CLAAS2up

Back to home Page 1 Page 2 Footnotes

Survey of farm Rensburg 1714

Claas had this property of 60 morgen (Dutch measurement one morgen = 0.856 hectare) measured out by the land surveyor E.W. Cochuis. The survey of this farm on 10 September 1714 includes a map (9k).⁽³³⁾ He called the farm Rensburg this reveals that he had a close attachment to his place of origin. The farm was situated between the farms Artois of Philip du Preez and Veerkeyker of Steven Bruere.⁽³⁴⁾ The farm Rensburg appears on a map of the ‘Land van Waveren’, dating back to 1720 (107k). ⁽³⁵⁾ On the 21 Nov 1729 (Margaret Cairns erroneously gives the date as 14 January 1729) Knollevallei was given to Andries Gouws ‘zyne de verlatene plaats van Claas Jansz van Rensburg’.⁽³⁶⁾ Margaret Cairns, who has been researching the ‘Land van Waveren’, informed the writer that after the farm Rensburg was called Knollevallei it continued under the latter name as a loan farm until 1768, then it vanishes from the loan farm register. Today that area belongs to the Knolle Vlei Forest Reserve, which is not far from Wolseley, See map(81k).⁽³⁷⁾ Included is also the title deed map for Knolle Vlei Forest Reserve (8k). ⁽³⁸⁾ It should be kept in mind that the farm has increased in size since Claas’s original loan. In January 1988 the writer went to this area and found old oak trees and the remains of foundations of more recent buildings. (On a more recent visit the oak trees were burned out) It is likely that later farmers lived where the original ‘opstal’ must have been. The original farm buildings were most likely constructed out of timber, since in his request to the Council of Policy, he mentions that he used a lot of timber.⁽³⁹⁾

The name C.J. Rynsburg also appears on the same position in a map supposedly dating back to 1786. Ir. C Koeman,⁽⁴⁰⁾ who did research into the Map 225, out of the collection of Van de Graaf gives ample evidence why this map that is dated 1786 in fact contains the information of the location of early 1700’s Cape farmers (41k). This early map according to Koeman received minor additional information about some latter farms. There are a number of other maps and sources to identify the location of early Cape farms.⁽⁴¹⁾ Some farms were only know by the name of the owner and they can sometimes be very hard to locate geographically.

Claas also received a permit for a loan farm called Groote Craal at the Breede river in Waveren on 20 February 1717.⁽⁴²⁾ Was this farm the previous location of a Khoikhoi kraal? No farm with this name have I found in the valley, there is however a farm named Groote Valleij, can this be the one and same farm? Part of the agreement was that one tenth of the wheat crop should be presented to the castle. In the opgaafrol for 1717 and 1718 Claas had respectively 2,000 and 1,000 vines (quoted in J.H. van Rensburg, Die Rietvleiers). We do not know whether this viticultural farming took place on Groote Craal or Rensburg farms. An indication of his farming can be gleaned from the ‘opgaafrol’⁽⁴³⁾ these census rolls are very extensive. Drawing of Cape wheat, wine and cattle farm (22k)⁽⁴⁴⁾

	Wheat sown	Wheat harvested	Barley sown	Barley Harvested	Grape Vines
1709	8 muid	100 muid	1	20	500
1719	3 muid	30 muid	-	-	-
1723	4 muid	50 muid	-	-	-

One muid bag = 92.079 kg.

In the ‘Inventaris’⁽⁴⁵⁾ on the farm at Berg river there were: three ox wagons, four ploughs with equipment, two harrows, one wheat sieve and one meal sieve. There is a drawing of a farming activity dating back to 1710 (14k)⁽⁴⁶⁾ Some inventive farming equipment was developed in the Cape. The Cape had plows with one big wheel and one small wheel. The big wheel runs along the already plowed furrow.

According to J.H van Rensburg in Die Rietvleiers Claas received the farm Zeekoeigat on 7 May 1723. And it was renewed on a six monthly basis until 3 June 1728, in this book it is also suggested that this may indicate that the stamvader and stammoeder lived there in their latter years

Denial of freehold Title

Claas had problems with the governmental bureaucratic system. In his request to the Council of Policy on the 20 April 1723 (34k) he states that the authorities had not yet granted him property ownership of the farm Rensburg, even though it was surveyed in 1714 and that the property since then been developed, worked and a lot of expense incurred with timber. "dat land sedert altijt, behoorlijk bebouwt en bearbeijd, mitsgr. Met het doen van timmragie daar aan veel onkosten heeft gedaan".⁽⁴⁷⁾ The Council of Policy resolved that the requestant should make his request to the "Hooge Indische Regering tot Batavia". According to Theal⁽⁴⁸⁾ legal matters were determined according to the Cape Placaats. However, where they were inadequate the statutes of India came into effect, and where they failed the ordinary Law of Netherland was observed. Research that was done for the author in the Rijksargief in Den Haag, revealed no request by Claas to Batavia in the year 1723.

When it came to granting of Land there were five step according to: Dr J G le Roux (Skoolstraat 32, Paarl, 7646). He is an expert on landownership of farms in Drakenstein and Franschhoek. He mentioned 5 stages of ownership in the Cape Colony. They are:

(1) Date of grant "toesegging";

(2) Date when the surveyor surveyed the land;

(3) Date when the erfbrief was recorded "opgeskryf is";

(4) Governor signs the document and

(5)Registration in erfboek. He said it took anything from 3 years to 80 years to register `erfbrief'.

There were two copies of the erfbrief. The one went with property and was passed on to successive owners. This was known as the `dopper Kopie'. The other was filed at the colonial offices.

Claas also served as a burgher sergeant, in the infantry division at Drakenstein. In 1708⁽⁴⁹⁾ he possessed three matchlocks or carbines and one sword. From 1709⁽⁵⁰⁾ his arms decreased to one matchlock and one sword. Could the greater number of arms in 1708, which is our first encounter with Claas, be an indicator of a previous career as a soldier? This theory is further supported by the fact that he was appointed to serve as a burgher sergeant in the Drakenstein 'voet comp' infantry, by the Stellenbosch Krygsraad. It is most likely that they would have appointed a person with experience to this rank. The Stellenbosch 'Krygsraadsvergadering' Militia meeting on 21 September 1721 gave Claas off from attending the militia practice in Stellenbosch for the end of September and October of that year. The minutes states that Claas Jansz: 'van die krijsbootens g'excuseert' (quoted in J.H. van Rensburg Die Rietvleiers p 16). Some research needs to be made regarding the incoming or outgoing letters to the Stellenbosch Krygsraad at this time. Maybe there will be some primary documents regarding this matter. Francois Valentijn in Beschrivingen van de Kaap page 139, refers to the salary that was granted by the Political Secretary to: Lieuteneant 10 Rds, Vaandrager 8 Rds, Sergaeant 6 Rds, Corporal 4 Rds, and soldier 3 Rds per month. Maybe there are some records for Claas receiving first 4 Rds and then 6 Rds per month.

Negative Image - Kranksinnig: a Touch of Claas or a Chip on the Shoulder?

The task of the genealogical researcher is to present all the relevant information. Claas is referred to as being "kranksinnig" (mental, insane) when he is replaced as a burgher sergeant on the 5 October 1723 by the Council of Policy⁽⁵¹⁾ (We need to ask what was the situation, was he mentally unstable or was there something else behind this?). The Stellenbosch Heemraden took initial decision on the 28 September 1723.⁽⁵²⁾ Three documents were found which briefly refers to his dismissal. The documents are part of a chain reaction of official procedure with the dismissal of Claas and his replacement.

The Council of Policy’s decision was: "ook geapprobeert de gedane aanstellinge van Paul Roux … tot burger sergeanten in steed van den kranksinnige Claas Jansz van Rensburg"⁽⁵³⁾. They based their action on an incoming letter.

This letter from the Landdrost (34k) and burger Krijgsraad at Stellenbosch and Drakenstein states "W’hebben ook … approbatie, in steed van den kranksinnigen Claas Jansz:van Rensburgh … sergeanten der Drakensteijnse voet comp".⁽⁵⁴⁾

The minutes of the Krijgsraad (9k) which made the initial decision on 28 September reads: "Voor te stellen dat u in steede van die sergeante den Drakensteinse voetcomp: …..Claas Jansz: van rensburgh …. Ten aansien sijnen kranksinnigheijd is ontslagen"⁽⁵⁵⁾

It must be presumed that whatever is being referred to was either not present or not prevalent at the time of his appointment to that position in the first place. There must have been some valid reason for his dismissal. However, it is not known whether it was behavioral, relational or emotional. Whatever it was the mere fact that his brother-in-law Schalk Willem van der Merwe (whose three sons later married Claas’s daughters) was a member of the Heemraad and a signatory to this effect gives credence to the decision.

Others who were refered to as being Kranksinnig

There were some others at this time who received this discription: Theunis Bevernagie. Whereas Cornelis Victor, a lunatic, was in the care of J V Helsdingen a resident of Constantia (1727/8). The latter built an outside room for Cornelis but still experienced problems and appealed to the Company for help. Its not quite clear how this dilemma was resolved. The other instance in 1725 was Nicolaas Micker, husband of Maria Nauta who became deranged. Provided the family cared for him and fed him daily and of course covered all expenses, he was to be kept in an empty room in the slave lodge.

A Balanced perspective on Claas

However, there are other factors to be considered in giving a balanced perspective into Claas.

He was still active subsequently in society. He obtained a loan on 4 July 1724 for 1100 Cape Guilders from the widow Bouman(18k) (Gertrudij de Witt) at 6% interest. Would she have made a loan to a mental person? Furthermore Hendrik van der Merwe willingly signs himself as guarantor for this loan, rather strange if Claas was mentally deranged. The loan document includes the signature of Claas and the authorized signature by the Political Secretary with the statement vouching that Claas is known by him "in kennise van my, Tulbagh"⁽⁵⁶⁾
His fellow burghers include him in a petition with his signature page 1 (52k), page 2(46k), page 3 (28k), which was presented on the 24 July 1725 to the Council of Policy.⁽⁵⁷⁾ In the printed edition of the Council Policies it is suggested that the signature is that of Claas Jansz Hofland. However the signature agrees with that we have of Claas Jansz: van Rensburg. In the petition an 18^th century form of privitization was requested. Instead of total control of the purchase price of livestock and the slaughter of these animals which led to only a few getting rich and hundreds to go poor, it was felt that it should be performed by the burghers. Twenty two farmers signed the petition.
In Claas's will (31k)⁽⁵⁸⁾ which was drawn up on March 21, 1727, the following declaration is made in the presence of the Secretary for Justice, Daniel Thibault as well as two other witnesses: "Beijde gesond van lighamen met gaande en staande, haar verstand, sinnen en memorie, volkomen magtig en de gebruijkende". This clearly states that both he and his wife is healthy, and they have full control of their mind, mental capacity and memory. Claas signature accompanies this document as well as a cross indicating Aletta, his wife’s mark (42k). We know from this that Claas was literate but his wife Aletta was not.

A number of other farmers received their requested freehold farms at the same time when Claas had his farm surveyed. (Pieter Willemsz van Heerden received Weltevreden in 1714, Jean Imbert received Montpelier and Philip du Preez obtained his land title). One can only speculate to the circumstance, why he did not receive his farm as freehold title, and yet it was surveyed.

According to corespondence with Dr J G le Roux (Skoolstraat 32, Paarl, 7646) . He is an expert on landownership of farms in Drakenstein and Franschhoek. He mentioned 5 stages of ownership in the Cape Colony. They are: (1) Datum van toesegging; (2) Datum toe landmeter die grond opgemeet het; (3) Datum toe erfbrief opgeskryf is; (4) Goewerneur teken dokumente and (5) Registrasie in erfboek. He said it took anything from 3 years to 80 years to register `erfbrief'. There were two copies of the erfbrief. The one went with property and was passed on to successive owners. This was known as the `dopper Kopie'. The other was filed at the colonial offices. Often times the Heemraad would make a recommendation to the Landross for freehold land on behalf of farmers. The Hooge Indische regering van Batavia gave clear instruction to the authorities at the Cape that they did not want more freehold farmers, since they wanted cattle farmers who could supply the Company and not wine farmers.

Company Officials, Corruption and Claas

A petition⁽⁵⁹⁾by a group of burghers was submitted to Abraham Douglas on 25 February 1716. They explained that they had to pay a sum of money to the secretary of the Council of Policy, Pieter de Meijer, before receiving the title deeds. On investigation , by Douglas he disclosed the following (Anna J. Boeseken describes the situation on p 28 "Die Nederlandse Kommisarisse en samelewing aan die Kaap" Argief Jaarboek vir Suid-Afrika 1944, the primary source being C 10 Res 1715- 1716, p 309 - 316, 26 Feb 1716):

1. There was corruption with granting of land back in 1714, when Douglas investigated the erfboeks, the entries contained 'Crabbing, Uijtschraping of te verandering' (scribblings, crossed out and alterations), in three title papers as presented by the acting Governor Willem Helot.

2. Some titles were granted with out notifying the Council. Douglas dismissed Meijer, when he checked the Resolusies and Erfboeken of 14 July 1714 and found that Governor Maurits Pacques de Chavonnes granted land without the knowledge of the Council.

3. It was also revealed that a property was not recorded even though they thought it was granted. Quoting 'dat nog een plaats opengelaten en niet ingeschreven was na alle gedaten voor uijtgegeven stuk land'. Another property even though the money was paid by Ignatuis Maree (incorrectly it mentioned the surname as Marais) he did not receive his title, Douglas wrote ' dat zeeker donatie of erfbrief aan den burger Ignatius Maree ged den 14 Oct 1714 gepasseerd' and yet it was not granted.

4. Lastly the officials took money for themselves with the granting of title, Douglas states; 'de menschen genoegsaam de waarde daarvan hoewel in die verkeerde casse hebben moeten betalen'

5. He concluded from the erfboeke that the Governor was favouring one burgher above the other, 'den eenen burger met land begunstigde boven den andren'.

Douglas rebuked Governor Maurits Pacques de Chavonnes in response and "ordered him to rectify this in future and to refrain from favoring one burgher rather than another". This revelation of corruption was a different version of the corruption under van der Stel and the burghers triumphed again but it seems that Claas's situation was never rectified.

The resolutions of the Policy Council for the years 1716-1719 (Part V) were edited by G C de Wet and published by the State Printer. A petition was addressed by `d' ondergeteekende regeerende en oude burgerraden mitsgrs. officieren deser Caabse burgerij' to `Heer Abraham Douglas' and appears on pages 26-28 (C.10,pp.289-324; It was dealt with on Tuesday morning 3 March 1716 at an ordinary meeting). The petition was signed by Hk. Moller, Hendrik Bouman, Johannes Heufke, Hk. Donker, J. Blankenbergh, G. Solliers, Jacob Vogel, M. Bergstadt, Fk. Russouw. In the margin it said `Cabo de Goede Hoop, den 17en Februarij 1716'. In brief:- the petition which was penned by the `burgerraad', dealt with land ownership and trading by Company servants. It made reference to decisions taken in 1707 in this regard. The matter was referred to the fiscal.

It seems likely that Claas was a victim of this corruption, maybe he was not willing to pay bribery money back in 1714, and in turn his request for freehold land was denied. With his request again in 1723, it is interesting that the same Governor Chavonnes was involved.

"With this request to the Council of Policy (34k) in 1723 Claas asks that his request and the land which he frequently has made mention of should be granted to him. This seems to indicate that this was an emotional topic, which he raised frequently ' te versoeken dat dikwils genoemde land aan hem in eijgendom mag werden geschonken' and he must have been cranky and agitated for his rights. There seems some obvious frustration and anger. (To rub salt in the wound Claas’s neighbour Estiene Bruwer received his freehold title on his farm Veerkeyker a year before in 1722. Bruwer occupied this as a loan farm since 1712). Furthermore the records only record Claas paying his dues for this loan farm until 10^th May 1714, thus indicating his expectation of receiving this property back in 1714. The matter of who pays and gives authorization for a survey of a piece of land and the interconnection with granting it as freehold land is open for further research (it appears that it fell under the auspices of the Stellenbosch Heemraad). Claas did have his proposed land surveyed and yet it was not granted to him 'in den jaare 1714 voor den suppl. met voorkenisse is gemeeten'. Taking these facts into account it may reflect him taking a hostile attitude towards the authorities. One can only speculate regarding the relationship which must have existed between him and the authorities.

Apparently in 1717 the granting of new land titles ceased, was Claas blocked on this technicality? it should be kept in mind that others received titles subsequent.

One should thus look at all the evidence and then be careful where one places Claas on the sliding scale that determines the degree of 'kranksinnige', or should it be crankiness/crank.

Farms Zeekoeigat & Claas Voogts River & Other Business Arrangements

Claas entered into an earlier loan of 1,200 Gulden see page 1 (79k) and page 2 (78k). Claas has ‘obligatie’⁽⁶⁰⁾ to the Drakenstein church on 21 September 1722⁽⁶¹⁾, at 6% interest a year. The interest was not compounding. One of the witnesses was Dirk Smit 'chirugyn', the doctor. It seems that many people considered Claas to be sane, which throws a different perspective on what was behind the negative assertion by the authorities.

Provision was made for the education of their children when the ‘adelborst’ Pieter Paulus Tame from Den Hague signed on 29 Dec 1722 a contract (84k)⁽⁶²⁾ for one year to be a School Meester. Tame was still under obligation to the VOC. Both parties signed (55k), as usual Claas signs his name only as Claas Jansz. The remuneration would be 14 Indische Guilders per month plus free tobacco, alcohol and good accommodation. This contract was renewed for two subsequent years. Thus he was working for the family from 29 Dec 1722 - 28 December 1725. The responsibilities included also other reasonable services. Most likely Tame would have assisted in the drafting of the request by Claas to the Council of Policy on the 23 April 1723.

Between May 1722 and May 1723⁽⁶³⁾ he purchased two more slaves. In the opgaafrol 1722⁽⁶⁴⁾ he has planted 1,000 grapevines. It is very likely that the loan from Drakenstein Church was for this venture. It could be asked, whether Tame and the extra slaves were part of his expansion into viticulture?

On the 7 May 1723 Claas obtained the loan farm Zeekoeigat on the Berg river,⁽⁶⁵⁾ which used to belong to Jan Louwis du Plessis, see entry page 1 (83k) and page 2 (69k). We do know that there was very little on this farm in 1724, since on that date he made a contract with widow Bouman, and the farm Rensburg is used as security including all other possessions, no mention is made of the farm Zeekoeigat, maybe it did not have an "opstal", improvements like a house. If Zeekoeigat had any opstal surely the contract would have made mention of it. Did Claas and Aletta obtain this farm in order to live there at a later date and be closer to Drakenstein. The payments for this loan farm were made faithfully till after the death of Aletta and then it was sold in the estate auction. It is interesting to note again that we do not have any reference to Claas paying for the loan farm Rensburg after 1714. One wonders whether there is a connection between Claas obtaining the Zeekoeigat loan farm, and the dispute regarding the Rensburg farm. Could he have been fearful that the authorities may remove him from the farm Rensburg and thus he took some other precautions? After the death of Claas, Aletta applied for a permit on the 6 October 1728, for this farm at "Zeekoeij gat on the groote berg rivier".⁽⁶⁶⁾ The grant was permitted for two years, on the condition that four trek oxen are delivered to the company post at Schuur. Furthermore one tenth of the wheat of the property had to be delivered to the Castle at their farm Groene Kloof. This record also indicates that on 31 Jan 1729 Tame delivered three oxen to the authorities. There is also a note indicating that this property was sold to Jonas van der Poel with a reference⁽⁶⁷⁾ to Fol 323

The farm Claas Voogts (which got its name from a man who was killed by an elephant in this area)⁽⁶⁸⁾ was obtained by Claas as a loan farm 5 July 1724.⁽⁶⁹⁾ The loan from the widow Bouman, which was entered the day before, would most likely have been part of this business venture. Botha⁽⁷⁰⁾ also refer to this farm as belonging to Claas. With obtaining this loan farm, Claas prepared the way for three of his sons to follow the route down the Breede river to the Eastern Cape. This farm remained in their possession and was part of the estate that was auctioned after Aletta's death.

The auctions of deceased estates give a deeper insight into the social interaction. In 1713 Claas bought two oxen from Steven Fouche.⁽⁷¹⁾ And on 6/7 July 1724 he purchased bags of meal, two cows and an oxwagon from the estate of S.C. de Bruyn.⁽⁷²⁾ Note that the day before he got another loan farm.

The Extended Household Included Slaves

Not only did the household included two children from Alleta’s first marriage and six from this marriage union, but also up to six slaves. Thus the household would have totaled on occasions sixteen people. They had one slave in 1708, the following year two slaves. In 1718 they had three male and three female slaves (according to J.H. van Rensburg in Rietvleiers p 12), rather strange that we have no other accounts of them having female slaves. The lack of presence of female slaves may also have eliminated the possiblity of any sexual liassons, and thus we do not have any account of Claas or his sons having such relationships. By 1723 six slaves belonged to the extended family. It seems that from the information we have they were all male slaves apart from one female slave in 1722. There is no mention of any slave children, so they must all have been single. Information gleaned from opgaafrolls. The slaves names and their sale at the estate auction⁽⁷³⁾ and settlement of Claas and Aletta’s estate were recorded plus how much they were sold, and to whom: (a) Joseph van Mallabaar sold for 208:1 Rix dollars to Jan Bastiaansz. (b) Coridon van Mallabaar sold for 198 Rix dollars to Johannes Janse van Rensburg, (c) Antonij van Mallabaar sold for 71:4 Rix dollars to Hans Jurgen Potgieter, (d) Arij van Bengalen sold for 101 Rix dollars to Pieter Barendsz Blom, (e) Hans van de Kust Coromandel sold for 52 Rix dollars to Gerrit van Aart. The only slave not from Asia, (f) Abraham from Madagascar who was 16 or 17 went to their son Nicolaas, due to Nicolaas's sickly condition, as recorded in the will.⁽⁷⁴⁾Slaves from Asia was more highly valued. (The trading world was split in two, the VOC got their slaves mainly from the Indian Ocean basin) Slaves was not only used as labourers but also as an investment, an asset, since there were no banks.

Their Will

Claas and Aletta made their will in 1727, March 21, at midday. With the longest living to retain the whole estate. Upon death of both parents the will was to be divided in a "vader portie" and a "moeder portie". The father's portion had to be divided amongst the children he procreated (7 living children), and the mother's protion would be divided amongst the children she procreated (9 living children).

Claas's Religious Belief

The information regarding his religious belief, is rather limited. We do know that all of the children were baptised in the church. He had some business dealings with the church since he obtained a loan from the church. There is evidence in his Will that reveals his belief in the following doctrines: (a) Stewardship of person and possessions from God, (b) Immortality of the soul (c) Merciful and Gracious God (d) Creator (e) Heavenly Father (f) Blessed Resurrection. Lastly a sum of 25 guilders were also earmarked in the will for the churches welfare fund.

Claas was no Racist

We get a glimpse into the attitude of Claas to people of other cultural backgrounds. With the birth of their eldest child Johannes, Claas and Aletta decided to have him baptised at the Stellenbosch Church, see baptism entry (51k). Who did they choose to be the witnesses to this initiation of their first son? Aletta had many van der Merwe family members who could have been asked. Surprisingly they asked Gerrit and Johanna Basson. Gerrit was the son of Arnoldus Willemsz Basson and his emancipated slave wife Angela van Bengale. Thus Gerrit was half Indian. Claas honoured Gerrit and his wife to be the witnesses to the baptism of their first son. Why would he have asked them? There are four possiblities, firstly Claas may have lived with them after his arrival at the Cape and prior to his marriage, secondly they may have been distant relatives or thirdly they may have come from the same place or fourthly they may have been neighbours.

Some Insights into Claas's Personality - Prepared to Confront

Claas on three occasions is engaged with conflict: The annullment of partnership with Carstens, protest regarding monopoly of slaughter by the Company, and the conflict regarding his farm Rensburg. He thus was prepared to face up to situation which he was not satisfied with, he did not just avoid conflict situations.

Weddings

The son of Aletta's first marriage Marthinus van Staden got married on 15 Aug 1728 to the fourteen year old Catharina Botha, she was baptized 7 Oct 1714. A few years later, 27 Aug 1730 Johannes Janse van Rensburg will marry her younger sister Anna Margaretha Botha, she was baptized 5 Jan 1716, thus she was also only fourteen when she got married.

Death of Claas 1728 and Estate

Claas must have died prior to 6 October 1728 since Aletta is referred to as being a widow (RLR 8/1 no 162 p 55). Claas's will was accepted on 8 December 1728 by the Orphan Chamber (Weeskamer). He was about 67 years of age. Aletta died within a year of the death of Claas. She was only 45 years old, and she still had small children. The cause of her death is not known. Was she ill? Did she die due to grief? Or by her own hand?

Funeral Customs with death of Aletta

Aletta died 30 September 1729 according to an entry in the Drakenstein Church Member List (quoted in J.H. van Rensburg, Die Rietvleiers: Die Familiegeskiedenis van 'n Tak van die Familie van Rensburg, 1994) The taking of the Inventory page 1 (71k), page 2 (60k), page 3 (62k), page 4 (63k), ⁽⁷⁵⁾ was on 15 November 1729. The Estate Auction, 'Vendu Rol'⁽⁷⁶⁾ was held on 16 and 17 November 1729. The account was also credited for 45:15 guilders to the "koster" of Drakenstein for the funeral expenses of Aletta, she must have been buried at the Drakenstein Church. The original church was a rather primitive building made of clay and the walls according to Kolbe was three to four feet high. The roof was covered with thatch. The drawing of First Drakenstein Church by Van Stade in 1710 (17k), the low building served as their church. It has been suggested that the church is the building in the middle of the drawing, just on the right hand side of the road. The members also complained in 1713 that they needed a proper church cemetery which is fenced, since wild animals were digging up the corpses, this would have included hyena's, lions etc.⁽⁷⁷⁾ In 1720 the Second Drakenstein Church (18k)⁽⁷⁸⁾ was build and we have a drawing of that church (this church was located at the same place as today’s thatch roofed church at Paarl). Aletta was a member of the Drakenstein church. Her name appears in the Members List which was compiled in 1715.⁽⁷⁹⁾ An entry into the Drakenstein Church's 'Diakonia' records for 1730, lists the expenses incurred with the burial of some people including Aletta van der Merwe. In the papers submitted by the creditors and debtors, found in the final Estate Account Papers⁽⁸⁰⁾ we get a glimpse of other practices and customs: The 'koster' sexton J. Labuschagne submitted the following claims for Aletta's funeral expense (21k): The corpse was dressed in a gown, this cost 3 Rix dollars. She must have been buried in the church graveyard since there was a cost of 3 Rix dollars for this. The sexton Labuschagne gave the address to the bereaved and was compensated 5 Rix dollars. Wine was supplied at the funeral. It must have been a rather big funeral, since 2 Rix dollars was claimed for the supply of half am (this measurement is equal to 72 liters). They supplied 'pijpe' pipes at the funeral, this must have been for some to have a smoke. Tea and sugar was provided since it cost the estate 1 Rix dollars for it. The funeral had to be reported to the secretary and this service cost 0:2. The total cost for her funeral was 15:2 Rix dollars.

Assets: the bottom line

The Inventaris(56k),⁽⁸¹⁾ dated 15 November 1729, lists all their possessions. Mention is made of three loan farms: 1. Rensburg 2. Zeekoeigat 3. Claas Voogds Rivier. Twelve posters were produced to advertise this auction, and was placed in prominent places. The Vendu Roll (52k)⁽⁸²⁾ lists each item which was sold at the Estate auction and how much it was sold for and to whom. The auction was held at the farm Zeekoegat⁽⁸³⁾ (literally hippopotamus hole) on the Berg river. It is situated 7 km north of Wellington and on the western side of the river and was sold to Jonas van der Poel for 133:3 Rix dollars. The farm Claas Voogts Rivier situated east of Robertson (52k) was sold to Hendrik Willemsz van der Merwe for 166:5 Rix dollars (he was guarantor with the initial loan). The main farm Rensburg situated in Tulbagh area was sold to Gouws for 304 Rix dollars. Look at the extract from Vendu Roll regarding the sale of these three farms (23k).The subsequent permits by the new owners have been recorded.⁽⁸⁴⁾

Comparing the Inventaris which is the last data for 1729 below with previous census⁽⁸⁵⁾ returns we have the following:

	Horses	Cattle	Sheep	Pig	Slaves
1708	4	17	350	1	1
1709	6	32	500	-	2
1712	8	30	200	-	2
1714	4	57	200	3	2
1719	-	50	200	-	4
1722	1	30	300	-	5
1723	2	30	300	-	6
1724	2	30	300	-	6
1725	3	30	300	-	6
1726	4	40	300	-	6
1728	6	50	300	-	5
1729	-	50	300	-	6
1729	16	191	1334		5

The statistics seems odd, with rounded figures, with apparent loss in wealth with each census and then an incredible jump in assets at the taking of the Inventaris (the figures for Inventaris includes the animals attributed to the children). The authorities would take an Inventory of all the assets of the deceased. Later they would hold an auction and the Orphan Chamber will keep the profits in trust, for the children. It was customary to submit low figures at times of taking the Opgaaf in order to avoid tax.⁽⁸⁶⁾ This seems most likely with Claas. The inventory was signed by Marthinus van Staden and the husband of Maria van Staden, namely Francois Smit (30k),⁽⁸⁷⁾ children from Aletta’s first Marriage. The auctions of deceased estates were real social events.⁽⁸⁸⁾Fifty two people bought something from the estate auction. The attendees where supplied with food cooked by Grietjie Prinsloo, she was paid 8 Rix dollars for this service. Wine was also supplied at the expense of the estate by Jan Bastiaanse, it consisted of an half 'legger' white wine and one 'anker' red wine at a cost of ten and two Rix dollars respectively. (At the funeral of Aletta they spend only 2 Rix dollars, the funeral numbers may have been much smaller and/or the funeral was a more sober gathering).

Even the church minister Slicher purchased some sheep and a ladies saddle (hopefully the latter was not for him personally). Everything is mentioned from porcelain plates and bowels, to copper chandeliers, tea kettles, kitchen tables plus other tables, carpentry and building tools. The information is very comprehensive, who purchased what and for how much. There was also books sold to Gideon Joubert however no titles were supplied. In total the auction realized 3,908:3 Rix dollars.

Many descendants of Claas are called Nicolaas, thus honouring our stamvader. The challenge for future research is to discover some primary resources that will throw more light on Claas, especially on his early life: where he was born, who his parents were, what his occupation was and how and when he came to the Cape. There are 47 years of his life which remains a mystery.

Van Rensburg Future Vision

The Year 2008 will be the tri-centennial celebration of our Stamvader's marriage and possible arrival date in the Cape. It would be great if we could commemorate this event of our family. Maybe a van Rensburg book could be produced and published. The other possibility is to produce an electronic book in a form of a CD.

It would be great if we were able to locate the foundations of the house on the Rensburg farm. I have visited the farm De Hoop of Schalk Willemsz van der Merwe. A monument has been erected around the foundation stones of the original house, there is also a plaque on which mention is made regarding the numerous van der Merwe children who got married to van Rensburgs. Surely some scientific archaeological research would be able to accomplish the same for our van Rensburg's family heritage, on the farm Rensburg. We need people with vision in South Africa to help with this seed thought.

Contact me if you are interested in the above andre@clover.com.au

How you can help with the research of Claas Jansz: van Rensburg

1. The arrival of Claas at the Cape 1708 or further back. Information maybe in ship records.

2. There must be some records in the Orphan Chamber regarding the van Staden children and claims for assistance.

3. I do not yet have the marriage date for Maria van Staden

4. Signatures of the Claas's sons b4 Willem and Nicolaas b6, as well as the sisters (it was customary for women still to be known and sign using their maiden name) Some places where signatures can be found are Testaments, Contracts, and credit notes submitted to other estates - Estate Account Papers. Another source could be requests to Orphan Chamber by the children for moneys from the estate of their parents. Remember last parent's death was 1729. Note Willem died in 1746 before making a Will.

5. Who got the farm after the collapse of the partnership with Carstens, and what did Carstens do later.

6. Where are the following reference points which the Padden en Weggenrol refer to: a) Lammert Smit pass the Moolen to Dirk Schalkwyk, and from their to Pieter du Mond. b) Jacques Malan to Theunis van Schalwyk and from Nicolaas Gocholuis to the Lange Hoogte.

7. What was the role and function of the corporal and sargeant, are there any references in the Council of Policy to his appointment, and also are there references in the accounting books of him receiving payment for these positions of service.

8. The fees which were charged at the funeral, check whether they were correct since later the authorities insisted on getting money back from the cheats.

9. Were there diffirent levels of loan farm approval eg grazing, wheat farming, and wine, if so Claas practised to the third level. Claas had vineyards according to the 1717/1718 opgaafrol, was this permissable for a loan farm?

10. The drawing of the Paarlberg and farm by van Staden, which farm do we think it is?

If you get any information on the above please let me know: andre@clover.com.au

Page 1 Page 2 Footnotes

andre@clover.com.au