Social Mobility
Social systems differ greatly in their openness, in the degree of
opportunity their members have to move from one status level to
another and from one job to another. Politic has great influence on
the level of mobility in any given society. It has been assumed
that left parties stress equality of opportunity where the parties
of the right or conservatives stress achievement.
This paper attempts to discuss the relationship assumed to
exist between the people's political preferences and their
subjective social class. Much of the voting behaviour literature
can be categorized by one of the following three hypotheses: (Broh
1973:5) People vote according to their issue attitude; issue is
dependent upon level of conceptualization of politics; issue voting is dependent upon the perception of part different on
issues.
Although all the above categories effect people's political
preference; This paper focuses only the second category of
conceptualization of politics. The political preferences has been
one that attract great deal of attention, subjectivly as well as
objectively. The paper puts emphasize on the subjective social
class rather than objective class, however, discussion of the
objective will not be left out from the discussion. The paper will
also compare and contrast the role of subjective social in
determining people's political preferences of Germany and Finland.
There has been an assumption that social classes would
condition the consequences of political predisposition on voting
behaviour.(Morris 1964:117) An analysis was therefore required of
the dynamic composition of party pluralism with German and Finland,
with a simultaneous consideration of social class and political
predisposition. Although a detailed description of each country's
political system cannot be provided in this short essay, the paper
will address the structure of political parties in both countries
and its influence on electrode vote.
THEORY
The Analyze of the voting behaviour has been studied in many
different ways. Before undertaking critical discussion of the
voting behaviour of the democratic states, it is important to
answer the most basic questions, who "vote"? The actually turnout
various considerably in countries for different groups in the
electorate and for people with different degree of social
class.(Brown, Broh and Prysyd 1975:20) for example in the US
educated people are much more likely to vote then less educated.
Bacuse of lack of expectation from the government to change the
situation of less advantaged populations kept some of those people
from voting.
One of the most important predictors of voting behaviour is a
persons party identification and strength of the person's
partisanship. People who call themselves working class are more
likely to vote for a political parties that cilams that they
represent the working class, mainly socialist parties than the
people who call themselves middle class, further more, the strong
the person identification with the party the more likely he/she
likely to vote to support the candidate of the party
A person's status, wether based on his social class or his
ethnic religious groups has long been held to condition his
political behaviour fundamentally (Tenowth and Mavick 1964:25)
" We may assume that the demands people tended to make, and the
ways they except "politics" to effect their lives, are strongly
influenced themselves by their social groups they belong to or
identified themselves with" their social views of politics is
equally effected how much confidence they have in their own ability
to take part in political Action ( Morviik 1964:26-25)
In the United States (but not in Canada) members of different
classes tend to vote for candidates of different parties. The
working class has traditionally voted Democratic and upper middle
class tended to split between the two parties. Which class are
more conservative , which more liberal? Seymour Martin Lipset has
shown that it is important to distinguish between economic and
noneconomic issues when discussing liberalism. Working class people
take a liberal position on economic issue, as you may expect. That
is, they want many social services to be supported with taxes, and
they don't mind if the government regulates business and trade as
long as such regulates business and trade as such regulation is in
the interest of ordinary people. (lipset, Martin 1967: )
Study conducted by John H. Goldtherd and associates found
that in British pubic vote according to their subjective social
class. For example 70% of the people survey who subjectively
working class and identified with left wing political parties,
mainly labour manual workers voted for labour party in both in
1955 and 1959 elections. By contrast, white calor worker and middle
class who subjectively identified themselves the conservative party
and liberal party voted for those parties. In 1968 study done by
Goldberth concluded that subjective social class effect voting
pattern of the population. (Gold, Likewod 1968:130) However, this
doesn't mean that working class vote for left always. The
subjective class cannot represented the actually class on the
people surveyed, to arrive a conclusion that working class vote
for left or that middle class vote for conservative. On should
study the actual social class and how that is translated into the
theory that social class effects on vote.
People's whose income and education indicated that they belong
to working class believed that the labour party is the party of
working class and as working class man they expected
that a labour government would improve their economic and social
position and that of the country as a whole, and it would also
provide better social services ( Refer ) However, the author feels
that the reasons to why they voted to labour parties doesn't
represented the assumption of the social class effects influences
the way people vote. partly because people's attitude of party
politics effects how they vote. In other words, one cannot expected
to vote a particular parties if he/she has a negative views about
party politics ( page 63 )
According to Golderth one can predict political attitude from
individuals subjective class identification or from his
occupational status as objectively defined " Different people
perceive class structure in different ways and , whatever the
objective reality of class is , people may have different images or
models of this reality. These images, as well as the actual
structure class are often assumed to determine people's political
and social attitude behaviour". Persons social characteristics and
his attitude towards politics may effect his decision to vote for
particular political party. People's social status, social group
membership and political attitudes are often linked with their
political parties, More precisely , their attitude political
parties. Thus political parties appeal to voters on the bases of
their social class and social groups. (Asher, Richardson 1977:20)
Students of the voting behaviour have routinely found that a
correlation between the social class position of the voters and the
party they typically voted for. The theory of voting behaviour
argues that persons in a professional and business occupations,
persons, with high level of education are more likely to vote for
a party that stands for the projection of business interest than
persons in low income, low prestige occupation. Low income people
have traditionally voted for Social democrats that promise the
improvement of working class and expansion of social welfare in
which low income population provide the services which they cannot
offer.( Refere )
Lipset and Rokken argue that in modern democratic states,
political parties have developed largely as instrument of various
class interests. Lepset and Rokken based their theory on the three
reasons. First, they feel that the absence of the monaholic unity
among groups sharing common economic interest have encouraged in
forming common shared political parties. Most of the socialist and
social democrats born out of this commonly
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