Following
the death of Poppaea, Nero’s efforts of exercising clemency were dropped and
the unprovoked persecution of senators for treason began. The Pisonian conspiracy had proved to him the
extent of hostility against him and he was determined to crush all opposition
and remove anyone who could be a possible claimant to his throne: his targets
were the Republican nobility and critics of the regime. The Junii Silanii, with
their blood connection to Augustus, paid the price of Nero’s anxiety. Lucius, the son of Marcus Silanus, who was
the first victim of the new regime, had been brought up by his aunt Junia
Lepida and her husband Cassius Longinus.
Now Longinus came under suspicion and was forbidden to attend Poppaea’s
funeral. He was accused of sedition for
honoring Cassius, Caesar’s assassins, and that he planned to place Lucius on
the throne. Longinus was sent into exile
on Sardinia, perhaps due to his age and that he was blind. He lived to be later
recalled by Vespasian; Lucius was killed by a centurion (Ann. 16.7-9; Nero 37; Dio 62.27.2).
Tigellinus,
jealous over the favor Nero showed Petronius, succeeded in convincing the
emperor that his friend, the arbiter of taste, knew about the Pisonian
conspiracy since he had often dined with Scaevinus. Petronius had not joined the conspiracy but
since he knew what was being plotted, and said nothing, it followed that he
approved of the aims of the conspirators.
Tigellinus produced a slave who
denounced Petronius as a confederate of Scaevinus. Without bothering to ask for an explanation
from his friend, Nero sent a note to Petronius saying he did not wish to see
him again. Petronius understood the
meaning and ended his life by cutting his veins during the coarse of a
brilliant banquet, surrounded by friends and carrying on a conversation on
light topics as his life slowly ebbed (Ann.
16.19-20; NH 37.7).
.
Nero
and a large entourage left Rome around September 25, 66 and traveled to
Brundusium by way of Beneventum. Among
those with Nero were his new wife Statilia Messalina, whom he married shortly
before the tour, Epaphroditus, Vespasian, Sporus and Pythagorus (Nero 28; Dio 63.12, 66.11.2; Vesp.
4.4; Hist. 4.41, 43; BJ 3.1.3). Nero embarked on a two day voyage to Corcyra
(Corfu) where, upon making landfall, he went to the temple of Jupiter with his
lyre and sang to the supreme god (Nero
22.3). The city of Corinth became Nero’s
chosen residence during his stay in Greece -- the Roman city founded by Julius
Caesar as a colony for his veterans. The
ancient city of Corinth had been destroyed in 146 BCE and not a trace remained.
While
Nero was in Greece, the attacks on Republican nobility continued through the
use of delatores. Up to 66, no provincial governor had provoked
Nero’s suspicion but later in that year, or early in 67, Corbulo was summoned
to Greece by Nero. As he disembarked at Corinth, he received the order to
commit suicide. The great general is
said to have made the enigmatic remark: “I deserved it.” [1]
Whether this signaled regret at having served Nero faithfully in the east for
many years or that he had conspired against the emperor is unknown. Tigellinus made a case against Corbulo for
his involvement in the Vinician conspiracy and, in due course, the general was
summoned to Corinth (Hist 3.6). He may have been caught by surprise by Nero’s
death order since he had arrived without military escort and his reaction seems
to indicate he was unaware (Dio
62.17.5-6). However, in sacrificing his
greatest general, Nero had no idea that in a short time he would wish Corbulo
might still have been alive. At the end
of November, word of the rebellion in Judea reached Nero and the task of
pacifying the Jews fell to Vespasian.
Nero’s
participation in the Greek games was unprecedented. Other members of the imperial family had
financed teams in the equestrian events, following the behavior set by Greek
kings and aristocrats, but none had appeared as a competitor. The accounts of Nero’s performances at the
games are hostile but they confirm how seriously he took his art and that he
complied with all the rules. In 67, Nero participated in the Olympic Games,
certainly the high point of his life where he could prove to the Greeks what a
great artist he was. Along with his participation in the chariot race, Nero
planed to perform a tragedy to showcase his acting abilities. On learning the emperor’s intentions the
Olympians informed him that there was no theater at Olympia where a play could
be staged. Nero simply replied that he
would build a temporary theater and the Olympians added the event; Nero was
declared the victor (Vita Apol. 5.7). At the chariot race, things did not go as
well for the emperor. Nero drove a
chariot with an unwieldy team of ten horses; he was unable to control them and
was thrown. Although Nero was not hurt,
it was out of the question for him to continue, but in spite of this the jury
awarded him the prize. Perhaps this did
not come as a surprise since Dio says he rewarded the Olympians with 250,000
drachms (63.14; Nero 24). When the announcement came that the emperor
was the victor, the crowd erupted with applause that certainly was not
spontaneous.
While
in Greece, Nero is said to have married Sporus.
Tigellinus acted as the father of the “bride” and even supplied the
customary dowry. The ceremony took place
with a large number of guests. During the honeymoon, Nero hit upon the idea to
cut a canal through the Isthmus of Corinth.
Dio says the idea was a pastime for Nero and Philostratus says the
notion came to him while looking at the landscape (63.16; Vita Apol. 4.24). The idea of cutting a canal through the narrow
strip of land (between three and four miles) had occurred to Caesar and
Caligula but neither had realized the project (Caesar 44, Gaius
21). Possibly, some of the Corinthian
leaders might have pushed the idea for trade advantages and reminded the
emperor of the glory that the enterprise would bestow on the builder. Nero even neglected his singing in favor of
the new project but it was opposed by the Greek people, particularly those who
had a traditional view of the gods.
Native workers were called up but few volunteered, so Nero wrote to
Vespasian to send him as many Jewish prisoners as possible: before long six
thousand men were laboring on the canal.
Nero inaugurated the construction himself. He emerged from his tent singing the hymn of
Amphitrite and Neptune and announced to the crowd that he hoped for the success
of the project for himself and the Roman people, deliberately leaving out the
Senate. The procurator of Achaia
presented the emperor with a golden spade and Nero proceeded to dig (Nero 38). Dramatically, the earth was heard to groan
and howl and spurted blood. But Nero was
unperturbed and dug three spade-fulls before withdrawing (Nero 19; Dio 63.16).
Toward
the middle of November 67, Nero sent a circular to all cities and villages in
Achaia inviting all Greeks to come to
Corinth for a reward on the fourth day before the Kalends of December (November 28).
On the appointed day, Nero appeared before the assembled crowd wearing
imperial robes. He mounted a podium that
had been constructed for the occasion and declared that the Greeks were free
from paying all tribute. Copies of the
speech were engraved to document the unique gift and is the only example of a
speech of Nero that has survived. In
freeing the Greeks from paying tribute to Rome, Nero had no political motives
for his generosity and mere wanted to reward the Greeks.
Nero
did not journey outside the province of Achaia, indicating that he had an
interest in the province. The declaration of freedom from tribute, the construction
of a canal at the Isthmus of Corinth and his participation in the games may
have been his way of saying that the older, pre-classical Greece was now part
of Rome – a celebration of imperial Achaia.
Apart from the self-glorification aspect of the journey, Nero may have
wanted to bring the Roman and Greek world closer together. The attendees at the festivals were a mixture
of Greek, Romans and non-Greek easterners who freely mixed together. The message contained in Nero’s speech of
freedom was to declare Achaia as having the same claims and rights as Italian
cities. His overall plan may have been
to more fully integrate Greek culture within the empire. However, given the ambivalence of the Romans
toward a culture that was perceived as having a harmful effect on their virtue
such a policy was certain to be greeted with hostility. Had Nero been able to prolong his travels he
may have left behind more of a mark in the way of buildings and monuments.
The
Greek response to Nero’s participation in the games was one of adaptation,
after his death the crowns Nero had won were retracted. But the gift of freedom was not forgotten and
was appreciated. Plutarch said that the
gods owed Nero a kindness for his gift to the noblest and most beloved nation
and Philostratus considered the act as one of wisdom and moderation (Plut. On the Delays of the Divine Vengeance
567F-568; Vita Apol. 5.41).
During
Nero’s absence in Greece – the longest since Tiberius went into retirement –
his freedman Helius had been left in control of the government, with senatorial
hostility steadily growing (Dio
62.18.2). When messages failed to
persuade Nero of the gravity of the situation the freedman went in person. According to Dio, the news Helius had for
Nero was of another conspiracy in Rome (63.19.1). Nothing is known about the conspiracy, but
what actually may have alarmed Helius were rumors that Vindex was planning a
revolt. Nero quickly left his beloved Greece behind and landed at the more
congenial Naples early in 68; from there he began a procession to Rome. He entered the city as a triumphant general
even though his victories were in the peaceful Greek games.
Nero’s
victory procession in Rome was a parody of military triumphs. Nero, dressed in
a Greek chlamys, drove the triumphal
chariot that Augustus used on state occasions, wearing his Olympic crown and
holding the Pythian crown in his right hand.
He was preceded by a long procession of bearers carrying the remaining 806
crowns and behind them were men bearing placards with the place names in large
letters where Nero had won his victories. The emperor was followed by the augustiani who applauded and shouted,
“Hail, victor of Olympia! Hail, Pythian conqueror! Hail Augustus! Glory to Nero
Hercules, to Nero Apollo!” (Dio 63.20). So many people had crowded into the Circus
Maximus that the only way Nero’s procession could enter was by removing one of
the arcades. From the Circus, the
procession went through the Forum to the temple of Apollo and ended at the Domus Aurea, where all of the crowns
were placed on display. The next day,
games were held in the Circus. The
obelisk in the center of the spina was
hung with the 808 crowns, and the emperor drove a chariot around the arena in
victory (Dio 63.21). When the festivities were over, Nero
reluctantly turned to state affairs but soon he returned to Naples. There he heard the news of the revolt of C.
Julius Vindex around March 19-23, the anniversary of the murder of Agrippina,
while watching a gymnastic competition.
The exact date of Vindex’s declaration is unknown.
Vindex
was of praetorian rank and probably was the governor of Gallia Narbonensis or
Lugdunensis, which had no troops. He was
descended from the tribal chieftains of Aquitania and was a senator from Tres
Galliae. The cause of the revolt has
been considered frustration over the crushing taxes Nero had levied, rather
than a nationalist revolt. However,
there may have been additional reasons at work.
Vindex and Galba named avenging the victims of Nero as one of the
reasons for their rebellion (Dio
63.22.3; Suet. Galba 10.1). It is possible that the forced suicide of
Corbulo provided the spark on which Vindex decided to act. Why the death of Corbulo would have brought
about this reaction has to do with the grant of citizenship that Claudius gave
the citizens of Tres Galliae in 48.
Italian senators had opposed the grant and the wording of Claudius’
speech implies that the senators from Narbone had lent their support to their
fellow-Gauls (Ann. 11.23). Corbulo was one of these senators and
Vindex’s father was among those who benefited from Claudius’ decree.
Plutarch
says Vindex had sounded out many provincial governors, including Galba, before
proclaiming his revolt (Galba 4.2).
It is a credit to Nero’s policy toward his governors that the majority sent
their letters from Vindex to the emperor.
Galba’s failure to do this explains why Nero gave orders for his murder
(Suet. Galba 9.2). It was the interception of these orders that
changed Galba’s mind to join Vindex in April 68. Galba declared himself legate of the Senate
and Roman people (vacillating on claiming the principate) on April 3, even though he had only one legion at his
disposal. He received the support of
Otho who, like Vindex, had no troops (Suet. Galba
10.2, 14.2; Plut. Galba 5; Dio 63.23, 64.6.5). Nevertheless, with the few troops at his
disposal, Vindex opened the revolt by blockading Lugdunum, which was loyal to
Nero.
After
receiving the news of Vindex’s revolt, Nero did not write to the Senate for
eight days (Nero 40.4). This is
usually thought to be an indication that Nero was divorced from reality.
However, this was not foolhardiness on his part but unconcern from the fact
that Vindex had no legions and the emperor could expect the governor of Upper
Germany, Verginius Rufus, would crush the revolt. In the meantime, Nero
received insulting messages from Vindex making fun of his singing. Eventually,
Nero wrote a letter asking the Senate to stand by him and he returned to Rome
to consult with his consilium. However, rather than attend strictly to
business, he went to inspect a new water-organ (Nero 41; Dio 63.26.4). But the news that Galba had joined the revolt spurred
him to action and Nero had the Senate declare him a public enemy. He began to recruit a new legion, named I Adiutrix, from the Misenum fleet and
other troops in Rome. The legion was placed under the command of Petronius
Turpilianus and was stationed in Northern Italy, but Nero did not join his
soldiers preferring to remain in Rome (Hist.
1.69, 31, 70; Nero 44.1). At some point after the defection of Galba,
news of the revolt of Clodius Macer arrived.
The legate of Africa also possessed only a single legion and proclaimed
himself a champion of liberty but more alarming was the threat that Macer could
cut off the corn shipments from Africa.
Even though the province of Africa was not a principle source of corn
the loss would be significant.
In
May, Verginius Rufus marched to Vesontio where he had a secret conference with
Vindex. The subsequent battle that took
place was against the wishes of both commanders and resulted in a crushing
defeat of Vindex’s forces. Vindex may
have died in the battle or by his own hand (Dio
63.24.1-3; Plut. Galba 6.3). The
German legions were so elated that they proclaimed Verginius Rufus imperator. Rufus refused, declaring that only the Senate
and the People could make such a choice (Hist.
1.8.2; Dio 63.25.1; Plut. Galba 6). Galba heard news of the defeat and despaired.
He wrote to Verginius to suggest he join the revolt and went to Clunia, in the
interior of Spain, to await his fate.
One month later, he was still there (Suet. Galba 11; Plut. Galba
6.4). Paradoxically, the news of the victory depressed Nero and he sent a
second commander, Rubrius Gallus, to join his legion in northern Italy. What would appear to be a victory for Nero
had a different edge in the result. The
German legions under Verginius were clearly in revolt, and even though their
commander had refused their acclimation as emperor he had become a rallying
point for his troops in opposition to the emperor. Far from the fighting, Nero had given news of
Verginius’ victory the interpretation that the German legions had gone over to
Galba, despite assurances to the contrary (Plut Galba 6.3). Tacitus claimed
that Nero lost his throne because of stories and rumors (Hist. 1.98.2). It was
alleged by Dio that Petronius Turpilianus deserted Nero’s cause (63.27.1a) but
Plutarch says the opposite (Galba 15.2,
17.3). Certainly Galba’s execution of
Petronius would confirm that he had never wavered in his loyalty to Nero. What Dio might be referring to is a rumor of
Petronius’s defection that caused Nero to assume he was defeated. His final despair may not have been that of a
maniac but a poorly informed emperor.
Nero
considered leaving Rome for Alexandria unaware that the loyalty of the prefect
Tiberius Alexander was wavering. The
Praetorian Prefect Nymphidius Sabinus, the new colleague of Tigellinus, suggested that Nero would need a
reliable guard in Egypt and convinced him to send his German guards
immediately. Thus, Nero sent away his
most reliable troops when he would need them most. The emperor’s own departure was set for June
9 or 10 and sent several freedmen to
Ostia to prepare the fleet for departure. In the meantime, Nero installed
himself in the Servilian Gardens on the left bank of the Tiber from where he
could make a discreet departure (Nero
47).
On
the afternoon of June 8, he sent for the tribunes and centurions of the
Praetorian Guard to inform them that they would accompany him to Egypt. Nymphidius had effectively turned the loyalty
of the guard against Nero and they were not willing to follow him. One of the officers quoted a line from the Aeneid: “Is it so great a misfortune to
die?” (12.645). Although Nero failed to
convince the Praetorians to accompany him but they remained loyal until he
fled. Then Nymphidius and Tigellinus declared the
Praetorians for Galba (Nero 47-48.2; Hist 1.5 Plut. Galba 2.2, 14.2).
The
crucial factor for Nero was the attitude of the Praetorians, not the revolt in
the provinces. He considered abdication
as long as he would be allowed to keep Egypt and contemplated an appeal to the plebs to forgive his past wrongs. But Nero put off a decision and went to
bed. At midnight, he awoke and was
surprised by the silence. After walking
about he discovered that the guards had deserted him. Terrified, he called for help and roused
Epaphroditus and Phaon along with several servants. Nero sent messengers to find a safe refuge
for him but none returned. Tired of
waiting, he went to the houses of some unnamed friends but was turned
away. While he was gone, the servants
ransacked the palace stealing anything of value. Nero gave some thought to committing suicide
by throwing himself into the Tiber but could not go through with the deed.
Phaon (who held the post of a rationibus)
suggested that the emperor could go to his country home some three or four
miles outside the city (Nero
48.1). The house was located on the
eastern side of Rome, which meant that the fugitives would have to traverse
close to Nero’s enemies. Nero took the
suggestion gladly and wearing only his night tunic, armed with two daggers,
rode off with Phaon, Epaphroditus and Sporus.
In
the meantime, Nymphidius called key senators who supported Galba to the
Praetorian camp; they wasted no time in declaring Nero a public enemy (Nero 49; Plut. Galba 15). Nero and his
party reached Phaon’s house and dismounted in a reedy area before they reached
the house itself and walked down a narrow path full of brambles. Because he was bare foot Nero walked step by
step on a cloak. Dio says that Nero was
recognized and hid off the road in a place full of reeds until daybreak,
fearful that someone was searching for him (63.28.1-2). On reaching the house, Nero and his party had
to jump the wall to avoid rousing Phaon’s servants. Apparently, the freedman could not trust his
servants from revealing Nero’s whereabouts. Nero, however, refused so a tunnel
had to be dug for him so he could crawl on his hands and knees to enter the
yard before Phaon’s house. Once there, a
makeshift bed was made for the emperor and he was given a coarse piece of bread
to eat but he could not swallow it. He
did drink from a pitcher of dirty water, commenting about his decocta as he drank. Dio reports Nero going to a cave where he
eats some bread and drinks a great deal of water. Having suffered through all the indignities
and ordeal of getting to Phaon’s house, his host now advised Nero to take his
own life rather than submit to the outrages that faced him. Epaphroditus voiced the same opinion. Nero felt trapped and resigned himself to
death asking that his head must not be severed from his body. He requested that a grave be dug for him and
as the work proceeded, he repeated: “What an artist dies with me!” (Nero 49).
While
Nero lamented his fate, a messenger arrived with a note for Phaon. Nero
snatched the letter and read that he had been declared a public enemy and would
be punished in the ancient fashion (Nero
49.2). One may wonder how this messenger
found his way to Phaon’s country villa and did not expect to find him with the
emperor at the Servilian Gardens.
Apparently, Phaon and Epaphroditus had defected along with Nymphidius to
Galba and led Nero into a trap where he could be taken without a problem. [2]
Nero asked what punishment was meant by the ancient style and was told he would
be stripped naked, held by the neck in a wooden form and beaten to death with
rods. At the news, Nero seized both
daggers he had brought but could not bring himself to use them, and asked that
one of his companions kill himself to set an example for him to follow.
Then,
the sound of galloping horses provided Nero with a bit of courage. He recalled a line from Homer: “The sound of
the swift-footed chargers strikes my ears” (Iliad
10.535) (Said by Nestor at the approach of Diomedes’ horses). He again seized the daggers and Epaphroditus
helped him stab himself in the throat with one of them. Dio relates that Nero stabbed himself and
while in agony was dispatched by Epaphroditus (63.29.3). In his final moments, Nero seemed to regain
his presence of mind. The centurion, who
had come on orders to arrest him, wanted to staunch the flow of blood with his
cloak. Nero refused saying bitterly:
“Too late. That is your loyalty.” The emperor died with his protruding eyes
fixed, filling all present with horror.
News
of the suicide of Nero spread quickly and a crowd of the curious came to
Phaon’s villa. The Praetorians kept them
back and admitted a few individuals to view the dead emperor. Acte somehow obtained permission to remove
Nero’s corpse and gave her former lover a funeral costing 200 thousand HS. His ashes were placed in the mausoleum of the
Domitii, near the Pincio, where the church of Santa Maria del Popolo stands
today.
Dio
of Prusa (21.9-10) noted that Nero’s end was mysterious, his presumed suicide
being witnessed by only a few, and there were those who thought he was still
alive and was hidden away. The private
funeral reinforced this idea. The Greek population longed for Nero to be alive
and some thought he would return from his hiding place. The myth that Nero had survived and was
hidden away until he could return was a manifestation of the admiration the
Greeks had for him. This notion was so
real that Christian writers came to regard Nero as the Anti-Christ: he was the
first to persecute the Christians and would be the last.
©
David A Wend 2003