The Jakarta Post, February 06, 2007
Conflict in Poso needs a permanent resolution
Rizal Sukma, Jakarta
When the Indonesian government signed a peace agreement with the Free Aceh
Movement in August 2005, the international community applauded it with a degree of
respect. When the peace process appeared to run smoothly, the nation was praised
as a democratizing country capable of resolving internal conflicts through democratic
and peaceful means. Through the peaceful resolution of conflict in Aceh, it
demonstrated to the world that peace is indeed possible in Indonesia.
That image, however, was somewhat tarnished when conflicts in Poso, Central
Sulawesi, began to resurface over the last two weeks. After a series of incidents that
appeared to be symptoms of sectarian conflicts in 2006, the conflict became more
complicated. Ansjad Mbai, the head of the antiterror desk at the Coordinating Ministry
for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, believes that violence in Poso is the work of
terrorists, especially those affiliated with Jamaah Islamiyah (JI). Vice President Jusuf
Kalla said the problem was caused by a struggle for power in the local administration.
Some politicians believe intensified conflicts in Poso were caused by a lack of
professionalism among police, which then triggered further resistance from citizens.
These politicians quickly pointed out that police, especially during the raid on Jan. 22,
used excessive force in trying to deal with the problem. This has included
indiscriminate, random assaults on civilians and arbitrary arrests. None have
considered the fact that police at the time were indeed confronted with violent
resistance from armed civilians.
In Poso, so we are told, a mixture of sectarian violence, terrorism, a lack of police
professionalism, and a political struggle among the elite has caused the problems
there. If this is true, then what the government faces in Poso is both a vertical conflict
(conflict between the state and elements of society) and a horizontal conflict (conflict
among different groups within the society). If that is the case, problems in Poso will
be far more difficult to resolve than those in Aceh.
Regardless of which version of the story one believes, it is evident the Poso problem
has not been resolved, despite government attempts to quell the conflict in 2001.
Indeed, it has now escalated into an even more complex problem.
Therefore, the government needs to move quickly, comprehensively and decisively to
bring an end to the Poso conflict. The search for a permanent resolution to the conflict
would achieve four strategic objectives at once.
First, and foremost, a peaceful resolution to conflicts in Poso would restore the
confidence of Poso's people in the government's ability to secure the basic human
rights of its citizens -- freedom from fear. The people of Poso have been living in fear
for years, and it is the responsibility of the government to bring an end to this. If the
government can do this, then the slogan "together we can" will make much more
sense.
Second, the resolution of the Poso conflict would strengthen the process of
democratic consolidation not only in the area but also in the country. For the people
of Poso, democracy is useless unless it can provide an efficient mechanism for
resolving their problems.
Third, a peaceful resolution to conflicts in Poso requires professional conduct by the
state's security apparatus. This could serve as a starting point for a review of police
reform. Reports of torture being used to extract confessions from detainees have been
quite disturbing. Without trying to corner police in their attempt to restore peace in
Poso, we also need to help them become a more professional civilian force.
Fourth, the government's success in peacefully resolving conflicts in Aceh was
recognized by the international community. It should replicate these efforts in Poso. If
the Poso conflict is resolved, Indonesia will continue to justifiably walk in the
international arena with pride, as a democratizing state capable of peacefully resolving
internal conflicts.
Such an image would be useful, as Indonesia is now trying to project itself once again
onto the international arena. As a new, non-permanent member of the United Nations
Security Council, Indonesia is still searching for a theme to bring to the prestigious
UN body. Its experience in reaching peaceful settlements to internal conflicts could
surely be one such theme. But, in order to be credible, the government must resolve
conflicts in Poso first.
Indeed, this is a difficult problem that demands special and uninterrupted attention
from the government. It needs a comprehensive plan for resolution. It requires
awareness that Indonesia's ability to resolve its domestic issues could determine how
other nations judge its ability to resolve international issues, such as in Palestine and
Iraq. If the nation fails to solve the Poso problem, while attempting to solve world
problems, it could become the laughing stock of the international community.
The writer is Deputy Executive Director of Center for Strategic and International
Studies (CSIS).
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