also need assistance with clean-up services.
Survivors should be given as much information as there is
available and as they request concerning the criminal justice
investigation, prosecution, and trial procedures. When decisions
are made they should be informed immediately and provided with an
explanation. Remember that not all survivors want a great deal of
information, but that many do. Let the survivors tell you whatthey want to know.
Survivors may need help in disposing of the personal
belongings of the victim. Anxiety, fatigue, and depression may
leave them unable to face such tasks. Hence, they should be urged
to consult with other loved ones before making major decisions.
Families and friends of survivors should also try to
understand what they are experiencing and what kinds of things
may be able to assist them in their reconstruction. The following
list of small gestures and thoughts can mean a great deal to
survivors as they struggle with their grief and anger.
- Allow survivors to grieve in whatever way they wish and
for as long as they wish.
- Allow survivors to cry freely. It is an healthy
expression of grief and releases tensions.
- Allow survivors to talk about the victim, his or her
life, and the murder. Allow them to criticize the victim and
to talk about the good times and the bad times. Allow them
to keep the victim in the family.
- Allow survivors to get angry with you, the victim, the
criminal, the criminal justice system, or simply the
unfairness of life. Anger needs expression and sharing.
- Remember the survivors and victim at holiday time, the
anniversary date of the murder, and birthdays. Let the
survivors know you remember too.
- Reassure the survivors that the murder was not their
fault or the victim's fault.
- Tell survivors that you are sorry the murder happened and
that it is horrible that someone killed their loved one.
- Support survivors in their effort to reconstruct a life,
even (or especially)if it means a major change in the
lifestyle, or work, or place of residence.
- Let survivors know that you will remain their friend and
that they mean a great deal to you.
Finally, survivors should be encouraged to seek additional
emotional support, whether from mental health professionals or
through self help groups. They should be reassured that their
feelings are normal and that these feelings are overwhelming for
most individuals.
Helpers should bear in mind that there are other survivors of
homicide victims who have lived through similar pain. Often such
veterans are the most comforting source of support the survivors
can receive; they have felt similar grief, intense anger,
overwhelming loss, and have faced the unanswered question raised
by what appears to be senseless violence.
RESOURCES AND REFERENCES
Burgess, Ann Wolbert, "Family Reaction to Homicide," American
Journal of Orthopsychiatry (April 1975).
Bard, Morton; Arnone, Harriet; and Nemiroff, David. "Homicide
Survivor-Victims: Psychological Theory and Legal Policy." paper
presented at the Biennial Convention of the American Psychology-
Law Society, October 1975.
Donnelly, Katherine Fair. Recovering from the loss of a child.
New York: McMillan Publishing Co., 1982.
Doyle, Polly. Grief Counseling and Sudden Death: A Manual and
Guide. Springfield: Charles C. Thomas, 1980.
Dunne, Dominick. "Justice: A Father's Account of the Trial of His
Daughters Killer," Vanity Fair 47, no 3 (March 1984).
Ferrell, David. "Surviving Victims of Murders United to Erase
Nightmares." Los Angeles Times, May 5 and 6, 1984.
Magee, Doug. What Murder Leaves Behind. New York: Dodd, Mard &Co., 1983.
Moffat, Linda Flies, and Moffat II, James G. Midpoint: Survivors
and Families. An education and Human Services Resource. White
Bear Lake, Minn.: Minnesota Curriculum Services Center, 1984.
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Osterweis, Marian; Solomon, Fredric and Green, Morris,
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National Academy Press, 1984.
Poussaint, Alvin E. "The Grief Response Following A Homicide."
Paper presented at the 92nd Convention of the American
Psychological Assn., Toronto, Canada, August 1984.
Pynoos, Robert S. and Eth, Spencer. "The Child as a Witness to
Homicide." Journal of Social Issues 40, no 2 (1984).
Rando, Therese A. Grief, Dying and Death. Champaign: Research
Press Company, 1984.
Rinear, Eileen E. "Study of Parental Response to Child Murder."
Temple University, Pa. Typescript.
Rynearson, Edward K. "Bereavement after Homicide: A descriptive
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Silverman, Phyllis R. Helping women Cope with Grief. Sage Human
Services Guide. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1984.
Worden, J. William. Grief Counseling and Grief Therapy. New York
Springer Publishing Co. 1982.
Working Group on the Development of Homicide and Sudden Death
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the Attorney General. New Jersey, 1984.
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