DATELINE: HONG KONG
Judge us on what we publish!: Jonathan Fenby
Jonathan
Fenby has been editor of the South China Morning Post and the
Sunday Post for just over two years. A former editor of the
Observer, Mr. Fenby first came to Hong Kong in 1965, while on
leave from covering the Vietnam war. He says he began his career as a
journalist employed as a "tea boy" at Reuters news agency. This is an
edited text of an interview conducted at the South China Morning
Post office at Quarry Bay in Hong Kong 0n 10.6.97.
Knight:
What's the main role of the Post in Hong Kong?
Fenby: To be the best possible paper we can for our
particular readership in Hong Kong.
Knight: Tell me about your readership. The Post used
to be seen as the paper of the English establishment here.
Fenby: There was a time when a lot of people would look at
the Post to see what the British government thought or what
the big British interests here were thinking. The readership of the
paper at present is between sixty and sixty five percent Chinese.
Another ten precedent would be non-Chinese Asians. So three quarters
of the readership are Asian people living in Hong Kong. That's a long
way from the conventional view from outside which would be that
because of the history of the paper and because we are in English
language, we are therefore an expatriate newspaper.
If you looked at the paper fifteen years ago, you would find the
automatic assumption that really quite minor events in Britain were
the natural area of interest for the readership. Whereas you would
not find that to be the case today. Over the last couple of years we
have developed a much more Asian coverage both in the news and in the
features, analysis and business sections. That's not a political, as
such. It's a reflection of what we think our readers are interested
in.
The Post seeks to reflect the different layers of Hong
Kong. We report the law courts, crime, big traffic accidents, land
slips, whatever it may be and so on. That is reporting Hong Kong as
the town newspaper of Hong Kong. We are then reporting Hong Kong as a
political centre. We are reporting Hong Kong as a business and
finance centre. We are trying to reflect the Hong Kong China
relationship; hence the China page. We Are reporting Hong Kong as the
Asian centre and as an international centre.
That's obviously different from fifteen years ago when the paper
saw itself as primarily reporting Hong Kong as a British colony.
Knight: Will reporting these things be more difficult after
July?
Fenby: I can't see any reason why it should.
Knight: Yet there is quite a difference between the way
western journalists operate and say Xinhua.
Fenby: We are the Post . I don't think anyone is
suggesting that Xinhua be the yardstick for the way the media operate
in the SAR.
Knight: But surely the difficulty is working out what the
yardstick is going to be?
Fenby: I have no idea.
Knight: There's been a lot of talk about Hong Kong papers
needing to be more responsible to the government, in the way they are
in Singapore. Has there been any of that sort of pressure on the
Post?
Fenby: None at all.
Knight: Has Tung Chi-hwa's office had any talks with the
Post?
Fenby: Not that I have seen. As in most parts of the world,
the editor of a newspaper would meet people in government and yet
this is seen by some people as extremely sinister. There's been no
contact about what we should do and how we should do it. When I first
arrived here, I received a couple of calls from government house
suggesting how stories might be handled in some ways. Although they
deny it, I was so surprised that I took a note of it. On one Saturday
night they were actually suggesting I should move a story off the
front page because it might embarrass the governor. The reality is,
everywhere that I have worked , those in charge of media relations,
the spin doctors. their job is to ring up newspapers and try to
influence them in one way or another. In England some of the calls I
have had; from cabinet ministers trying to put us off running a story
embarrassing to them. So I am not shocked if spin doctors here,
whether in government or in commerce, should try to influence us. I
can honestly say that no-one from Tung Chi-hwa's office has got into
that game, as far as I am concerned.
As of the first of July, Hong Kong will be an SAR. You are
assuming that people in Beijing want the Hong Kong media to operate
like the media in China. No-body has ever proved that. Of course Hong
Kong commercially operated media and media in China which are part of
the state apparatus, are completely different. You have to believe
and trust that this will be so. You have to think that the SAR will
have to preserve the Hong Kong media system. That is part of the two
systems in the one country, That will be one of the fascinating
things to see what happens.
Knight: Will there be a need for journalists to be more
sensitive or careful after the handover?
Fenby: It could well be yes. It could well be no. I don't
know how the media is going to be regarded. it's a question many
people ask. But what have you got to go on? Very little. We are going
to be in uncharted waters. If you take what you do know, what has
been said by somebody who will be in an extremely important position
here after the first of July, the free press, the independent press,
should continue and should do everything to ensure it does continue.
When you have Anson Chan (the Chief Secretary) saying publicly and on
several occasions that is actually a statement about the future,
no-body takes a blind bit of notice of it.
Knight: Mr. Feng has been appointed [as a consultant] to
your own paper. [See report] He has extensive
contacts in China and is well regarded by many in the west. What sort
of advice has he been giving you about coverage?
Fenby: That is not his role. I am the editor of the paper.
Knight: Is it fair to ask what his role would be?
Fenby: His role is to be a consultant and a consultant is
there because we may want to do things in China where a consultant
may help you to achieve, to get done. Just like a lot of companies in
Hong Kong have consultants who help them with their activities in
China, help them to expand. You can a point of view of denial of
saying that July the first does not really exist and just pretend
China does not exist and it will go away. Or you could take the
attitude I would take that it's happening and China is there. It's a
huge story and part of our role at the Post should be to be
reporting on China as fully as possible, given our readership that
exists with the thousands of journalists who will be here over the
next few weeks. It is in the interests of information in general and
this paper in particular to be able to expand its coverage of China
and if you want a consultant to help you do that, it seems a logical
way to go.
Knight: Would the coverage of the Chinese People's Congress
later this year, be the sort of thing you have in mind?
Fenby: I trust you would see results before then. You
already have but you don't know them. From one point of view, if you
read the paper you already have. I am not going to announce what my
various editorial projects I am working on, for obvious competitive
reasons.
The difficulty is that people see all this because it has to be
a sinister story to make it a story. It all fits very neatly
together. As a journalist, I can entirely understand this. The
trouble is that it does not actually accord with reality.
Knight: Where then do you see the Post in five years
time?
Fenby: To answer that you have to say where you see Hong
Kong. Newspapers always interrelate with the society in which they
operate. Obviously what happens to Hong Kong and what happens to the
Post are linked together. I would like to see the Post
remaining as an independent, objective newspaper in Hong Kong as
part of China.
Knight: Do you think Hong Kong will remain as important as
it has been for the English language coverage of the media?
Fenby: Probably. There is such a strong media base here to
begin with. It is commercially strong, giving it apolitical roots
here. I think that will continue. I think the independence and
strength of the media here does contribute something to the overall
success of Hong Kong. There is a free flow of information, a free
flow of ideas. I hope that is something that people, even though
they sometimes may be irritated by the media here may recognise.
Knight: The Standard's Alan Castro would say that
there may be a need for self censorship. He said there was a thin
line between self censorship and responsible journalism.
Fenby: This whole self censorship thing, I understand it
entirely as a journalist. Bring in the term "censorship" and you
have a nice sexy word. Self censorship is a given here now. If one
denies it, it's a bit like answering to, "When did you stop beating
your wife?".
Look at other parts of the world. Take Britain. It was accepted
coinage in a lot of English papers that you approached the news from
an angle of political bias, You would give a lot of coverage to Mrs.
Thatcher and very little to Neil Kinnock. In one paper I worked for,
if Mrs. Thatcher had found the elixir for everlasting life, the story
would have read, "Labour last night denounced Mrs. Thatcher for...".
The Washington Post last summer did that long investigation
into Bob Dole's private life and found about his affair and the
editor spike the story. Is that self censorship?
I would say that we are either applying self censorship or
applying political bias. If a newspaper in Hong Kong decides to take
a particular line or play up a story, in the canons of the press,
that is reprehensible. Yet is the reality in many places, even though
here people talk of political bias or slanting the news. You suddenly
have the phrase of "censorship" coming in; a sexy totalitarian word.
The paper has a responsibility to be accurate and reflect
different points of view. That is not self censorship.
Editors sometimes think a story can be better written. When they
do that here, people easily read a political message into it, even
though it may have been done for straightforward political reasons.
The Post for obvious political, social and linguistic
reasons has become this target from particularly the Anglo American
press and some politicians here. You go back to them and say let's
have a few examples and none are produced ever. I ask them what they
are talking about and they say, "Oh everybody knows it". How can I
prove a negative? I can't.
People who would say they are the defenders of freedom of the
press can't resist taking a baseless pot shot at a newspaper which is
actually doing what they say they are reporting. There is something
quite unhealthy in this.
Alan Knight