THE EMPEROR MAGNENTIUS: HIS LIFE AND COINAGE

On January 18, 350 CE, a banquet was held to celebrate the birthday of the son of Marcellinus, the finance minister (comes Rerum Privatarum) of the emperor Constans, at the Gallic city of Augustodunum (modern Autun). As with any celebration, the atmosphere was carefree with plenty of food and a good deal of wine flowing. At about midnight, one of the guests rose from his place and disappeared. When he returned, this same guest was dressed in purple, like an emperor. An innocent observer could be forgiven if he thought this some ill-timed Saturnalia role-reversal. Most of the guests, however, seemed to be expecting this demonstration and, instead of expressing astonishment, the imposter was saluted emperor (Zosimus, New History, 2.42.3).

Under these unlikely circumstances, like an actor assuming a role, Magnentius was acclaimed emperor in opposition to Constans. Although the new emperor enjoyed some early success, his rebellion ultimately failed after a terrible cost of lives and the complete devastation of Gaul. Following his death, Magnentius, meeting the fate of all failed usurpers, was vilified by the victors, who set down their version of what happened. This article will explore Magnentius' times and relate the events of his accession, reign and death.

Background

Constantine I died unexpectedly on May 22, 337. Prior to his death, he raised his three sons by the empress Fausta to the rank of Caesar, thereby ensuring their claim to the succession. Each was given quasi-authority over a portion of the empire with a praetorian prefect assigned to each to provide advice. Constantine II had the western provinces, Constans was assigned Pannonia, Africa and Italy and Constantius II the East. In his later years, Constantine overcame his suspicious attitude toward his half-brothers Flavius Dalmatius and Julius Constantius. Both were given honors and the sons of Flavius Dalmatius, Hannibalianus and Dalmatius, were given a place in the succession. Hannibalianus was given authority over Armenia, Pontus and Cappodocia. He married Constantine's daughter Constantia and was given the unique title "King of Kings and of the Pontic People." The title was, no doubt, meant as a dig to the Persian king, but Constantine did not officially declare his nephew king to give the Persians an excuse to attack. Dalmatius, a favorite of his uncle, was raised to the rank of Caesar and given authority over Thrace, Macedonia and Achaea. In effect, Constantine had resurrected the Tetrachy system of Diocletian. [1] The emperor Julian commented that although Constantine gave his sons power, no attempt was made to improve their inferior qualities (Or.7.23 ff.).

When he learned of father's death, Constantius II, who was campaigning in the East, traveled quickly to Constantinople to take charge of the funeral. His presence, when his brothers and relatives were absent, gave Constantius the appearance of being the sole heir to the empire and was taking up the mantle of his father. For Dalmatius, who may have had control of the city of Constantinople, his non-presence was a fatal mistake. Following the funeral, affairs of state went on without anyone having "succeeded" Constantine. Behind the scenes, Constantius and his brothers were playing on the soldier's loyalty to their father to ensure that only the sons of Constantine would hold power. In late August or early September, the control of Constantine's empire was decided when a massacre of Constantius' uncles, cousins and their supporters took place. Armed insurrections, some inflamed by stories that Constantine had been poisoned, proceeded to murder Hannibalianus, Dalmatius, Flavius Dalmatius and Julius Constantius and his male children, with the exception of Gallus and Julian. Eutropius, an official who received favors from Constantius, says the emperor merely condoned the crime (Brevarium 10.20). However, Zosimus placed the blame firmly on Constantius as the organizer of the murders (2.40).

Around mid-September, Constantine II, Constantius and Constans met in Pannonia and were proclaimed join Augusti. The empire was divided, sticking to the division their father had devised. Constans, in addition, received Thrace, Macedonia and Achaea, which Dalmatius had governed. By coincidence, the youngest brother was in possession of both Rome and Constantinople. However, there was no love lost between the imperial brothers and before long conflict erupted.

Constans

Flavius Julius Constans was born about 320 CE, and was created Caesar on December 25, 333. After his accession, he was briefly engaged to Olympia, the daughter of the Praetorian Prefect Flavius Ablabus, who had served Constantine I with distinction. However, the wedding was cancelled when Ablabus was executed along with Constans' uncles.

Constantine II, being the elder of the three Augusti, claimed more authority than he had been granted. He proceeded to legislate for the province of Africa, which fell under Constans' jurisdiction (Zos. 2.41). Constans asserted himself by winning a victory over the Sarmatians in about 338 (assuming the title Sarmaticus) and in 339, to probably enlist the support of Constantius II, Constans surrendered Thrace and the city of Constantinople to his brother. Exasperated with what his saw as his diminutive role, Constantine II decided to seize Italy from his brother and invaded in 340, while Constans was at Naissus in Pannonia (Zonarus H. E. 23.5). Hoping to cut off his brother, Constantine marched his army to Aquileia but was killed in an ambush by Constans' advance guards (Eutrop. 10.9). [2] Constantius was busy fighting the Persians so was in no position to object to his younger brother gaining the lions-share of the empire.

Each of the Augusti had a praetorian prefect and separate civil administration in their sphere of the empire. With the death of Constantine II, Constans wisely kept the "additional" prefect and organized a regional government for Britain, Gaul, Spain and Germany. During 341- 342, Constans conducted a successful military campaign against the Franks in Gaul that ended with a treaty and in January 343, he went to Britain. It was unusual to cross the English Channel in mid-winter so there must have been some urgency that demanded Constans' presence. Although information is sparse, it is believed that Constans refortified cities in northern Britain. Constantine II had withdrawn many frontier troops for his invasion of Italy leaving the fortifications dangerously short of defenders. Barbarian tribes must have acted quickly to exploit the weakness. Constans may also have negotiated a treaty with the barbarians that required a system of patrols to ensure the frontier was being properly maintained. Constans remained in Britain until the spring, the last Roman emperor to visit the island. [3]

In 342, Constans took up the case of Athanasius, the embattled bishop of Alexandria. Constans had been reared as a Christian, as had his brother Constantius, but he supported the Orthodox faction whereas Constantius was an Arian. Athanasius, a Greek by birth, was an outstanding theologian who played an important role at the Council of Nicea in 325. He championed the creed that was formulated during the council of the consubstantiality of the Father and Son against the beliefs of the Arians, who held the Father and Son were unalike. Athanasius bore the brunt of the enmity of the Arians, and was accused by them of petty impieties, bribery and murder. He was popular in Egypt and was elected bishop of Alexandria in 328, even though he was very young. The Arians constantly sought to depose him and Athanasius was forced into exile five times over a period of 50 years. His first exile occurred in 339, when a council dominated by Arians removed him; the bishop fled to Rome, seeking assistance to regain his position.

Athanasius was a powerful orator and a good publicist for his cause; he drew the attention, first, of Constantine II, then Constans. Athanasius had an audience with the emperor at Milan in late 342. Constans wrote to Constantius suggesting a church council take up the case of Athanasius. The meeting took place at Serdica (modern Sofia) in the summer of 343. However, the eastern Arian dominated clergy refused to meet with their western Orthodox counterparts and contented themselves by issuing a condemnation of Athanasius. Matters were not cleared up until Constans threatened war. Constantius, always preoccupied with maintaining his frontier against the Persians, reluctantly acceded and allowed Athanasius to return to Alexandria. The bishop made a triumphal return to his city on October 31, 346 - a personal humiliation for Constantius. [4]

Despite the picture of Constans as a just and moderate ruler, he degenerated into a petty tyrant. Hostages from barbarian tribes were sent to court, selected by Constans to ensure they were beautiful boys, to satisfy his sexual appetite. Some of Constans' lovers exercised considerable influence over the emperor, leading him into more depraved acts and capriciously selling government posts to the highest bidder. Although there was toleration of homosexuals at this time, Aurelius Victor bitterly condemned Constans as a depraved pederast (De Caes. 41; Zos. 2.42.1; Eutrop. 10.9.3; Zon. 13.5-6). Although corruption at court was part of the reason for Magnentius' rebellion, the immediate cause was Constans' unconcealed contempt for his soldiers. [5]

Magnentius

Flavius Magnus Magnentius was born about 303 CE at Ambiana (Amiens). His father was a Breton (sometimes identified as being British) (Zon. 13.8.12) and may have come to Amiens as a craftsman in the entourage of Constantius Chlorus or Constantine. His mother was Frankish and a soothsayer; she made several predictions concerning Magnentius, all of which proved to be true (Zos. 2.46.1). His mother may have been a slave which accounts for Julian's remark that Magnentius was doubly disqualified from being emperor since he was not of royal birth and was a possession of Constans' ancestors (Or. 1.34). [6] Zosimus says that he lived among a Gallic tribe called the Laiti and had a Latin education (2.54.1). [7] Magnentius joined the army of Constantine I and may have caught the attention of the emperor. He flourished in the army and rose through the ranks to become a staff officer, then comes rei militaris in charge of two prestigious legions - the Ioviani and Herculianai.

Although the conspiracy against Constans, of which Marcellinus was the organizer, appears to be an impulsive act it must have wide support, including military officers and civil authorities. That many of Constans' trusted courtiers were ready to turn against him provides an indication of the discontent that had been brewing. Timing was important. The absence of the emperor from his court (on a hunting expedition) provided an excellent opportunity for surprise. Magnentius seems an unlikely choice as emperor with his barbarian and slave origins a handicap. On the other hand, he had a Latin education and was a charismatic and successful general who was popular with the army.

How much time elapsed before Constans learned of the rebellion is unknown. He was able to flee toward the Mediterranean, hoping to take ship to safety; Gaiso, one of Magnentius' generals, pursued him. The emperor was captured at Helena, south of Narbo near the Spanish border, where he had taken refuge in a church (Apol Ad Const. 241.7). He was dragged from his sanctuary and killed (Zos. 2.42.5; Eutrop. 10.9.4; Or. 1 26B, Or. 2 55D; Zon. 13.6; Socrates H.E. 2.25). Gaiso was awarded a consulship for 351 (with Magnentius as his colleague) for his exploit (Chron. 354). Constantius was in Edessa when he received news that Constans had been overthrown. In his struggle to maintain his borders from Persian attack, Constantius refused to take the offensive and risk a large engagement that could mean taking heavy losses of men and equipment he could not afford. The Persian king Shapor, by contrast, had unlimited men and gold to pursue an aggressive campaign. At the time of Magnentius' rebellion, Shapor was besieging the city of Nisibis, and was so anxious to take the city that the king diverted the Mygdonius River from its course to create a lake to better ram the city walls. The water actually succeeded in toppling a section of the wall but Shapor was not able to turn this to his advantage. Then, the king received word that the Massagetae were invading his kingdom, so the siege had to be abandoned. Because of Shapor's siege of Nisibis, Constantius was compelled to spend the summer and autumn occupied with the defense of Roman territory.

Following his salutation, there was a great deal of enthusiasm for Magnentius' cause due to the oppression and hardship created by Constans. During the next month, Italy and Africa acknowledged the new emperor. Fabius Titianus, who had served Constans for twenty years as Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, became Magnentius' praefectus urbi of Rome on February 27. Magnentius seized the Balkan alpine passes in order to press his advantage and lay claim to Illyricum, but his progress was stalled by unforeseen events.

Vetranio

The magister peditum of the Illyrian army, Vetranio, was proclaimed emperor on March 1, 350 at either Mursa or Sirmium. [8] Vetranio was an unlikely choice. He is described as honorable, morally old-fashioned and void of all learning (Eutrop. 2.10), illiterate and dull-witted (De Caes. 41) and a feeble old man (Or. 1 30B). He was regarded as a bad choice as emperor. However, in spite of what was said about him, Vetranio was popular with his soldiers.

Vetranio was acclaimed emperor possibly at the instigation of Constantia in order to hold the middle Danube for her brother (Philostrorgius H.E. 3.22) [9] or simply as a reaction to the usurpation of Magnentius (Zos. 2.43.1; Or. 1 26D). The Illyrian army possibly objected to having a barbarian as their emperor, so they selected one of their own rather than ally themselves with Magnentius or Constantius. They clearly liked neither emperor and went their own way. It was one thing having Germans and other barbarians fight for the empire but another for one of them becoming emperor.

Julian mentions that Vetranio asked Constantius for help to prevent Magnentius from overrunning him, promising to protect his throne (Or. 1 26D). Constantius responded by sending a diadem, money and troops but, in spite of this, Vetranio made peace with Magnentius (Or. 1 30B-C). Later, both Constantius and Magnentius sent embassies to Vetranio to conclude an alliance, and the emperor finally decided to accept Constantius' ambassadors. In late 350, Constantius crossed into Europe and arranged to meet Vetranio for the purpose of drawing up a plan of attack against Magnentius. However, this was only a ploy to deceive the old man, who had no intention of giving up his power (Zos. 2.44.2).

In December, the two emperors met at Naissus or Sirmium and marched west to the main body of Vetranio's troops (Or. 1 30D-31A). Vetranio arrived with a sizable force, that included cavalry, and outnumber Constantius' men. Julian says that Vetranio intended to persuade Constantius to return to the East. A specially built rostrum had been set up for the emperors to address the soldiers. Constantius and Vetranio mounted the platform together and Constantius began to harangue the rebellious soldiers. He reminded them of his father's liberality and that each soldier had sworn an oath of loyalty to his sons, who had honored them and suffered along with them on many campaigns. Julian says Constantius was so eloquent that he was hailed as the only emperor and Vetranio took off his purple robe and offered it to Constantius (31D - 32A). Zosimus informs us that the soldiers were won over by Constantius' words and that they had previously been given rich presents. The newly inspired soldiers pulled Vetranio off the platform and stripped him of his purple robes, reducing him in rank to private. But, Vetranio was forgiven his treason by Constantius and allowed to go into retirement at Prusa in Bithynia (2.44.3-4; Philostorg. 3.22). This is the official story.

Constantius was not a compassionate man. His courtiers could easily convince him, with false evidence, that someone was plotting rebellion. He was relentless in his pursuit and punishment of usurpers. The meeting of Constantius and Vetranio was a face saving act put on for the benefit of the possibly still rebellious soldiers. This provided a smooth transfer of power and convinced them that their loyalty lay with only one emperor. There can be little doubt that Constantius and Vetranio had come to terms much earlier. Constantius needed to remain in the East until affairs had stabilized, so Vetranio was given limited recognition and the task of holding the critical Succi pass. He kept Magnentius contained with false negotiations and empty promises, playing a waiting game. The timing of events went well for Constantius; Magnentius either was not in a position to invade Pannonia or wasted too much time in negotiations.

Nepotian

In Rome, on June 3, Julius Nepotian, the son of Eutropia, a half-sister of Constantine I, was proclaimed emperor by a group of armed gladiators and disaffected rabble: he lasted twenty-seven days. While in power, Nepotian and his adherents slaughtered people throughout the city, including Anicesis, Magnentius' Praetorian Prefect. On June 30, Marcellinus entered Rome and put down the rebellion. Nepotian was killed and his head, stuck on the end of a spear, was paraded through the city. A general blood bath followed as Magnentius' soldiers sought out and killed the rebel's followers, including Eutropia (De Caes. 41; Zos. 2.43.2-4).