The Supreme Court Finally Draws A Limit
In the opening paragraph of the U.S. Supreme Court's
decision on government-mandated drug tests for political
candidates, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg wrote: "The
Fourth Amendment requires government to respect the
right of the people to be secure in their persons. . .
against unreasonable searches and seizures."
It's nice to see the court has not forgotten that part
of the Bill of Rights.
In recent years, the court has steadily whittled away
at the Constitution's shield against unnecessary
government searches. In the matter of forcing candidates
for political office to go through the invasive process
of drug testing, however, the count was nearly
unanimous in holding that such searches are
unconstitutional.
As a general proposition, the court has regarded drug
tests mandated by a government body - federal, state or
local - to be "searches" under the Fourth Amendment.
And, such searches are only permissible where there is
reasonable suspicion. By definition, drug tests
conducted randomly or on all applicants, as in the case
of Georgia political candidates, lack the element of
suspicions.
Justice Ginsburg shredded Georgia's contention that the
mere possibility that there might be drug abusers among
political office-seekers was sufficient justification
for the tests. In fact, Ginsburg quoted from the state
attorney's testimony that there "is no such evidence"
of a drug problem among state officeholders.
Although the court has in recent years upheld state and
federal laws requiring random, suspicionless drug tests
by government bodies - in the case of federally
regulated railroad engineers, Treasury Department drug
agents and high-school athletes in public schools -
the court has regarded each as a unique exception:
public safety in the case of railroad engineers; law-
enforcement integrity in the case of Treasury agents,
and public schools' role as guardians in the case of
high-school athletes.
Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist alone among
the nine justices saw no constitutional problems with
government-ordered, suspicionless, drug tests.
"It would tax a bolder person than I to say that such
widespread drug usage could never extend to candidates
for public office such as governor of Georgia,"
Rehnquist wrote. "But surely the state need not wait for
a drug addict, or one inclined to use drugs illegally,
to run for or actually become governor before it
installs a prophylactic mechanism."
If that were the standard, every American could be
required to yield up urine or blood samples to the
government as part of a nationwide drug-fighting
campaign. Fortunately, the majority of the court has
greater respect for the Constitution than that.
How does this apply to the drug-testing debate in the
Iowa Legislature? To the extent that this ruling applies
only to government action, which is subject to
constitutional limits, as opposed to a private employer,
which is not, there is no direct application. But the
principle that a citizen should be secure against
unreasonable searches should apply in the workplace,
too. Is a suspicionless search by your employer any
less objectionable than such a search by the government?
The standard for drug tests established by the Supreme
Court for the government - that there must be either
reasonable cause for suspicion or limited exceptions for unique
situations - should be the standard in the
private-sector workplace.
Des Moines Register, April 21, 1997
Will the ruling affect the Iowa debate?
What is REALLY disturbing is that the government determined, and correctly so, that they could not infringe on a citizen's rights, so they found a way for the citizen's EMPLOYER to do the invasion, making the employer a patsy of the State's wrong-headed anti-drug policies.
It is interesting that the very people who permit and support this sort of invasion, our elected officials, are also exempt from such testing. Coincidence? Doubtful.